Academic literature on the topic 'Sex crimes – Zimbabwe – Case studies'

Learning about martial sex crimes against men has made me rethink some of my ideas about rape as a weapon of war and how to respond to it. Such crimes can be as racist as they are sexist and, in the case of male victims, may be quite simply racist.

This article was inspired by the controversy over claims of ‘pedophilia!!!!’ undertones and the ‘triggering’ of memories of childhood sexual abuse in some viewers by the dance performance featured in the music video for Sia’s ‘Elastic Heart’ (2015). The case is presented for acknowledging the hidden and/or overlooked presence of dance in social scientific theory and cultural studies and how these can enhance and advance cultural criminological research. Examples of how these insights have been used within other disciplinary frameworks to analyse and address child sex crime and sexual trauma are provided, and the argument is made that popular cultural texts such as dance in pop music videos should be regarded as significant in analysing and tracing public perceptions and epistemologies of crimes such as child sex abuse.

Within the large body of literature on racial/ethnic disparities in criminal sentencing, some research has demonstrated that these relationships are conditional upon various legally relevant case characteristics, including the type of offense for which the defendants are sentenced. To date, however, few studies have explored the potential moderating effects of different violent crimes. Using data from Florida ( N = 186,885), the findings from these analyses indicate that Black–White sentencing disparities are particularly pronounced for manslaughter, robbery/carjacking, arson, and resisting arrest with violence. While Hispanic ethnicity exerts limited effects on sentencing outcomes generally, Hispanics are particularly disadvantaged in manslaughter cases. Relative to minority defendants, White offenders receive harsher sentences for sexual battery, other sex offenses, and abuse of children.

Pavel A. Vasilyev – kandidat nauk (PhD) in Russian History, Postdoctoral Fellow, Polonsky Academy for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences, Van Leer Jerusalem Institute, Israel. Email: pavelv@vanleer.org.il This article builds on previous research on early Soviet female criminality, in particular the studies by Sharon A. Kowalsky and Dan Healey, that have demonstrated how Soviet courts and criminologists explained and handled crimes committed by females, revealing, in the process, profound ambiguities and contradictions in their attitudes towards women. However, unlike Kowalsky and Healey, I focus on an earlier period (1917–1922) and make extensive use of the under-researched archival collections of Petrograd’s local judicial institutions (People’s Courts), drawing on materials such as investigatory reports and court proceedings. Focusing on a 1919 criminal case from the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg (Tsentral’nyi gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Sankt-Peterburga, TsGA SPb) in particular, this paper argues that in the volatile setting of the early Soviet courtroom 'female criminality' was not a clear-cut concept, but rather a malleable product of intense negotiations that involved all legal actors and centered around the contested notions of female subjectivity, socialist ideology, and the material conditions of living. Employing quasi-theatrical language, I first introduce the protagonists and describe the background of this criminal case. Then, I look at the litigation strategies that the two main female defendants employed and the different ways in which they highlighted the material embeddedness of their emotions. Finally, I examine the expressions of remorse and reflect on their role in sentencing within the wider context of the ongoing Russian Civil War and the early Soviet legal reforms. By viewing 'female criminality' as a product of open-ended negotiations and by re-emphasizing the material conditions of revolutionary Petrograd, the article provides a new perspective on gender, crime and the administration of justice in that turbulent period.

Abstract.Background: In 1983 Kennet Lanning began his studies dealing with sexual rituals, and in 1985 there calls “Multidimensional Child Sex Rings” identifying features and modes (Lanning, 1992). In his studies Lanning (1992), describes the types of offences related to the dimension of ritual abuse by claiming that there is no clear evidence about some of these crimes. On the basis of those statements Weir and Wheatcroft (1995) list as possible by declaring a false ritual abuse and then of false memories, the suggestion of special interest about the growing psychotherapists induced ritual abuse and who believe in the existence of these crimes.This systematic review of the literature, in the light of subsequent events and subsequent updates of methodology aims to analyze the relationship between “Ritual Abuse” and the false memory that can appear during psychotherapy. Materials and Methods: This study was carried out using the PRISMA guidelines, by conducting a systematic search of the literature on PubMed, Scopus, ISI Web of Science, EBSCO, Google Scholar, and ScienceDirect. The following keywords used were “ritual abuse” “AND” (i.e., Boolean operator) “psychotherapy” combined with “AND” Boolean operator and “false memory”.Results: The initial search identified n = 167 citations. Only one research report met the predefined inclusion criteria and was analysed.Conclusion: In case of false memories in ritual abuse, it is necessary to implement the research activities to avoid that results obtained can be rejected by health professionals or by theories not scientifically. validatedKeywords: ritual abuse, psychotherapy, false memory.Riassunto.Background: Nel 1983 Kennet Lanning inizia i suoi studi occupandosi di abusi sessuali rituali, e nel 1985 lì definisce “Multidimensional Child Sex Rings” identificandone caratteristiche e modalità (Lanning, 1992). Nei suoi studi Lanning (1992), descrive le tipologie di reato connesse alla dimensione dell’abuso rituale sostenendo che non esistono prove certe in merito ad alcuni di questi reati. Sulla base di tali affermazioni Weir and Wheatcroft (1995) elencano come possibili ipotesi di generazione di falsi abusi rituali e quindi di falsi ricordi, la suggestione indotta di psicoterapeuti che coltivano speciali interessi circa gli abusi rituali e che credono nell’esistenza di questi crimini. La presente analisi sistematica della letteratura, alla luce dei successivi accadimenti e di successivi aggiornamenti metodologici ha lo scopo di analizzare la relazione tra “Abuso Rituale” ed il falso ricordo che può manifestarsi durante la psicoterapia. Materiali e Metodi: Tale studio è stato effettuato utilizzando le linee guida per l’utilizzo della metodología PRISMA, effettuando una ricerca sistematica su PubMed, Scopus, ISI Web of Science, EBSCO, Google Scholar e ScienceDirect. Le parole chiave utilizzate per la ricerca sono state “ritual abuse” “AND” (i.e. operatore Boleano) “psychotherapy” “AND” “false memory”.Risultati: Sono stati inizialmente trovati n = 167 records. Un solo articolo ha poi soddisfatto i criteri di inclusione ed è stato analizzati.Conclusioni: Nel caso delle false memorie negli abusi rituali, sembra necessario implementare l’attività di ricerca per evitare che qualsiasi risultato ottenuto possa essere contrastato dai professionisti della salute o da teorie non validate scientificamente.Parole chiave: abuso rituale, psicoterapia, false memorie.

AbstractField studies in Zimbabwe of the orientation of males of Glossina morsitans morsitans Westwood to decoy ‘females’ (9 × 3-mm rectangles of 2-mm thick brushed nylon, baited with sex pheromone, 15,19,23-trimethyl-heptatriacontane, and placed on a vertical, 1-m2 black cloth screen) demonstrated that (1) no olfactory response to air-borne pheromone was involved in the orientation of males to decoys, (2) the presence of decoys on a stationary screen did not increase the numbers of males landing on the screen, but they directed landings onto the decoys or the adjacent screen surface, (3) males did not differentiate between black or brown decoys, (4) males were more attracted to vertically oriented decoys on the screen surface than to decoys held away from the surface, and (5) males were more attracted to decoys at the centre of the screen than to decoys near the top or bottom edges. Points 1, 2 and 4 also applied in the case of G. pallidipes Austen using decoys dosed with its pheromone (13,23-dimethylpentatriacontane), but this species preferred black to brown decoys and showed less overt sexual activity than G. m. morsitans. Males of G. m. morsitans each removed 1–2μg of pheromone by contact with a decoy, leading to a gradual loss of the decoy's stimulatory power.

ABSTRACT Very few academic studies have been conducted that interrogate narratives around sex for drugs among the street children of the Harare Central Business District in the face of socio-economic challenges. Some of the challenges have been partly induced by the austerity era. The paper adopted the Ubuntu or unhu, child rights and child agency theories to under the realities of these children. Research findings ostensibly suggest that the street children of the Harare Central Business District espoused to sex for drugs in a context faced by myriad of socio-economic challenges. The sex for drugs demonstrate agency of the street children. The behaviours are also seen as thin agency given the limitedness of survival options of these children. Conversely, the sex for drugs among street children highlight the level of child rights violations prevalent on the streets of the Harare Central Business District. A qualitative research methodology punctuated by street ethnography approach was utilised to generate data for this paper. The paper concludes by lobbying and advocating for a child rights based approach in implementing programmes or projects for street children of Harare Central Business District.

