Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Sex role – Political aspects – Zimbabwe'

Although Zimbabwe is a signatory to various regional and international conventions, treatises, declarations and protocols that seek to promote and create an environment conducive the attainment of gender equality, despite all these commitments, the Zimbabwean Government still lags behind in the area of political participation of women. This study was done to investigate gender equality and the level of participation in governmental decision making processes with specific reference to the cabinet of Zimbabwe. The subject for discussion was traced back to 1980 when Zimbabwe gained its independence and the researcher aimed to ascertain whether there was any significant improvement in terms of women’s participation in governmental decision-making processes and structures. The study also unravelled reasons why women have been at the peripherals of decision- making in cabinet. The study also brought out and evaluated the strategies used by the government of Zimbabwe in managing a gender-sensitive working environment and the legislation that has been put in place to guide the process. At the same time an evaluation was done among the respondents to ascertain the strengths and weaknesses of the strategies identified. Political parties were also included in the process since women who find their way into parliament do so using the tickets of their respective political parties. The political parties have a role to play since they have their respective constitutions in gender sensitive issues and it remains to be seen if they are implementing this which would result in identifying the numbers of women who are in the cabinet. The study is of significance to the Zimbabwean situation at the moment as the country is in the process of drafting a new constitution. The current Constitution in its Section 23 which provides for “protection from discrimination on the grounds of race, tribe, political opinion or physical disability of the persons concerned it is not clear as to what form of representation or position women should occupy in politics and decision-making positions. Given the above research analysis it is possible to conclude that indeed women have an impact on decision making in cabinet. The findings show the impact of considering the value of women in decision-making bodies as they spearheading development in their respective wards and the nation at large. Women were also viewed as decision makers who would contribute in the development of the nation just as much as men are assumed to do. The empowerment of women legislators and the aspiring candidates is a process that has a long way to go to ensure gender equality in governmental decision making processes but it is a necessary process.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.

This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.

This thesis focuses on patriarchy and machismo and the long lasting political, economic, and social effects that their practice has had on women in the United States and Latin America. It examines the role of the Catholic Church, political influences, social, cultural, economic and legal issues, historic issues (such as the Industrial Revolution), the importance of the family's preference for sons rather than daughters, and the differences in the raising of male and female children for their adult roles.

