Academic literature on the topic 'Sex customs – Zimbabwe'

Mobile telecommunication service providers in Zimbabwe are using a brand image to market their products and minimize brand switching, resulting from increased market competition. A cross-sectional survey was conducted among a convenience sample of 385 participants in Zimbabwe. The sample size was determined using Rao software sample size calculator to extract an acceptable sample from apopulation of 1,973,906 inhabitants. Data were collected using a five-point Likert scale questionnaire and were also tested for reliability and validity using SPSS version 20. It was ascertained that 70% of the respondents’ switched SIM cards, 20% never switched, and 10% were indifferent to the different providers. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) showed that mobile network service providers’ brand image positively affects customer satisfaction, a positive relationship exists between mobile network service providers’ brand image and consumer brand switching behavior, customer satisfaction positively affects their loyalty. Corporate brand image indirectly affects customer loyalty through customer satisfaction. The researchers recommend marketers to consider the findings when designing strategies for marketing mobile network services. AcknowledgmentsThe authors of this paper greatly appreciate the support and cooperation they received from the Postal and Telecommunications Authority of Zimbabwe (POTRAZ) and research participants during the survey.

I hate being misunderstood. I guess we all do, but it goes with the territory. I use the word coloured, and he seems offended: 'We Brits don't say 'coloured'. It's regarded as patronising. We say black, if we say anything. And if we do it's for reasons of simple practicality. It doesn't matter. ' Of course, what he seems to be missing, is that the word coloured in South Africa now refers less to skin colour, and more to a distinct cultural group, with it's own language (a dialect of Afrikaans), food (of Malay origin), and music. To say black in this context would be inaccurate, and cause confusion. Danya and Kyla attend the Yeoville Community School, situated in a vibrant and culturally diverse suburb of Johannesburg. On returning from school one day Danya announces: 'We have to do something at school about our culture. What is our culture Daddy?'To which her father replies, 'Go and ask your mother.' 'Well…we're sort of New Age, sort of holistic…', Toni fumbles. A few days later… 'So what did you do in the end?' Soli asks. 'Oh, us and all the other coloured kids sang, Daar Kom die Alabama'1 says Kyla. It would seem that children want to know where they come from. 'I want you to divide yourself up into your different race groups', the facilitator says. We are in a Managing Diversity workshop, and he means the old South African race classification system, but of course he wants to see what we do with it. We end up with a group of Blacks (including three 'Asians'); an African group (including two 'Whites'); a White group (two); and the Human Race (two).'Why didn't you join the white group?' Thloki asks the Human Race.'I don't define myself by my race', I reply.'Ha! Wait till there's a war over resources' he laughs, 'then you'll quickly pick a side!' The postmodernist argument ensues: 'There is no such thing as race…all these arbitrary classifications…it's nothing but a social construct!''Well you never lived as a black person under apartheid. It was very real to me!'The facilitator aims to mediate/translate for the rest of us: 'Well yes, it is just a social construct. But one which had very real consequences for people.' 'Nobody goes into town anymore' a woman says. To which Har Bhajan replies, 'When I was last in town, there were lots of people there.' Of course, what she means is, hardly any white people go into town anymore. (And she's right about that.) But what is that, the way certain people become invisible, depending on who's looking? My friend Karima and I attend an Al Jarreau concert. Fairly expensive tickets, and almost the entire audience is black. I'm not sure why I'm quite so surprised. But this is Sandton, the richest formerly white suburb of Johannesburg. Perhaps working in the NGO sector I've missed how much things are actually changing… I wonder how many people in the audience have been into town lately. With the shift in power, and the -- albeit slow -- levelling of the playing field, now it is possible for white South Africans to be at the receiving end of racial discrimination too… I am visiting my cousin. He is 60, and a musician. But times are tough for him now. His brother was shot dead in his driveway while someone stole his car. And it's hard for him to find work. 'I am too white, now', he says. He is not bitter, just saddened. In his day he had probably the most famous jazz club in Johannesburg. Rumours it was called. 