ObjectiveTo conduct a field-based assessment of the malaria outbreak surveillance system in Mashonaland East, Zimbabwe.IntroductionInfectious disease outbreaks, such as the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, highlight the need for surveillance systems to quickly detect outbreaks and provide data to prevent future pandemics.1–3 The World Health Organization (WHO) developed the Joint External Evaluation (JEE) tool to conduct country-level assessments of surveillance capacity.4 However, considering that outbreaks begin and are first detected at the local level, national-level evaluations may fail to identify capacity improvements for outbreak detection. The gaps in local surveillance system processes illuminate a need for investment in on-the-ground surveillance improvements that may be lower cost than traditional surveillance improvement initiatives, such as enhanced training or strengthening data transfer mechanisms before building new laboratory facilities.5 To explore this premise, we developed a methodology for assessing surveillance systems with special attention to the local level and applied this methodology to the malaria outbreak surveillance system in Mashonaland East, Zimbabwe.MethodsIn a collaboration between the Zimbabwe Field Epidemiology Training Program and the University of Washington, an interview guide was developed based on the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) Updated Guidelines for Surveillance Evaluations and WHO’s JEE tool.4,6 The guide was tailored in country with input from key stakeholders from the Ministry of Health and Child Care and National Malaria Control Program. Interview guides included questions focused on outbreak detection, response, and control procedures, and surveillance system attributes (preparedness, data quality, timeliness, stability) and functionality (usefulness). The team utilized the tool to evaluate surveillance capacity in eleven clinics across two malaria-burdened districts of Mashonaland East, Mudzi and Goromonzi. Twenty-one interviews were conducted with key informants from the provincial (n=2), district (n=7), and clinic (n=12) levels. Main themes present in interviews were captured using standard qualitative data analysis methods.ResultsThe majority of key informants interviewed were nurses, nurse aids, or nurse officers (57%, 12/21). This evaluation identified clinic-level surveillance system barriers that may be driving malaria outbreak detection and response challenges. Clinics reported little opportunity for cross-training of staff, with 81% (17/21) mentioning that additional staff training support was needed. Only one clinic (10%, 1/11) had malaria emergency preparedness and response guidelines present, a resource recommended by the National Malaria Control Program for all clinics encountering malaria cases. A third of interviewees (33%, 7/21) reported having a standard protocol for validating malaria case data and 29% (6/21) reported challenges with data quality and validation, such as a duplication of case counts. While the surveillance system at all levels detects malaria outbreaks, clinics experience barriers to timely and reliable reporting of cases and outbreaks to the district level. Stability of resources, including transportation and staff capacity, presented barriers, with half (48%, 10/21) of interviewees reporting that their clinics were under-staffed. Additionally, the assessment revealed that the electronic case reporting system (a WHO-developed SMS application, Frontline) that is used to report malaria cases to the district was not functioning in either district, which was unknown at the provincial and national levels. To detect malaria outbreaks, clinics and districts use graphs showing weekly malaria case counts against threshold limit values (TLVs) based on historic five-year malaria case count averages; however, because TLVs are based on 5-year historic data, they are only relevant for clinics that have been in existence for at least five years. Only 30% (3/10) of interviewees asked about outbreak detection graphs reported that TLV graphs were up-to-date.ConclusionsThis surveillance assessment revealed several barriers to system performance at the clinic-level, including challenges with staff cross-training, data quality of malaria case counts, timeliness of updating outbreak detection graphs, stability of transportation, prevention, treatment, and human resources, and usefulness of TLVs for outbreak detection among new clinics. Strengthening these system barriers may improve staff readiness to detect and respond to malaria outbreaks, resulting in timelier outbreak response and decreased malaria mortality. This evaluation has some limitations. We interviewed key informants from a non-random sample covering 30% of all clinics in Mudzi and Goromonzi districts; thus, barriers identified may not be representative of all clinics in these districts. Secondly, evaluators did not interview individuals who may have been involved in outbreak detection and response but were not present at the clinic when interviews were conducted. Lastly, many of the evaluation indicators were based on self-reported information from key informants. Despite these limitations, convenience sampling is common to public health practice, and we reached a saturation of key informant themes with the 21 key informants included in this evaluation.7 By designing evaluation tools that focus on local-level knowledge and priorities, our assessment approach provides a framework for identifying and addressing gaps that may be overlooked when utilizing multi-national tools that evaluate surveillance capacity and improvement priorities at the national level.References1. World Health Organzation. International Health Regulations - Third Edition. Vol Third. Geneva, Switzerland; 2005. doi:10.1017/CBO9781107415324.004.2. Global Health Security Agenda. Implementing the Global Health Security Agenda: Progress and Impact from U.S. Government Investments.; 2018. https://www.ghsagenda.org/docs/default-source/default-document-library/global-health-security-agenda-2017-progress-and-impact-from-u-s-investments.pdf?sfvrsn=4.3. McNamara LA, Schafer IJ, Nolen LD, et al. Ebola Surveillance — Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. MMWR Suppl. 2016;65(3):35-43. doi:10.15585/mmwr.su6503a6.4. World Health Organization (WHO). Joint External Evaluation Tool: International Health Regulations (2005). Geneva; 2016. http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/204368/1/9789241510172_eng.pdf.5. Groseclose SL, Buckeridge DL. Public Health Surveillance Systems: Recent Advances in Their Use and Evaluation. Annu Rev Public Health. 2017;38(1):57-79. doi:10.1146/annurev-publhealth-031816-044348.6. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Updated guidelines for evaluating public health surveillance systems: recommendations from the guidelines working group. MWWR. 2001;50(No. RR-13).7. Dworkin SL. Sample size policy for qualitative studies using in-depth interviews. Arch Sex Behav. 2012;41(6):1319-1320. doi:10.1007/s10508-012-0016-6.

Probably the most (in)famous Australian teenager of recent times, now-17-year-old Kim Duthie—better known as the “St Kilda Schoolgirl”—first came to public attention when she posted naked pictures of two prominent St Kilda Australian Football League (AFL) players on Facebook. She claimed to be seeking revenge on the players’ teammate for getting her pregnant. This turned out to be a lie. Duthie also claimed that 47-year-old football manager Ricky Nixon gave her drugs and had sex with her. She then said this was a lie, then that she lied about lying. That she lied at least twice is clear, and in doing so, she arguably reinforced the pervasive myth that women are prone to lie about rape and sexual abuse. Precisely what occurred, and why Duthie posted the naked photographs will probably never be known. However, it seems clear that Duthie felt herself wronged. Can she therefore be held entirely to blame for the way she went about seeking redress from a group of men with infinitely more power than she—socially, financially and (in terms of the priority given to elite football in Australian society) culturally? The many judgements passed on Duthie’s behaviour in the media highlight the crucial, seldom-discussed issue of how problematic behaviour on the part of women might reinforce patriarchal norms. This is a particularly sensitive issue in the context of a spate of alleged sexual assaults committed by elite Australian footballers over the past decade. Given that representations of alleged rape cases in the media and elsewhere so often position women as blameworthy for their own mistreatment and abuse, the question of whether or not women can and should be held accountable in certain situations is particularly fraught. By exploring media representations of one of these complex scenarios, we consider how the issue of “complicity” might be understood in a rape culture. In doing so, we employ Auschwitz survivor Primo Levi’s highly influential concept of the “grey zone,” which signifies a complex and ambiguous realm that challenges both judgement and representation. Primo Levi’s “Grey Zone,” Patriarchy and the Problem of Judgement In his essay titled “The Grey Zone” (published in 1986), Levi is chiefly concerned with Jewish prisoners in the Nazi-controlled camps and ghettos who obtained “privileged” positions in order to prolong their survival. Reflecting on the inherently complex power relations in such extreme settings, Levi positions the “grey zone” as a metaphor for moral ambiguity: a realm with “ill-defined outlines which both separate and join the two camps of masters and servants. [The ‘grey zone’] possesses an incredibly complicated internal structure, and contains within itself enough to confuse our need to judge” (27). According to Levi, an examination of the scenarios and experiences that gave rise to the “grey zone” requires a rejection of the black-and-white binary opposition(s) of “friend” and “enemy,” “good” and “evil.” While Levi unequivocally holds the perpetrators of the Holocaust responsible for their actions, he warns that one should suspend judgement of victims who were entrapped in situations of moral ambiguity and “compromise.” However, recent scholarship on the representation of “privileged” Jews in Levi’s writings and elsewhere has identified a “paradox of judgement”: namely, that even if moral judgements of victims in extreme situations should be suspended, such judgements are inherent in the act of representation, and are therefore inevitable (see Brown). While the historical specificity of Levi’s reflections must be kept in mind, the corruptive influences of power at the core of the “grey zone”—along with the associated problems of judgement and representation—are clearly far more prevalent in human nature and experience than the Holocaust alone. Levi’s “grey zone” has been appropriated by scholars in the fields of Holocaust studies (Petropoulos and Roth xv-xviii), philosophy (Todorov 262), law (Luban 161–76), history (Cole 248–49), theology (Roth 53–54), and popular culture (Cheyette 226–38). Significantly, Claudia Card (The Atrocity Paradigm, “Groping through Gray Zones” 3–26) has recently applied Levi’s concept to the field of feminist philosophy. Indeed, Levi’s questioning of whether or not one can—or should—pass judgement on the behaviour of Holocaust victims has considerable relevance to the divisive issue of how women’s involvement in/with patriarchy is represented in the media. Expanding or intentionally departing from Levi’s ideas, many recent interpretations of the “grey zone” often misunderstand the historical specificity of Levi’s reflections. For instance, while applying Levi’s concept to the effects of patriarchy and domestic violence on women, Lynne Arnault makes the problematic statement that “in order to establish the cruelty and seriousness of male violence against women as women, feminists must demonstrate that the experiences of victims of incest, rape, and battering are comparable to those of war veterans, prisoners of war, political prisoners, and concentration camp inmates” (183, n.9). It is important to stress here that it is not our intention to make direct parallels between the Holocaust and patriarchy, or between “privileged” Jews and women (potentially) implicated in a rape culture, but to explore the complexity of power relations in society, what behaviour eventuates from these, and—most crucial to our discussion here—how such behaviour is handled in the mass media. Aware of the problem of making controversial (and unnecessary) comparisons, Card (“Women, Evil, and Gray Zones” 515) rightly stresses that her aim is “not to compare suffering or even degrees of evil but to note patterns in the moral complexity of choices and judgments of responsibility.” Card uses the notion of the “Stockholm Syndrome,” citing numerous examples of women identifying with their torturers after having been abused or held hostage over a prolonged period of time—most (in)famously, Patricia Hearst. While the medical establishment has responded to cases of women “suffering” from “Stockholm Syndrome” by absolving them from any moral responsibility, Card writes that “we may have a morally gray area in some cases, where there is real danger of becoming complicit in evildoing and where the captive’s responsibility is better described as problematic than as nonexistent” (“Women, Evil, and Gray Zones” 511). Like Levi, Card emphasises that issues of individual agency and moral responsibility are far from clear-cut. At the same time, a full awareness of the oppressive environment—in the context that this paper is concerned with, a patriarchal social system—must be accounted for. Importantly, the examples Card uses differ significantly from the issue of whether or not some women can be considered “complicit” in a rape culture; nevertheless, similar obstacles to understanding problematic situations exist here, too. In the context of a rape culture, can women become, to use Card’s phrase, “instruments of oppression”? And if so, how is their controversial behaviour to be understood and represented? Crucially, Levi’s reflections on the “grey zone” were primarily motivated by his concern that most historical and filmic representations “trivialised” the complexity of victim experiences by passing simplistic judgements. Likewise, the representation of sexual assault cases in the Australian mass media has often left much to be desired. Representing Sexual Assault: Australian Football and the Media A growing literature has critiqued the sexual culture of elite football in Australia—one in which women are reportedly treated with disdain, positioned as objects to be used and discarded. At least 20 distinct cases, involving more than 55 players and staff, have been reported in the media, with the majority of these incidents involving multiple players. Reports indicate that such group sexual encounters are commonplace for footballers, and the women who participate in sexual practices are commonly judged, even in the sports scholarship, as “groupies” and “sluts” who are therefore responsible for anything that happens to them, including rape (Waterhouse-Watson, “Playing Defence” 114–15; “(Un)reasonable Doubt”). When the issue of footballers and sexual assault was first debated in the Australian media in 2004, football insiders from both Australian rules and rugby league told the media of a culture of group sex and sexual behaviour that is degrading to women, even when consensual (Barry; Khadem and Nancarrow 4; Smith 1; Weidler 4). The sexual “culture” is marked by a discourse of abuse and objectification, in which women are cast as “meat” or a “bun.” Group sex is also increasingly referred to as “chop up,” which codes the practice itself as an act of violence. It has been argued elsewhere that footballers treating women as sexual objects is effectively condoned through the mass media (Waterhouse-Watson, “All Women Are Sluts” passim). The “Code of Silence” episode of ABC television program Four Corners, which reignited the debate in 2009, was even more explicit in portraying footballers’ sexual practices as abusive, presenting rape testimony from three women, including “Clare,” who remains traumatised following a “group sex” incident with rugby league players in 2002. Clare testifies that she went to a hotel room with prominent National Rugby League (NRL) players Matthew Johns and Brett Firman. She says that she had sex with Johns and Firman, although the experience was unpleasant and they treated her “like a piece of meat.” Subsequently, a dozen players and staff members from the team then entered the room, uninvited, some through the bathroom window, expecting sex with Clare. Neither Johns nor Firman has denied that this was the case. Clare went to the police five days later, saying that professional rugby players had raped her, although no charges were ever laid. The program further includes psychiatrists’ reports, and statements from the police officer in charge of the case, detailing the severe trauma that Clare suffered as a result of what the footballers called “sex.” If, as “Code of Silence” suggests, footballers’ practices of group sex are abusive, whether the woman consents or not, then it follows that such a “gang-bang culture” may in turn foster a rape culture, in which rape is more likely than in other contexts. And yet, many women insist that they enjoy group sex with footballers (Barry; Drill 86), complicating issues of consent and the degradation of women. Feminist rape scholarship documents the repetitive way in which complainants are deemed to have “invited” or “caused” the rape through their behaviour towards the accused or the way they were dressed: defence lawyers, judges (Larcombe 100; Lees 85; Young 442–65) and even talk show hosts, ostensibly aiming to expose the problem of rape (Alcoff and Gray 261–64), employ these tactics to undermine a victim’s credibility and excuse the accused perpetrator. Nevertheless, although no woman can be in any way held responsible for any man committing sexual assault, or other abuse, it must be acknowledged that women who become in some way implicated in a rape culture also assist in maintaining that culture, highlighting a “grey zone” of moral ambiguity. How, then, should these women, who in some cases even actively promote behaviour that is intrinsic to this culture, be perceived and represented? Charmyne Palavi, who appeared on “Code of Silence,” is a prime example of such a “grey zone” figure. While she stated that she was raped by a prominent footballer, Palavi also described her continuing practice of setting up footballers and women for casual sex through her Facebook page, and pursuing such encounters herself. This raises several problems of judgement and representation, and the issue of women’s sexual freedom. On the one hand, Palavi (and all other women) should be entitled to engage in any consensual (legal) sexual behaviour that they choose. But on the other, when footballers’ frequent casual sex is part of a culture of sexual abuse, there is a danger of them becoming complicit in, to use Card’s term, “evildoing.” Further, when telling her story on “Code of Silence,” Palavi hints that there is an element of increased risk in these situations. When describing her sexual encounters with footballers, which she states are “on her terms,” she begins, “It’s consensual for a start. I’m not drunk or on drugs and it’s in, [it] has an element of class to it. Do you know what I mean?” (emphasis added). If it is necessary to define sex “on her terms” as consensual, this implies that sometimes casual “sex” with footballers is not consensual, or that there is an increased likelihood of rape. She also claims to have heard about several incidents in which footballers she knows sexually abused and denigrated, if not actually raped, other women. Such