'The best little bootlegger in Bellevue' he called himself. He was known for breaking the law then. His club was racially integrated long before it was allowed. Controversial South African artist, Beezy Bailey, has an alter ego: 'The creation of Joyce was born of the frustration of 'increasingly prevalent affirmative action'. Bailey submitted two artworks for a triennial exhibition. One was with the traditional 'Beezy Bailey' signature (rejected) the other signed 'Joyce Ntobe'! The latter now enjoys an honoured place in the SA National Gallery as part of its permanent collection. When the curator of the SA National Gallery wanted to work on a paper about three black women artists, Joyce Ntobe being one, Bailey let the cat out the bag which caused a huge media 'scandale'.' (Carmel Art) I spent three months in London, and I realised how easy it is to be white there. Or rather, how easy it is to not be white. Of course, it 'doesn't matter' there, because it doesn't matter. It's easy to donate a monthly cheque to Worldvision, and read about the latest chaos in Zimbabwe in the free rag on the tube, and never have to look overwhelming poverty and disease in the face. But when you live on the African continent, you are very aware of being white. At the diversity workshop, I realise how white South Africans seem to get to take the rap here for the actions of white people on the planet. It's not just the effects of apartheid that black South Africans are angry about it seems, it's also the effects of the global economy, that cause the rich to become richer, and the poor to become poorer. Oh sure, that's not just an issue of race, but the poorest on our planet remain 'people of colour', and wealth remains concentrated in the West/North. I realise also that the Black and African groups at the workshop have one thing that they agree on quite strongly - the importance of making the African continent one's focus. Though the two of us in the Human Race group have both read Naomi Klein's No Logo -- and care about the effects on the poor of economic globalisation -- our sense of 'internationalism' is not viewed in a positive light, but seen rather as 'elitist'. * * * 'The thing about the Dutch' says Gary, 'is that they're pragmatic. They're not politically correct -- call the prostitutes prostitutes, not sex workers, but tax them, and give them health care. They have a strong human rights culture.' The Afrikaners are descendents of these transparent, curtainless Dutch. Sometimes I can see it. 'It is not words that make for bigotry, but attitudes', says columnist Ira Pilgrim. 'Some of the most bigoted people I have known always used the 'correct' words.'2 I am not politically correct. There are certain words I'd never use, and couldn't bring myself to, not out of political correctness, but because they're invested with hate. But words like 'whitey', darkie' and 'honky', where I sit, are terms of endearment. I'd never use them on strangers, but amongst friends, they're terms of affection and irony, because we're laughing at ourselves, and each other. 'It's hard to explain to anyone' Gary continues, 'what it's like living in a place where -- from the time you wake up in the morning, till you close your eyes at night -- every breath that you take is politicised.' Gary left the country because he didn't want to be conscripted to fight a war he didn't believe in. He's done well for himself in Europe. But he had to give up his homeland. I catch a 'Zola', the mini-bus taxi named after South Africa's barefoot runner Zola Budd, probably most famous for inadvertently tripping Mary Decker at the 1984 Olympics (Finnegan). Zola was little and fast, like the taxi's that 'zip, zip, zip' -- often to the infuriation of other motorists -- hence the affectionate nickname. They're the peril of the road, but the saviour of the immobile masses, with their unique language and hand signals. I overhear bits of Zulu conversation, including 'Brooke…Ridge…Thorne.' Our soaps, too, are politicised. It would seem that even black South Africans watch The Bold and the Beautiful for light relief. Usually I am the only whitey here, but accepted as just another carless commuter moving from A to B. Despite the safety risks of bad driving, I enjoy it. I did a Zulu course a few years ago. I didn't learn much Zulu -- discovered I don't have the tongue or an ear for African languages -- but I learnt a lot from the course nevertheless. 'Tell us about an experience that you've had, that was a result of cultural misunderstandings' says the facilitator. 'I spent much of my first year at University hungry' says Nhlanhla. 'My white friends would offer me food when I was visiting, but I would refuse, because in our culture, if you ask you don't really want to give. We just hand you a plate.' Nombulelo tells of the time she went on a yoga retreat. She was confused when she started to undress openly in the dormitory, and got disapproving looks from the other women. 'Why?' she wondered, 'we are all women together?' But these were Hindu women, whose sense of modesty was different from the openness of African women. For the whiteys, the major confusion seems to come from the issue of timekeeping. 'African time' is often referred to. Though in London, I did hear talk of 'Caribbean time'. Perhaps the concept of being on time is a particularly Western one (Makhale-Mahlangu). We are visiting friends of friends. There's an unlikely combination at the dinner table. She is tall and dark. I am short and fair. 'So where do you two know each other from?' Cairo asks. 'I'm Andie's sister', Kim replies. She reads the dumbfoundedness in Cairo's face. 'What can I say…my line got a bit deviated!' she laughs. She has my father's sense of humour. So have I. I ask my father, when he first became aware of racial prejudice. 