an awareness of what may happen clearly does not make Palavi a perpetrator of abuse, but neither can her actions (such as “setting up” women with footballers using Facebook) be considered entirely separate. While one may argue, following Levi’s reflections, that judgement of a “grey zone” figure such as Palavi should be suspended, it is significant that Four Corners’s representation of Palavi makes implicit and simplistic moral judgements. The introduction to Palavi follows the story of “Caroline,” who states that first-grade rugby player Dane Tilse broke into her university dormitory room and sexually assaulted her while she slept. Caroline indicates that Tilse left when he “picked up that [she] was really stressed.” Following this story, the program’s reporter and narrator Sarah Ferguson introduces Palavi with, “If some young footballers mistakenly think all women want to have sex with them, Charmyne Palavi is one who doesn’t necessarily discourage the idea.” As has been argued elsewhere (Waterhouse-Watson, “Framing the Victim”), this implies that Palavi is partly responsible for players holding this mistaken view. By implication, she therefore encouraged Tilse to assume that Caroline would want to have sex with him. Footage is then shown of Palavi and her friends “applying the finishing touches”—bronzing their legs—before going to meet footballers at a local hotel. The lighting is dim and the hand-held camerawork rough. These techniques portray the women as artificial and “cheap,” techniques that are also employed in a remarkably similar fashion in the documentary Footy Chicks (Barry), which follows three women who seek out sex with footballers. In response to Ferguson’s question, “What’s the appeal of those boys though?” Palavi repeats several times that she likes footballers mainly because of their bodies. This, along with the program’s focus on the women as instigators of sex, positions Palavi as something of a predator (she was widely referred to as a “cougar” following the program). In judging her “promiscuity” as immoral, the program implies she is partly responsible for her own rape, as well as acts of what can be termed, at the very least, sexual abuse of other women. The problematic representation of Palavi raises the complex question of how her “grey zone” behaviour should be depicted without passing trivialising judgements. This issue is particularly fraught when Four Corners follows the representation of Palavi’s “nightlife” with her accounts of footballers’ acts of sexual assault and abuse, including testimony that a well-known player raped Palavi herself. While Ferguson does not explicitly question the veracity of Palavi’s claim of rape, her portrayal is nevertheless largely unsympathetic, and the way the segment is edited appears to imply that she is blameworthy. Ferguson recounts that Palavi “says she was able to put [being raped] out of her mind, and it certainly didn’t stop her pursuing other football players.” This might be interpreted a positive statement about Palavi’s ability to move on from a rape; however, the tone of Ferguson’s authoritative voiceover is disapproving, which instead implies negative judgement. As the program makes clear, Palavi continues to organise sexual encounters between women and players, despite her knowledge of the “dangers,” both to herself and other women. Palavi’s awareness of the prevalence of incidents of sexual assault or abuse makes her position a problematic one. Yet her controversial role within the sexual culture of elite Australian football is complicated even further by the fact that she herself is disempowered (and her own allegation of being raped delegitimised) by the simplistic ideas about “assault” and “consent” that dominate social discourse. Despite this ambiguity, Four Corners constructs Palavi as more of a perpetrator of abuse than a victim—not even a victim who is “morally compromised.” Although we argue that careful consideration must be given to the issue of whether moral judgements should be applied to “grey zone” figures like Palavi, the “solution” is far from simple. No language (or image) is neutral or value-free, and judgements are inevitable in any act of representation. In his essay on the “grey zone,” Levi raises the crucial point that the many (mis)understandings of figures of moral ambiguity and “compromise” partly arise from the fact that the testimony and perspectives of these figures themselves is often the last to be heard—if at all (50). Nevertheless, an article Palavi published in Sydney tabloid The Daily Telegraph (19) demonstrates that such testimony can also be problematic and only complicate matters further. Palavi’s account begins: If you believed Four Corners, I’m supposed to be the NRL’s biggest groupie, a wannabe WAG who dresses up, heads out to clubs and hunts down players to have sex with… what annoys me about these tags and the way I was portrayed on that show is the idea I prey on them like some of the starstruck women I’ve seen out there. (emphasis added) Palavi clearly rejects the way Four Corners constructed her as a predator; however, rather than rejecting this stereotype outright, she reinscribes it, projecting it onto other “starstruck” women. Throughout her article, Palavi reiterates (other) women’s allegedly predatory behaviour, continually portraying the footballers as passive and the women as active. For example, she claims that players “like being contacted by girls,” whereas “the girls use the information the players put on their [social media profiles] to track them down.” Palavi’s narrative confirms this construction of men as victims of women’s predatory actions, lamenting the sacking of Johns following “Code of Silence” as “disgusting.” In the context of alleged sexual assault, the “predatory woman” stereotype is used in place of the raped woman in order to imply that sexual assault did not occur; hence Palavi’s problematic discourse arguably reinforces sexist attitudes. But can Palavi be considered complicit in validating this damaging stereotype? Can she be blamed for working within patriarchal systems of representation, of which she has also been a victim? The preceding analysis shows judgement to be inherent in the act of representation. The paucity of language is particularly acute when dealing with such extreme situations. Indeed, the language used to explore this issue in the present article cannot escape terminology that is loaded with meaning(s), which quotation marks can perhaps only qualify so far. Conclusion This paper does not claim to provide definitive answers to such complex dilemmas, but rather to highlight problems in addressing the sensitive issues of ambiguity and “complicity” in women’s interactions with patriarchal systems, and how these are represented in the mass media. Like the controversial behaviour of teenager Kim Duthie described earlier, Palavi’s position throws the problems of judgement and representation into disarray. There is no simple solution to these problems, though we do propose that these “grey zone” figures be represented in a self-reflexive, nuanced manner by explicitly articulating questions of responsibility rather than making simplistic judgements that implicitly lessen perpetrators’ culpability. Levi’s concept of the “grey zone” helps elucidate the fraught issue of women’s potential complicity in a rape culture, a subject that challenges both understanding and representation. Despite participating in a culture that promotes the abuse, denigration, and humiliation of women, the roles of women like Palavi cannot in any way be conflated with the roles of the perpetrators of sexual assault. These and other “grey zones” need to be constantly rethought and renegotiated in order to develop a fuller understanding of human behaviour. References Alcoff, Linda Martin, and Laura Gray. “Survivor Discourse: Transgression or Recuperation.” Signs 18.2 (1993): 260–90. Arnault, Lynne S. “Cruelty, Horror, and the Will to Redemption.” Hypatia 18.2 (2003): 155–88. Barry, Rebecca. Footy Chicks. Dir. Rebecca Barry. Australia: SBS Television, off-air recording, 2006. Benedict, Jeff. Public Heroes, Private Felons: Athletes and Crimes against Women. Boston: Northeastern UP, 1997. Benedict, Jeff. Athletes and Acquaintance Rape. Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, 1998. Brison, Susan J. Aftermath: Violence and the Remaking of a Self. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2002. Brown, Adam. “Beyond ‘Good’ and ‘Evil’: Breaking Down Binary Oppositions in Holocaust Representations of ‘Privileged’ Jews.” History Compass 8.5 (2010): 407–18. ———. “Confronting ‘Choiceless Choices’ in Holocaust Videotestimonies: Judgement, ‘Privileged’ Jews, and the Role of the Interviewer.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Communication Studies, Special Issue: Interrogating Trauma: Arts & Media Responses to Collective Suffering 24.1 (2010): 79–90. ———. “Marginalising the Marginal in Holocaust Films: Fictional Representations of Jewish Policemen.” Limina: A Journal of Historical and Cultural Studies 15 (2009). 14 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.limina.arts.uwa.edu.au/previous/vol11to15/vol15/ibpcommended?f=252874›. ———. “‘Privileged’ Jews, Holocaust Representation and the ‘Limits’ of Judgement: The Case of Raul Hilberg.” Ed. Evan Smith. Europe’s Expansions and Contractions: Proceedings of the XVIIth Biennial Conference of the Australasian Association of European Historians (Adelaide, July 2009). Unley: Australian Humanities Press, 2010: 63–86. ———. “The Trauma of ‘Choiceless Choices’: The Paradox of Judgement in Primo Levi’s ‘Grey Zone.’” Trauma, Historicity, Philosophy. Ed. Matthew Sharpe. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2007: 121–40. ———. “Traumatic Memory and Holocaust Testimony: Passing Judgement in Representations of Chaim Rumkowski.” Colloquy: Text, Theory, Critique, 15 (2008): 128–44. Card, Claudia. The Atrocity Paradigm: A Theory of Evil. New York: Oxford UP, 2002. ———. “Groping through Gray Zones.” On Feminist Ethics and Politics. Ed. Claudia Card. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999: 3–26. ———. “Women, Evil, and Gray Zones.” Metaphilosophy 31.5 (2000): 509–28. Cheyette, Bryan. “The Uncertain Certainty of Schindler’s List.” Spielberg’s Holocaust: Critical Perspectives on Schindler’s List. Ed. Yosefa Loshitzky. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1997: 226–38. “Code of Silence.” Four Corners. Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). Australia, 2009. Cole, Tim. Holocaust City: The Making of a Jewish Ghetto. New York: Routledge, 2003. Drill, Stephen. “Footy Groupie: I Am Not Ashamed.” Sunday Herald Sun, 24 May 2009: 86. Gavey, Nicola. Just Sex? The Cultural Scaffolding of Rape. East Sussex: Routledge, 2005. Khadem, Nassim, and Kate Nancarrow. “Doing It for the Sake of Your Mates.” Sunday Age, 21 Mar. 2004: 4. Larcombe, Wendy. Compelling Engagements: Feminism, Rape Law and Romance Fiction. Sydney: Federation Press, 2005. Lees, Sue. Ruling Passions. Buckingham: Open UP, 1997. Levi, Primo. The Drowned and the Saved. Translated by Raymond Rosenthal. London: Michael Joseph, 1986. Luban, David. “A Man Lost in the Gray Zone.” Law and History Review 19.1 (2001): 161–76. Masters, Roy. Bad Boys: AFL, Rugby League, Rugby Union and Soccer. Sydney: Random House Australia, 2006. Palavi, Charmyne. “True Confessions of a Rugby League Groupie.” Daily Telegraph 19 May 2009: 19. Petropoulos, Jonathan, and John K. Roth, eds. Gray Zones: Ambiguity and Compromise in the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. New York: Berghahn, 2005. Roth, John K. “In Response to Hannah Holtschneider.” Fire in the Ashes: God, Evil, and the Holocaust. Eds. David Patterson and John K. Roth. Seattle: U of Washington P, 2005: 50–54. Smith, Wayne. “Gang-Bang Culture Part of Game.” The Australian 6 Mar. 2004: 1. Todorov, Tzvetan. Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps. Translated by Arthur Denner and Abigail Pollack. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1991. Waterhouse-Watson, Deb. “All Women Are Sluts: Australian Rules Football and Representations of the Feminine.” Australian Feminist Law Journal 27 (2007): 155–62. ———. “Framing the Victim: Sexual Assault and Australian Footballers on Television.” Australian Feminist Studies (2011, in press). ———. “Playing Defence in a Sexual Assault ‘Trial by Media’: The Male Footballer’s Imaginary Body.” Australian Feminist Law Journal 30 (2009): 109–29. ———. “(Un)reasonable Doubt: Narrative Immunity for Footballers against Allegations of Sexual Assault.” M/C Journal 14.1 (2011). Weidler, Danny. “Players Reveal Their Side of the Story.” Sun Herald 29 Feb. 2004: 4. Young, Alison. “The Waste Land of the Law, the Wordless Song of the Rape Victim.” Melbourne University Law Review 2 (1998): 442–65.

1997 was a bad year for celebrities. Deng Xiao Ping and Mother Teresa died of old age, Gianni Versace was shot, Princess Diana killed in a car accident, John Denver's plane crashed, Michael Hutchence hung himself and Sonny Bono died in a skiing accident. In each case, the essence of the news story is the extinguishment of life and the consequent extinction of the body. So-called journalism ethics usually prevent photographs of dead bodies (especially when mutilated). However, recently we saw, on the front page of The Courier-Mail, an unnamed Albanian lying in a pool of blood with a clear bullet wound in his head; the lack of photographs of dead celebrities' bodies is therefore political as much as it is influenced by the editors' sense of propriety. Live celebrities fulfil a particular function; what, then, are their bodies made to do in death? I. Versace / Cunanan Gianni Versace was shot on the front steps of his Miami mansion in July 1997, after a morning walk to the local cafe for magazines and coffee. He received two bullets in the head and was pronounced dead on arrival at the local hospital. Ten stories in four magazines carried only two small photographs of paramedics attending Versace on a gurney, despite its obvious newsworthiness. Live Versace is surprisingly absent from the accompanying photographs, where he appears alone, with celebrities or with family (including his lover) just 15 times in 68 photographs. Intriguingly, Versace's body is similarly expunged from the texts. The word 'body' itself also only appears twice in relation to Versace; only one report mentions his cremation and his ashes' return to Italy. Versace's blood, spilling down the steps, appeared much more frequently (textual references plus photos: n=15). Most magazines reported a fan who tore Versace ads from a magazine and sopped them in the designer's blood, but there are no photos of this bizarre act. At no point does any article actually describe Versace as homosexual, although most note that when he was ill in 1996, the press assumed he had HIV/AIDS (in fact, it was cancer). His lover, D'Amico, only appears twice and is only once referred to as such; elsewhere he is a 'companion', 'life partner' and even 'significant other'. What Versace did have, frequently discussed in safe monetary terms, was his business -- a respectable living entity accessible through, importantly, the discourse of family. Anxiety about the continued survival of the eponymous body corporate partially covers the extinction of Versace's fleshly body. So where is Versace's body? The photograph tally gives us an important clue: his alleged murderer, Andrew Cunanan, appears in more photographs (n=16) than the celebrity victim. Importantly, although they supposedly met at an opera, any link between Versace and Cunanan is implied only by the proximity of descriptions of their respective lives. Some texts explicitly suggest the opposite (Time 32): "yet Versace in mid-life, it turns out, was a tempered bon-vivant, a high-glitz homebody. He remarked, 'You can go to a restaurant if you want, but things are always better at home.'" Cunanan's perverse body permeates the texts, too. All stories decribed his career as a "worthy companion" to older, wealthy gay men; all mention his mother's incorrect claim that he was a prostitute. There were 29 references to his preference for "kinky sex" and bondage gear found in his apartment and 41 to a mythical "gay lifestyle" (including references to the "gay scene", "gay bars", "gay hangouts", his alleged work as a gigolo and so on). A suggestion that he might have been HIV-positive (later disproved) also occurred repeatedly. New Weekly devoted its coverage entirely to Cunanan, purporting (however inaccurately) to explain "the lust for fame and rich men that perverted" him (cover); it alone asserted Cunanan had worked as a transsexual prostitute. Increasing Cunanan's apparent perversion were repeated stories that he did this to support a wife and child. Cunanan's sexuality is directly associated with his crimes (see also Crowley): variations on the word 'killer' ('assassin', 'murderer', 'gunman') appear as many times as references to 'kinky' sex. Versace, on the other hand, becomes corporeal; he exists in terms of money, his family, and, finally, in terms of death (passive and active variations of that noun appeared 58 times). In life, Versace's (gay) body was transgressive; in death it was mutilated. By leaving the (transgressive, dead) body out altogether, Versace's narrative became a prosocial tale of capitalist success, a handsome, benign family man destroyed by the 'evil' of a perverted gay lifestyle (Crowley). II. Michael Hutchence Michael Hutchence hung himself -- accidentally or deliberately -- on the door-closing mechanism in his hotel room in November 1997. There are, of course, no photographs of his corpse. However, unlike Versace, Hutchence's body is liberally scattered throughout the text. Direct references to it appear 12 times, including three to his "naked body". We are told in every story that Paula spent 20 minutes alone in the Glebe morgue with his "body". References to his sexuality are also prominent, with variations on the theme (for example, "Michael Hutchence was sex on a stick" -- NW 23) appearing 30 times overall. There were articles on "his harem", featuring photographs of various girlfriends over the years, and Yates's description of his as "the Taj Mahal of crotches" appears repeatedly. Evidently, excessive heterosexuality is more acceptable than transgressive sex. This is quite clear from the determined "suicide" narrative. The British tabloids suggested that Hutchence died practicing autoerotic asphyxiation, a not inconceivable claim, given that some 1000 American men die annually of this practice (see Garos) and in light of Hutchence's apparently overwhelming sexuality. Australian magazines, however, only mentioned that possibility three times in 23 articles from 7 magazines. The assumed fact of suicide was mentioned (directly and euphemistically) 30 times. Suicide is apparently more acceptable than autoeroticism, and it certainly "fits" the Hutchence narrative. The only reason offered for Hutchence's apparently perplexing suicide was despair over the enforced separation from his family. Family is overwhelmingly important in the Hutchence narrative. Photographs of him with Paula and their daughter Tiger Lily, or Paula's and Geldof's three daughters, appear 25 times -- more than Hutchence appears alone (n=21). The total number of photographs of Hutchence with other people only amounts to 27, despite his high-profile career and high-profile lovelife for 18 years before he met Yates. Yates is Hutchence's "lover" more often than D'Amico was Versace's, but she was also his "soulmate", his "girlfriend" and, most often, "the mother of his child". Mention of Hutchence's familial role -- 'daughter/s', 'father/hood', 'dad', 'family' and so on -- appear 44 times. (The only comparable frequency is variations on 'death' such as 'died' or 'dead', not including references to suicide.) This, then, is where Hutchence is recuperated -- the excessive sexuality which, unsaid, may well have led to his death -- disappears completely in family life. Live Hutchence was a sexual wildcard; dead Hutchence is a role model of responsible domesticity. III. Mother Teresa Unlike Versace or Hutchence, Mother Teresa's body caused no trouble when it was alive, and, conveniently, wasn't mangled in death. Six of fifteen photos of her were of her dead body, including a close-up enlarged across two A4 pages. Also included are photos of people holding photos of her, which fits Wark's suggestion that re-presentation helps to create godliness (26). (Interestingly, Diana was the only other 1997 death treated the same way, confirming Frow's point that some deaths are qualitatively different and providing a point for further analysis.) There are photographs of people touching Teresa, and this is mentioned in the text (n=6) more times than her dead body itself (n=3). Interestingly, the fact that she died of a heart attack is nearly absent from the accounts (n=2), although her metaphorical heart looms large (n=9). It is the only part of her live body which was narratively significant. One reason that Mother Teresa's dead body is able to be present, in both pictures and photos, is that her flesh did not need to be replaced with pro-social narrative. Instead, her (tiny) body in life did what society wants women's bodies always to do: she was not just Mother Teresa, but a 'mother' to us all (n=8), chaste (n=3), and always described with diminishing adjectives (n=14). There was none of that pesky female sexuality to deal with, though gender was undeniably significant (she was described as "a woman" 11 times), and of course, it is there in her very name (shortened often to Mother, rather than to 'Teresa' -- she was a role, not a person). The only discourse more powerful -- and intimately connected -- is saintliness (n=38). The sexless (selfless), tiny, maternal body can be displayed, in death, as an icon of the good female. IV. Conclusion In their lifetimes, Michael Hutchence and Gianni Versace both displayed transgressive sexual personae, Hutchence's being excessive and Versace's being 'wrong'. In death, the media deals with this, unsurprisingly, by replacing the now absent bodies with a pro-social narrative. This is taking Foucault's proposition that the body is ultimately the site where ideology is practiced to a whole new realm, since ideology was forced to wait till the bodies stopped to reclaim them for its own. It also reinforces the sense that a "free" (live) body is somehow beyond ideology (Hutchence was apparently practicing just this when he died). Soon after Versace, Diana's death prompted stories of why the good die young (Bulletin 23 Sep. 97, 71-2). However, this article shows that, patently, the good live to 87 and those who die young often don't "come good" until they die. References Becker, Karin E. "Photojournalism and the Tabloid Press." Journalism and Popular Culture. Eds. Peter Dahlgren and Colin Sparks. London: Sage, 1993. 130-153. Crowley, Harry. "'Homocidal Homosexual': Media Coverage of the Versace Murder Case." The Advocate 741 (2 Sep. 1997): 24+. Frow, John. "Is Elvis a God? Cult, Culture, Questions of Method." International Journal of Cultural Studies 1.2 (1998): 197-210. Garos, Sheila. "Autoerotic Asphyxiation: A Challenge to Death Educators and Counselors." Omega -- The Journal of Death and Dying (Farmingdale) 28.2 (Feb. 1994): 85-100. Wark, Mckenzie. "Elvis: Listen to the Loss." Art and Text 31 (Dec.-Feb. 1989): 24-28. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Rebecca Farley. "The Word Made Flesh: Media Coverage of Dead Celebrities." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.3 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9905/dead.php>. Chicago style: Rebecca Farley, "The Word Made Flesh: Media Coverage of Dead Celebrities," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 3 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9905/dead.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Rebecca Farley. (1999) The word made flesh: media coverage of dead celebrities. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(3). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9905/dead.php> ([your date of access]).