'I was about six years old', he says. 'I threw my ball out of the school grounds, and called to the black man outside: 'Boy, please would you throw my ball back to me?' And the man replied: 'I am not a boy. I am old enough to be your grandfather.'' I am thinking about the time in our lives before we become aware of race… A friend tells me a story about how her six-year-old daughter came home from school and asked, 'Mommy, what's a [racist-term-not-to-be-repeated]?' She'd been called that. The late Lenny Bruce, controversial American comedian and social critic in the sixties, argued that it is 'the word that gives it the power of violence'3, and if we used 'the words' colloquially often enough, and began to invest them with new meanings, they would lose their power to hurt us. I am about to board a bus…'Woza (come) Mama', says the driver. 'Uyaphi?' (Where are you going?) '…green green, I'm going away to where the grass is greener still', come the Reggae sounds from his radio. We are discussing whether we should be focusing on our sameness or our differences. 'Of course we all want the same things…a home, a job, an education for our children', says Karima, but it's our differences that make us interesting.' I agree. Notes 1 Daar Kom die Alabama (Here Comes the Alabama) is a traditional 'Cape Coloured' song, originally sung in tribute to the Alabama, a confederate ship that docked in Cape Town in 1863. On board were Al Jolson-esque (Burlesque) performers, whom the slaves admired, and they imitated their style of performance. This tradition continues still today with the 'Coon Carnival' held on New Years Day and 'Tweede Nuwe Jaar' (Second New Year). It is said that the custom of Tweede Nuwe Jaar originated as a holiday for the slaves, who were too busy attending to their masters' needs on the first. For more information on the Coon Carnival, see http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html. 2 While the author makes some important general points about the drawbacks of political correctness, his reference to South Africa (including the correction) are in fact incorrect. The apartheid government had four major 'population groups' in it's classification system: African (black), Coloured, Asian and White. (The term black was used then only informally.) These were then sub-divided into other categories. See http://www.csvr.org.za/race.htm for further details. 3 The relevant extract from Julian Barry's 1971 play Lenny, can be found at http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/relrpt/stories/s271585.htm. References Barry, Julian. Lenny. Random House, 1971. http://www.freenetpages.co.uk/hp/lennybruce/ Downloaded 14 April 2002. Carmel Art Galleries. Beezy Bailey Curriculum Vitae, at http://www.carmelart.co.za/site/cvbb.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Finnegan, Mark. 'The 10 worst mishaps in the history of sport.' Observer Sport Monthly 5 November (2000). http://www.observer.co.uk/osm/story/0,69... Downloaded 14 April 2002. Klein, Naomi. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. USA: Picador, 2000. http://www.nologo.org/ Downloaded 14 April 2002. Makhale-Mahlangu, Palesa. 'Reflections on Trauma Counselling Methods.' Seminar presented at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, Johannesburg, 31 July 1996. http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artpales.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Martin, Denis-Constant. 'The Famous Invincible Darkies Cape Town's Coon Carnival: Aesthetic Transformation, Collective Representations and Social Meanings', 1998. http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html Downloaded 14 April 2002. Pilgrim, Ira. 'Kikes, Niggers, Queers, Scotchmen and Chinamen', Mendocino County Observer, 22 March (1990). http://www.mcn.org/c/irapilgrim/race02.html Downloaded 14 April 2002. Transfer of African Language Knowledge (TALK). http://www.icon.co.za/~sadiverse/about.htm Downloaded 14 April 2002. Andie Miller was born, and spent the first 23 years of her life at the Southern-most tip of the African continent, in Cape Town. She currently works as webmaster for the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, and the National Development Agency in Johannesburg, South Africa. Links http://www.observer.co.uk/osm/story/0 http://www.iias.nl/host/ccrss/cp/cp3/cp3-__171___.html http://www.carmelart.co.za/site/cvbb.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/ http://www.abc.net.au/rn/talks/8.30/relrpt/stories/s271585.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/articles/artpales.htm http://www.nologo.org/ http://www.mcn.org/c/irapilgrim/race02.html http://www.freenetpages.co.uk/hp/lennybruce/ http://www.icon.co.za/~sadiverse/about.htm http://www.csvr.org.za/race.htm http://www.nda.org.za/ Citation reference for this article MLA Style Miller, Andie. "Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.3 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php>. Chicago Style Miller, Andie, "Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 3 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Miller, Andie. (2002) Multiculturalism and Shades of Meaning in the New South Africa. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(3). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0207/shadesofmeaning.php> ([your date of access]).