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.

There is a growing body of research on sexual citizenship that focuses attention on gender and which bridges the gap between public and private life in order to rethink citizenship from a feminist perspective. This is in contrast to understandings of citizenship that promote policies of sexual regulation and a heteronormative ideal of citizenship. My research takes the form of a qualitative case study. Using data from two focus group discussions, fifteen personal diaries, as well as social media posts, I analyse participation in the Silent Protest, an annual anti-rape protest, through the lens of sexual citizenship. I look at how participation in the protest promotes or inhibits inclusive and process-based understandings of sexual violence and sexualities issues. Data were analysed using thematic analysis and the results of the analysis are presented into two parts. The first part of the analysis discusses the politics of affect and witnessing as two processes through which allies’ understandings of sexual violence are shaped. The second part of analysis shows that the Silent Protest contributes to people’s knowledge and understandings of sexual violence in relation to sexualities in a range of ways. Examples of inclusive understandings are: (1) insights about rape in relation to gender and heteronormative inequalities, culture and patriarchal dominance; (2) understanding of critical sexual citizenship in relation to sexual violence; and (3) understanding of politics of recognition (the need for recognition of the importance of safe spaces for formal and informal support for victim-survivors and recognition of victim-survivors’ identities). However, some of the understandings are limited to emotion and affect dynamics. In some ways, therefore, the Silent Protest fails to promote understandings significant to inclusive citizenship, including understandings of entitlements to non-discriminatory sexual health care services and legal services.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Tertiary institutions worldwide as well as locally have investigated sexual harassment on their campuses. This was done partly because of the negative consequences of sexual harassment on students and staff, particularly their work performance. Incidents of sexual harassment reported at universities range from rape and sexual assault to threats and sexist remarks by lecturers. When researching this phenomenon, difficulty is normally encountered partly due to the uncertainty that surrounds this activity. This is because perceptions differ as to what kind of conduct constitutes sexual harassment. Research further indicates that there are gender and racial differences in the assessment of sexual harassment. The current study investigates the uncertainty, gender and racial differences that exist regarding sexual harassment at a specific university campus. By means of a survey the perceptions of students regarding these three issues were determined at the Faculty of Military Science, a satellite campus of the University of Stellenbosch. With the utilisation of statistlcal packages, frequencies and statistical differences amongst the various sub-groups at the campus were determined. This was done in order to compare these findings with those of other universities who conducted similar sexual harassment surveys on their campuses in South Africa. It was found that no clear idea of what constitutes sexual harassment exist amongst these students. In particular women in the survey consistently viewed more incidents as contributing to sexual harassment than men. As oppose to other findings, Blacks registered a more conservative attitude when assessing whether certain incidents can be viewed as sexual harassment. The above was found notwithstanding the differing social context, especially the socialisation process and the fairly rigid codes of conduct, that students at the Military Academy are exposed to.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Verskeie tersiêre instellings, wêreldwyd sowel as plaaslik, het seksuele teistering op hul kampusse ondersoek. Dit was deels gedoen as gevolg van die negatiewe gevolge wat hierdie aktiwiteit op studente en personeellede het, veralop hul werksprestasie. Gerapporteerde insidente by universiteite wissel vanaf verkragting en seksuele aanvalle tot dreigemente en seksistiese opmerkings deur dosente. Probleme is ondervind tydens navorsing oor die verskynsel wat deels toegeskryf kan word aan die onsekerheid wat hierdie aktiwiteit omhul. Dit hou verband met persepsies wat verskil ten opsigte van die soort gedrag wat seksuele teistering teenwoordig. Navorsing wys verder daarop dat geslags- en rasverskille bestaan by die assesering van seksuele teistering. Die huidige studie ondersoek die onsekerheid, geslags- en rasverskille ten opsigte van seksuele teistering by 'n spesifieke universiteitskampus. Deur middel van 'n opname word die persepsies van studente rakende die drie kwessies bepaal by die Fakulteit Krygskunde, 'n satelietkampus van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Met behulp van statistiese pakkette, word frekwensies en statistiese verskille tussen die verskillende subgroepe op die kampus bepaal. Dit was gedoen ten einde in staat te wees om die bevindinge te vergelyk met die van ander Suid-Afrikaanse universiteite wat seksuele teistering opnames op hul kampusse gedoen het. Daar word bevind dat geen duidelike idee van wat seksuele teistering behels bestaan onder die studente nie. In besonder word bevind dat vroue in die opname deurlopend meer insidente aanslaan as seksuele teistering, as mans. In teenstelling met ander bevindinge, registreer swart persone 'n meer konserwatiewe houding wanneer bepaal word of sekere insidente seksueel teisterend van aard is, al dan nie. Bogenoemde was bevind desondanks die eiesoortige sosiale konteks waarin studente hulself bevind, veral die sosialiseringsproses en die redelike streng gedragskodes, waaraan studente van die Militêre Akademie onderwerp word.

The purpose of this study was to explore how state universities in Zimbabwe respond to the implementation of sexual harassment policies. Utilising a social constructivist and interpretive lens, this exploratory qualitative case study aimed at an in-depth study as well as a comparison of how various stakeholders respond to the implementation of sexual harassment policies in two selected state universities. Data collection methods took the form of key participant semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions and document analysis. Two research sites comprised the case study. The sample at each of the sites consisted of a registrar, two deans, two chairpersons, a counsellor, a nurse, a security officer, a warden, two student representative members, and three students. The data analysis consisted of hermeneutic, content and discourse analysis. The content of in-depth interviews, feedback on interpretations, and notes from the sexual harassment policies analysed were considered as data in the analysis. A number of findings emanated from this study. First, sexual harassment is prevalent in the two universities studied and remains a persistent problem. Sexual harassment occurs at three levels: that perpetrated on female students by male lecturers; that perpetrated by female students on male lecturers; and that perpetrated by male students on female students. Second, efforts to mitigate incidences of sexual harassment in the two universities are hampered by underreporting of the phenomenon, absence of very clear sexual harassment guidelines, fear of reprisals in the event of reporting sexual harassment incidences, as well as silence on zero tolerance to sexual harassment in the policies, ordinances and codes of conduct. Third, the presence of a sexual harassment policy on its own is not a guarantee of mitigating prevalence of the phenomenon. Transparent and anonymous reporting procedures, who to report to, what ought to be done to the harasser, the need for counselling the victim, public lectures on sexual harassment awareness and road shows could augment the need to mitigate incidences of sexual harassment in universities. The study revealed that whilst efforts have been made to mitigate sexual harassment incidences in the universities under study through sexual harassment policies, preventing and effectively addressing sexual harassment in the two universities is still a significant challenge, given the shortcomings regarding the responsiveness of stakeholders highlighted in the study. The need for a commitment on the part of all stakeholders in the universities, to take on board measures to prevent and respond to sexual harassment as well as promote a safe, respectful, inclusive and welcoming environment, cannot be overemphasised. The proposition is that orienting students and lecturers, among other stakeholders, to the universities’ cultures, policies as well as procedures for handling sexual harassment, could lead to a climate of zero tolerance towards the phenomenon. In other words, lecturers and students should be made responsible for mitigating as well as preventing sexual harassment.
Lolu cwaningo beluhlose ukuphenya indlela amanyuvesi aseZimbabwe abhekana nayo mayelana nokusetshenziswa kwemigomo yokuhluknyezwa ngokocansi. Ngokusebenzisa umqondo obizwa phecelezi nge- (social constructivist nangeso lokuchaza (interpretive), lolu cwaningo lotho oluphenyayo olugxile phezu kwengxoxo, phecelezi(exploratory qualitative case study) beluqondiswe kucwaningo olujulile kanye nokuqhathanisa indlela abadlalindima abahlukahlukene ababhekana ngayo ekusetshenzisweni kwemigomo yokuhluknyezwa ngokwecansi kumanyuvesi ombuso amabili akhethiwe. Izindlela zokuqokelela idatha ziye zalandela indlela yenhlolovo ehlelwe ngokwesigamu exuba abadlalindima abasemqoka, ziye zalandela izingxoxo ezigxile kumaqembu aqondiwe futhi ziye zagxila ekuhlaziyeni imibhalo. Ucwaningo lotho lwenziwe ezikhungwini ezintathu. Kanti isampuli kwesinye nesinye isikhungo sinombhalisi, odini ababili, osihlalo ababili, umeluleki wezengqondo, umhlengikazi, ugadi, ujele, amalungu amabili abameli babafundi, kanye nabafundi abathathu. Idatha ehlaziyiwe yequkethe, ithiyori nendlela yokuchaza (hermeneutic), okuqukethwe kanye nomsebenzi wocwaningo ohlaziyiwe. Ulwazi oluqukethwe olumayelana nenhlolovo ejulile, umbiko wakamuva omayelana nezincazelo, kanye namanothi avela kwimigomo emayelana nokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi, konke lokhu kuye kwathathwa njengedatha emsebenzini ohlaziyiwe. Kuye kwatholakala ulwazi oluvela kucwaningo. Okokuqala, ukuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi kuyisichelo njengomchilo wesidwaba kumanyuvesi amabili acwaningiwe kanti lezi zenzo zilokhu ziyinkinga engapheli. Ukuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi kwenzeka ngezigaba ezintathu, okuyizigaba ezibhebhetheka kubafundi besifazane behlukunyezwa ngabafundisi besilisa basemanyuvesi, kanti lezi zigameko zibhebhethekiswa ngabafundi abesifazane kubafundisi besilisa; kanti kuphinde futhi kubhebhethekiswe abafundi abesilisa kubafundi abesifazane. Okwesibili, Imizamo eqonde ukunciphisa izehlakalo zokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi kumanyuvesi amabili ziphazanyiswa kungabikwa ngokugcwele kwalezi zehlakalo, ukusweleka kwemihlahlandlela ecacile yokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi, ukwesaba ukubika lezi zehlakalo zokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi ngenxa yokugxekwa, kanye nemigomo ethulile mayelana nokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi, imitheshwana emalungana nalokhu yezifundazwe kanye nokusweleka kwemithetho yokuziphatha. Okwesithathu, ukuba khona nje komgomo obhekene nokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi akusona isiqinisekiso sokunciphisa lezi zenzo zokuhlukumeza. Izingqubo ezikwishashalazi nezinemfihlo, ezimayelana nokuthi ubika kuphi, kanti kufanele ohlukumezayo athathelwe ziphi izinyathelo, isidingo sokuthi isiZulu sokuhlukunyezwa sithole ukwelulekwa ngokwengqondoukufundiswa komphakathi ngokwexwayiswa ngokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi kanye nemibukiso kungagcwaliselela isidingo sokunciphisa izehlakalo zokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi emanyuvesi. Ucwaningo luyaveza ukuthi njengoba sekwenziwe imizamo yokunciphisa izehlakalo zokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi emanyuvesi acwaningwayo ngaphansi kwemigomo yokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi, ukuvikela kanye nokudingida ngokufanele udaba lokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi kumanyuvesi amabili kusese yinselelo enkulu, uma kubhekwa izihibhe ezikhona mayelana nokuzibandakanya kwabadlalindima kuvezwe kucwaningo. Isidingo sokuzimisela kwingxenye yabo bonke abadlalindima kumanyuvesi, ukuba balethe ngaphambili imizamo yokuvikela kanye nokubhekana nokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi kanye nokwenza indawo ephephile, ehloniphekile, nexuba zonke izinhlaka futhi nendawo eyamukelayo, kuyinto ebaluleke kakhulu engeke yagqizwa qakala. Kuphakanyiswa ukuthi kufundiswe abafundi kanye nabafundisi, hlangana nabanye abadlalindima, ngosikompilo lwasenyuvesi, ngemigomo kanye nangezingqubo zokuphatha uhlelo lokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi, kanti lokhu kungaholela ekwakheni isimo esingeke savumela lolu daba. Ngamanye amagama, abafundisi kanye nabafundi kufanele banikezwe umsebenzi wokunciphisa kanye nokuvikela izehlakalo zokuhlukunyezwa ngokocansi.
Morero wa thutelo ye e be e le go utolla ka moo diyunibesithi tsa Zimbabwe tseo di thuswago ke mmuso di fetolago go phethagatso ya melaotshepetso ya tlaiso go tsa thobalano. Ka go dirisa tebelelo go ya ka go gola ga motho le tsebo yeo a e hwetsago ka tirisano le batho ba bangwe leagong le tlhathollo ya seo se ithutwago, tlhahlobo ye e tseneletsego ya go hlohlomisa tshedimoso ka ga tiragalo ye e ikemiseditse go thutelo ye e tseneletsego gammogo le papetso ya ka moo batho bao ba fapanego bao ba nago le kgahlego ba fetolago go phethagatso ya melaotshepetso ya tlaiso go tsa thobalano ka go diyunibesithi tse pedi tseo di kgethilwego tseo di thuswago ke mmuso. Mekgwatshepediso ya kgoboketso ya datha e tsere popego ya ditherisano le babotsiswa ba bohlokwa tseo di sa latelego dipotsiso tseo di beilwego, ditherisano le dihlopha tseo di nepisitswego le tshekatsheko ya ditokomane. Ditsha tse pedi tsa dinyakisiso di bile motheo wa thutelo ye. Sampolo ka go setsha se sengwe le se sengwe e be e na le moretsistara, dihlogo tse pedi tsa mafapha a thuto, badulasetulo ba babedi, mogakolodi, mooki, mohlankedi wa tshireletso, mohlapetsi, maloko a mabedi a kemedi ya baithuti, le baithuti ba bararo. Tshekatsheko ya datha e bopilwe ke tshekatsheko ya mekgwatshepediso ya ditlhathollo, diteng le ka moo polelo e diriswago gare ga batho. Diteng tsa ditherisano tseo di tseneletsego, dipego ka ga ditlhathollo, le dintlha go tswa go melaotshepediso ya tlaiso go tsa thobalano tseo di sekasekilwego di tserwe bjalo ka datha ye e sekasekwago. Go tsweletse dikhwetso tse mmalwa thutelong ye. Sa mathomo, tlaiso go tsa thobalano e atile diyunibesithing tse pedi tseo go ithutilwego ka tsona gomme e sa le bothata bjo bo tswelago pele. Tliso ya thobalano e direga go ya ka magato a mararo: leo bafahlosi ba dirago tiro ye e sego molaong ya go robala le baithuti ba basadi, leo le dirwago ke ge baithuti ba basadi ba robala le bafahlosi ba banna, le leo le dirwago ke ge baithuti ba banna ba robala le baithuti ba basadi. Sa bobedi, maitekelo a go fokotsa ditiragalo tsa tlaiso go tsa thobalano diyunibesithing tse pedi tse a sitiswa ke go se begwe ga ditiragalo tse ka mo go kgotsofatsago, tlhokego ya ditlhahlo tse di kwagalago gabotse tsa tlaiso go tsa thobalano, poifo ya boipuseletso ge motho a ka bega ditiragalo tsa tlaiso go tsa thobalano gammogo le ge melaotshepetso, melawana le melao ya boitshwaro di sa bolele selo ka magato ao a ka tsewago go ditiragalo tsa tlaiso go tsa thobalano. Sa boraro, go ba gona ga molaotshepetso wa tlaiso go tsa thobalano ka bowona ga se tiiso ya phokotso ya go ba gona ga tiragalo ye. Ditshepediso tseo di sa utego selo gape di sa utollego boitsupo bja motho, gore ke mang, yo dipego di swanetsego go lebiswa go yena, ke seo motlaisi a swanetswego go se dirwa, tlhokego ya gore motlaiswa a hwetse thuso go rarolla mathata a kgobatso maikutlong a gagwe, dithuto go setshaba ka moka ka ga temoso ya tlaiso, le dipontsho mafelong ao a fapanego di ka godisa tlhokego ya go fokotsa ditiragalo tsa tlaiso go tsa thobalano diyunibesithing. Thutelo e utollotse gore le ge go dirilwe maitekelo a go fokotsa ditiragalo tsa tlaiso go tsa thobalano diyunibesithing tseo thutelo e dirilwego go tsona ka mokgwa wa melaotshepetso ya tlaiso go tsa thobalano, go thibela le go rarolla bothata bja tlaiso go tsa thobalano ka bokgoni diyunibesithing tse pedi tse e sa le tlhohlo ye e bonalago, ge go lebeletswe bofokodi malebana le batho bao na nago le kgahlego bao ba supilwego thutelong ye. Tlhokego ya boikgafo lehlakoreng la batho ka moka yunibesithing bao ba nago le kgahlego go se, go hlagisa magato a go thibela le go araba go tlaiso go tsa thobalano gammogo le go hlola tikologo ye e bolokegilego, ye e hlomphago, e akaretsago gape e amogelago bohle ka matsogo a borutho, go bohlokwa go fetisa ka mo go hlalositswego. Tshisinyo ke go re go tsebisa baithuti le bafahlosi, gare ga batho ka moka bao ba nago le kgahlego, go ditlwaelo, melaotshepetso gammogo le ditshepediso tsa go rarolla tlaiso go tsa thobalano, go ka hlola tikologo yeo e sa kgotlelelego tiragalo yeo le gatee. Ka mantsu a mangwe, bafahlosi le baithuti ba swanetse go rweswa boikarabelo bja go fokotsa gammogo le go thibela tlaiso go tsa thobalano.
Educational Studies
Ph. D. (Comparative Education)