Text in English
The small house phenomenon amongst the Shona people in contemporary Zimbabwe forms part of the relationship and household arrangements amongst certain heterosexual couples. In cases where partners engage in small house relationships, it has specific implications for existing marriage and family dynamics. The study sought to address the question: What are the perceptions on gender dynamics of the small house phenomenon as an emerging family structure in contemporary Zimbabwean society? The relative newness as well as the secretive nature and complexity of the small house relationship, render the nuances of gender dynamics in such contexts worth exploring to add value to the Sociology of Families and gender dynamics. The research was conducted in Harare metropolitan province and adopted social exchange theory and African feminism to illuminate the gender dynamics in small house households. It utilised a qualitative research paradigm and employed in-depth interviews to collect data from 30 participants who were purposively sampled. Findings of the study reveal that although the small house relationship may at times be informed by the ideals of traditional Shona polygynous marital practices, it differs in several respects with polygyny as it attempts to adapt to the socio-economic demands of the 21st century. The study uncovers that the social exchanges in small house relationships are not only gendered, but also based on inequalities relating to class, age and lineage. The small house relationship at times perpetuates gender inequalities between the partners involved. The study exposed how certain small house relationships were inundated with a myriad of problems including gender-based violence, financial constraints and increased susceptibility to HIV and AIDS and other STIs. Problems experienced in small house households are often exacerbated by the secretive nature of the relationship. Furthermore, a form of hegemonic masculinity and emphasised femininity, which are manifestations of the deeply entrenched patriarchal hegemony in the Shona culture, results in asymmetrical intimate relations. It was also revealed that small house households may inadvertently violate children’s rights, including opportunities to access and secure education and social security. Reportedly, disengaged fatherhood in the context of the small house can affect children’s welfare and socialisation negatively.
Sociology
D. Phil. (Sociology)

Women throughout the world are suffering the brunt of HIV/AIDS. They carry the unenviable tag of being the suffering group who are at risk. Women's vulnerability to HIV/AIDS is a subject that has not received adequate attention to date. This empirical study examines the socio-cultural factors and practices that impede upon behavioural change of Zimbabwean women in an era of HIV/AIDS. Firstly, a sample of 1002 women respondents is purposefully drawn from the six major Zimbabwean ethnic groups to participate in this research study. A survey questionnaire is administered to respondents in the age group 18 to 59 years to quantify the levels and magnitude of the HIV/AIDS problem among women. Secondly, fifty in-depth interviews with key informants are conducted to assess the nature of the problem confronting and impeding upon women's quest to attain good reproductive health. Thirdly, six focus group discussions for each of the respective six ethnic groups are conducted with forty-eight mature women to understand broadly the concepts of the study. This study employs a combination of mainly qualitative and some quantitative methods of data collection and analysis, which is called triangulation. Underlying the methodology of this study is an overarching functionalist theoretical perspective, also referring to gender development theory which serves as the basis for data analyses. The main findings of this study include the view that power dynamics, gender roles and cultural practices have impacted negatively on women's quest to attain safe sexual behaviour. The problem of HIV/AIDS remains a complicated and awesome one among Zimbabwe's ethnic groups. For Zimbabwean women the HIV/AIDS problem begins with a total lack of control over sexual lives and behaviour of their husbands especially outside marriage. The women have noted that the majority stay faithful to their husbands and partners according to cultural prescriptions and roles, while their husbands do not comply. Women noted that cultural prescriptions in their various ethnic settings condone male infidelity but expect women to stay faithful to their partners. As a result it is found that women sometimes contract HIV/AIDS straight on their matrimonial beds.
SOCIOLOGY
Thesis (D. Phil. (Sociology))

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-131)
This study investigates the place of the Shona-Karanga women as reflected in Shona proverbs concerning women. Reviewed literature covers the world, African and Zimbabwean perspectives on women. It discusses and examines changes in the role and status of Shona –Karanga women in the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial periods. The study examines men’s attitude towards women, women’s attitude towards themselves and women’s responsibilities in Shona-Karanga communities in relation to Shona proverbs. Proverbial statements discussed were from participants and other sources. Government’s effort in improving the women’s status was examined. The study uses mixed research methods of data generation and presentation. Research findings show that women lost their glory during the colonial period but the blame is levelled against Karanga culture which actually holds women with high esteem. The study established that most participants were ignorant of proverbs concerning women. The research was an eye opener to women about the tremendous potential they have
African Languages
M.A. (African languages)

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-113)
The advent of HIV and AIDS has had a negative impact on the Catholic, Anglican and Methodist churches (as well as others) in Manicaland, Zimbabwe. This was due to the difficulty of accepting the reality of this pandemic. This happened because the disease came with unbearable psycho-social suffering rooted in stigmatisation and discrimination, especially among women, who were the most vulnerable group. This study critically examines and exposes the effects of HIV and AIDS on Manyika women. The researcher argues that, on the one hand, some religious and cultural practices contributed to the spread of the HIV and AIDS infection. On the other hand, some of these practices discouraged the spread of HIV and AIDS pandemic and needed to be enhanced. Furthermore, even if churches are involved in the battle against HIV, their efforts are hindered by cultural practices such as the Manyikas’ unwillingness to discuss taboo issues such as sex and gender in public. This makes women vulnerable. In addition, the problem has been complicated by the fact that the issue of sexuality is not openly discussed in the churches. Using qualitative methods, the researcher conducted interviews with Catholics and found that there is a need to continually engage with these communities. Their lived experiences can be used to bring about their liberation and improve their capacity to deal with their situation. The argument of this study is that there is an urgent need to liberate and empower women in the era of HIV and AIDS. The journey that has already been started by the Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians (“the Circle”) could assist in the liberation of women to deal with the HIV and AIDS pandemic. In addition, this can build on Catholic Church HIV and AIDS interventions among the Manyika people of Zimbabwe as a premise of that process of liberation.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Phil. (Theology)

Implicit in the concepts Incarnation, narrative, Christology, Shona women of Zimbabwe today is the God who acts in human history and in the contemporaneity and particularity of our being. The Incarnation as the embodiment of God in the world entails seizing the kairos opportunity to expand the view and to bear the burdens of responsibility. A theanthropocosmic Christology that captures the Shona holistic world-view is explored. The acme for a relational Christology is the imago Dei/Christi and the baptismal indicative and imperative. God is revealed in various manifestations of creation. Human identity and dignity is the flipside of God's attributes. Theanthropocosmic Christology as pluralistic, differential and radical brings about a dialectic between the whole and its parts, the uniqueness of the individual, communal ontology and epistemology, the local and the universal, orthodoxy and orthopraxis, Christology and soteriology. God mediates in the contingency of particularity. Emphasis is on life-affirmation rather than sex determination of Jesus as indicated by theologies of liberation and inculturation. At the interface gender, ethnicity, class and creed, God transcends human limitedness and artificial boundaries in creating catholic space and advocating all-embracing apostolic action. Difference is appreciated for the richness it brings both to the individual and the community. Hegemonic structures and borderless texts are view with suspicion as totalising grand~narratives and exclusivist by using generic language. The kairos in dialogue with the Incarnation is seizing the moment to expand the view and to share the burdens, joys and responsibility in a community of equal discipleship. In a hermeneutic of engagement and suspicion, prophetic witness is the hallmark of Christian discipleship and of a Christology that culminates in liberative praxis. The Christology that emerges from Shona women highlights a passionate appropriation that involves the head, gut, womb and heart and underlies the circle symbolism. The circle is the acme of Shona hospitality and togetherness in creative dialogue with the Trinitarian koinonia. The Shona Christological designation Muponesi (Deliverer-Midwife) in dialogue with the Paschal Mystery motif captures the God-human-cosmos relationship that gives a Christology caught up in the rhythms, dynamism and drama of life.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D.Th. (Systematic Theology)