D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)
This study is an exploration of transitional justice mechanisms available to post conflict communities. It is a context sensitive and sustained interrogation of the effectiveness of endogenous transitional justice mechanisms in post-colonial Zimbabwe. The study utilised Ruti Teitel’s (1997: 2009-2080) realist/idealist theory as its theoretical framework. Using the case of Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular, it analyses the application of imported idealist transitional justice mechanisms, mainly International Criminal Court (ICC) trials. It also debates the efficacy of realist transitional justice mechanisms, mainly the South African model of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).The study explores the application of what it terms broad realist transitional justice mechanisms used mostly in rural areas of Zimbabwe to achieve peace building and reconciliation. These modes of everyday healing and reconciliation include the traditional institutions of ngozi (avenging spirit), botso (self-shaming), chenura (cleansing ceremonies), nhimbe (community working groups) and nyaradzo (memorials). The key finding of this exploration is that local realist transitional justice mechanisms are more efficacious in fostering peace building and reconciliation than imported idealist mechanisms such as the ICC trials and imported realist mechanisms such as the TRC. More value can be realised when imported realist mechanisms and local realist transitional justice mechanisms complement each other. The study contributes to the literature on transitional justice in general and bottom-up, victim-centred reconciliation in particular. It offers a different approach to the study of transitional justice in post conflict Zimbabwe by recasting the debate away from the liberal peace paradigm which critiques state centric top-down approaches such as trials, clemencies, amnesties and institutional reform. The study considers the agency of ‘ordinary’ people in resolving the after effects of politically motivated harm. It also lays the foundation for further research into other traditional transitional justice mechanisms used for peace building and reconciliation elsewhere in Africa
Political Sciences

Girls in rural areas face a number of challenges in their pursuit of basic education, empowerment and gender equality. This thesis explores the extent to which gender equality and empowerment of women have been achieved in education in ward 33 of Mt Darwin. At the centre is what Zimbabwean government and civil society organisations such as Campaign for female education (Camfed) have done to implement strategies addressing challenges affecting implementation and achievement of MDG 3. A multi-method research strategy, including focus group discussions, questionnaires administration and interviews, was used in the data collection process. The findings of the study show reciprocal linkage between education, empowerment and gender equality. Ward 33 requires integration in approach from assisting agencies and the general populace if Millennium Development Goal 3 is to be achieved. Results showed the multiple barriers girls face in the process of accessing education within the homes, along the way to school and within the school system itself. Camfed and government’s interventions have been pointed out to contributing to the achievement of MDG 3 in the ward. Women’s quest for equality is evident. Specific actions recommended after this research include the need for MOESAC to strategically post qualified teachers in rural areas, sensitization and empowerment programmes targeting men, civil society organisations and government ministries working with women to intensify advocacy, capacity building and leadership trainings for women. Overall recommendation is that there is need to implement MDG 3 beyond 2015 if rural women are to be integrated into the MDG 3 empowerment and gender equality agenda.
Development Studies
M. Admin. (Development Studies)

The study is a gender critical investigation of the implementation of gender policy programs in student admission in Zimbabwe state universities. The study locates itself in the student admissions section of these institutions, acknowledging the potential contributions of the practices and procedures in this section towards achievement of gender equality. The study focused on the nature of the implemented programs, the gender equality model pursued and how the programs are made part of the mainstream. The study employed a multi-pronged theoretical frameworks approach as its theoretical framework to determine feasible strategies in analyzing the research problem, choosing the research approach, deciding on the research methods, formulating the research questions and in drawing the conclusion to the study. A mixed method inquiry used the multiple case study survey, documentary analysis and interviews to gather data in two state universities. The study found that in spite of the state universities implementing gender policy programs as required by the Zimbabwe National Gender Policy (2004), gender inequalities persisted, and in the process the study revealed more barriers than successes encountered on the road to gender equality. This concurred with some of what was predicated from literature on the use of the adopted approaches to gender mainstreaming and models of gender equality pursued. The chief factor responsible for the inequalities was found to be the pervasive, deeply entrenched patriarchal conservatism, cultural stereotypes, biases and discriminations held by some actors in student admissions which marginalized gender equality and consequently, rendered the gender equality agenda elusive. The study identified the need for adoption of a wider conception of gender and gender equality and of a radical transformative approach in order to resuscitate the paralyzed gender equality mandate in student admissions. Apart from generating some new insights regarding theory, the study is also of value at an applied level: serving to support programs and sustainable plans for gender equality implementation in student admissions in universities. The main recommendation of the study is the need for a new shift in policy program implementation, and the study outlined the main cardinal points of this new paradigm.
Educational Studies
D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

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National calls for equality of opportunity have not been matched by reciprocal responses by girls to participate and achieve in design and technology subjects in Zimbabwean secondary and high schools. Current levels of girls' participation and achievement are of national concern. The study found that fourth form girls' low design and technology subjects enrolment and limited success have ensured a near all-male environment resulting in personal career progression limitations for girls and a gender segregated national socioeconomic society. It is acknowledged that outside Zimbabwe, models of student subject participation and achievement have been studied in the past resulting in the implementation of various motivational and retention strategies. Whilst accepting that girls' decisions concerning participation and achievement-related choices for or against design and technology subjects are individual and complex, some complex and interrelated contributory factors are explored. These are carried out in the context of Zimbabwe in this case study research which involved eight secondary schools of four different types targeting 321 fourth form girls, 26 design and technology subject teachers, eight principals, eight families and two education officers. The eclectic data collection approach chosen for the study relied on multiple sources of information being collected using a variety of techniques such as the student questionnaire, focus group interviews, in-depth interviews, lesson observations, and document and content analysis. The effects of various overt and covert forms of home and school processes of difference, inequality and oppression were explored in the data and how these have affected fourth form girls' design and technology subjects participation and achievement-related decisions. In particular, the effects of home and school contextual and climatic factors have been found to largely militate against girls' 'fit' with design and technology subjects culture, staff and workshop environment. A model involving the student and school contextual and climatic dimensions, to explain girls' participation and achievement perspectives is suggested and explained encompassing sociological, psychological and gender perspectives. Findings in this study contribute to an understanding of girls' participation and achievement processes in design and technology subjects in the African context, a dimension that has been largely missing from mainstream debates on the subject.

Text in English
This research attempts to analyse the modus operandi (MO) of perpetrators used in cases of trafficking in persons for sexual purposes, and trafficking in children. The Trafficking in Persons Bill was passed in South Africa, but not gazetted; therefore, alternate charges are used to prosecute perpetrators. The purpose, value and elements of MO allow an investigator to link a perpetrator to a specific crime scene. The research provides an examination of case dockets and the MO of perpetrators in human trafficking – inter alia, looking at such issues as time, location, transport routes used, criminal motive, recruitment styles, and the number of offenders. The MO of perpetrators identified during docket analysis indicates many similarities, when compared to the international MO of traffickers. The gathering of MO information forms a critical part of any investigation to link a perpetrator to a crime. This research therefore presents a comprehensive examination of the MO of perpetrators, and delivers practical recommendations to monitor and combat trafficking.
Police Practice
M. Tech. (Forensic Investigation)