Bibliography: pages 184-192.
Within academia it is now accepted that personal experiences, as well social construction influence the way people perceive the world, and thus the research process and findings. Research, no matter how empirical, is not immune to personal quess work and conclusions. The same however, can be said for the establishment of museums and monuments which are meant to commemorate events, or epochs in the history of a nation. For in the establishment of the museum or monument the curators and researchers do choose those events which are deemed important enough as history to be preserved for prosperity. The following thesis is an investigation of the Afrikaans Taal museum, or Afrikaans Language Museum situated in Paarl, Cape Province. The museum aims to reproduce a history of the Afrikaans language, culminating in the eventual recognition of Afrikaans as an official language. In the thesis though, I argue that by choosing to represent certain events in the history of the language, and excluding others, the museum becomes a symbol of/for Afrikanerdom. If South Africa is to heal its wounds caused by Apartheid and the Armed Struggle, all monuments and museums established during the reign of the National Party will have to be investigated, and the feasibility of their existence called into question.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die vraag wat in hierdie tesis aangespreek word, is hoe genderrolle in die samelewing geskep word. Die rol van die huwelik as sosiale instelling word in diepte bespreek en die funksionaliteit van die instelling word bevraagteken. Genderrolle in die samelewing word deur sosialiseringsagente gekonstrueer. Die sosialiseringsagente sal in hierdie tesis onder die loep geneem word en van nader beskou word. Die studie wou die tendens navors dat die samelewing tans as meer liberaal en nie-tradisioneel gesien word. Dit wil egter voorkom of hierdie skuif nie werklik in alle instellings plaasgevind het nie. Tradisionele waardes blyk steeds onderliggend aan sommige instellings in die samelewing te wees en ten grondslag te lê aan talle instellings. Die data vir hierdie studie is deur middel van kwantitatiewe asook kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodes verkry. Fokusgroepe is gebruik aangesien dit as die basis vir die vraelys en navorsing sou dien. Die vraelys sou dien om óf navorsing wat reeds bestaan te bevraagteken, óf om navorsing te bevestig. Vraelyste is of deur middel van ʼn ontmoeting aan respondente oorhandig of aan respondente wat deur middel van die ‘sneeubal’ effek verkry is, ge-e-pos. Die kriteria wat gebruik is vir die proefgroep was blanke Afrikaanssprekende Christelike studente aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Hierdie spesifieke groep is gekies aangesien hulle steeds as tradisioneel gesien kan word in teenstelling met studente wat in die algemeen as liberaal en vrydenkend gestereotipeer word. Die botsing van waardes is veral met die fokus op godsdiens ondersoek, en die impak van godsdiens op die huwelik is bestudeer. Die voltooide vraelyste is statisties verwerk deur gebruik te maak van STASTISTICA, ʼn elektroniese data-verwerkingsprogram. In hierdie tesis het sewe breë temas uit die vraelyste na vore gekom. Eerstens word die huwelik en die nukleêre gesin as belangrike asook noodsaaklike instellings in die samelewing gesien. Tweedens, word genderrolle in die samelewing gekonstrueer. Derdens, is geloof fundamenteel in die huwelik. Vierdens is die rol van die vrou in die huwelik om haar man te ondersteun. Die volgende tema wat beskou word, is dat Afrikaners as kultuurgroep steeds konserwatief is ten opsigte van hul keuse van ’n huweliksmaat, en dat hulle verkies om slegs vanuit hul kultuurgroep ’n huweliksmaat te kies. Sesdens beïnvloed die massamedia as sosialiseringsagent nie werklik persepsies van die huwelik nie, maar eerder seksualiteit. Laastens is ouers as sosialiseringsagente veral belangrik in terme van die rol van die vrou in ii die huwelik. Daar is slegs ten opsigte van persepsies oor seksualiteit, die huwelik asook die Afrikaner as kultuurgroep, ʼn beduidende statistiese verskil tussen manlike en vroulike respondente gevind. Uit die studie blyk dit dus dat genderrolle sosiaal deur die samelewing gekonstrueer word en dat sekere sosialiseringsagente die raamwerk bied waarin persepsies oor gender gevorm word. Die huwelik blyk steeds ʼn instelling te wees wat ʼn belangrike rol in die samelewing vervul. Die verdeling van arbeid in die huwelik blyk problematies te wees aangesien die toetrede van vroue tot die arbeidsmark, die nukleêre gesin beïnvloed en verander het. Uit die data wil dit voorkom asof ’n kontras bestaan tussen die nie-tradisonele waardes van die moderne samelewing en tradisionele idees wat steeds deur godsdiens ondersteun word.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The question addressed in this thesis is how gender roles in society are created and established. The role and function of marriage as a social institution is also discussed. Gender roles in society are socially constructed, and the socialisation agents responsible for this construction of values and norms are evaluated. The question, however, was derived from values in society that seem to adjust to more liberal and non-traditional ideas, especially regarding marriage and gender roles. However, even if perceptions are favourable toward a less traditional society, traditional ideas seem to form the basis of many social institutions. The research was conducted in both a quantitative and a qualitative manner. The reason for this is that each method fills a specific gap within research. Focus groups acted as the basis for the questionnaire and further research. The questionnaire acted as a method to either find support for or contradict existing research. Questionnaires were distributed in meetings with respondents, and respondents that emerged from the snowball method, were contacted via email. The sample consisted of white Afrikaans-speaking Christian students on Stellenbosch University campus who were chosen because of perceptions that students in general are liberal but Afrikaners as a cultural group are fairly traditional. The conflict between this group’s norms and perceptions about students in general was researched. The completed questionnaires were statistically analysed by using an electronic data analysis programme, STATISTICA. Seven broad themes emerged as the main findings in this thesis. First, marriage and the role of the nuclear family in society is a much needed social institution. Second, it became clear that gender in society is a socially constructed concept. Third, it became apparent that religion plays a major role as socialisation agent and fulfils a fundamental role within society. Fourth, the role of women in marriage was clearly seen as that of the supportive wife. Another theme indicated that that was investigated was that Afrikaners as a cultural group are still very traditional and conservative, especially with regards to whom they marry. It seems like Afrikaners still choose marriage partners from within their own cultural group. Sixth, the mass media also seem to be socialisation agents especially with regards to sexuality. Finally, parents as socialisation agents play a big role in forming perceptions, especially with regards to the role of women in society. The study also indicated that there were statistical differences between male and female respondents, but only with regards to sexuality, marriage and the Afrikaner as a cultural group. From the study one could thus argue that gender roles are socially constructed and that socialising agents provides the framework for perceptions with regards to gender. The role of marriage in society still seems very important. The division of labour in marriage seems problematic due to women’s increasing participation in the labour market. It influences the nuclear family on many levels. There appears to be a contradiction between modern society’s non-traditional values and the more traditional values regarding marriage and gender roles still supported by religion.

This dissertation explores whether women and men can be empowered through cultural nationalism based on religious/ethnic identities. Religious fundamentalism is typically not associated with women's empowerment. As a patriarchal, Hindu nationalist party that advocates violence, the Shiv Sena is also an unlikely agent of women's empowerment. Yet, the Sena has been attracting numerous women who claim to have gained confidence through the party. Using the Shiv Sena as my case study, I interviewed four male and seven female Shiv Sena members using the biographic narrative method. By examining their biographic narratives and interviews of their families and colleagues, I was able to delineate the different empowerment cycles for men and women in Shiv Sena and determine each participant's level of empowerment. The empowerment framework defined by Jo Rowlands (1997), which distinguishes between personal, collective, and relational empowerment, serves as the basis of my assessment of women's and men's empowerment. As violence is generally disregarded as a means of empowerment, I discuss it in relation to the construction of empowering cultural identities. While establishing theoretical frameworks regarding empowerment, cultural identity and gender, I also examine the disempowerment of Maharashtrians (whom Shiv Sena originally represented) by the socio-economic and historical conditions of Bombay, India. I then demonstrate how Shiv Sena, led by its Chief, Bal Thackeray, has constructed a new hegemonic masculine identity for Maharasthrian men as a means of empowerment. In the final chapters, I examine Shiv Sena's impact on the lives of individual women and men. This analysis revealed that despite the patriarchal constraints imposed by the Sena, women were becoming personally empowered in both the private and public spheres. In contrast, while Shiv Sena men were achieving collective empowerment in the public sphere, they had more difficulty becoming personally empowered in both the home and workplace.

This thesis analyzes the ideologies present the campaign rhetoric surrounding the 2008 California legislative initiative Proposition·8. Using Foss' method of ideological criticism the campaign is read prior after the opposition response to determine if an ideological shift occurs. The study is framed to identify this shift as a potential product of oppositional interaction, a characteristic of rhetoric defined by Smith and Windes. The study concludes that the shift in ideology during the campaign by the supporters of Proposition 8 was a significant development. The response from the Proposition 8 campaign reframed the debate, making the electorate vulnerable to a different ideology. This new ideology places the state education apparatus, not the courts, in the spotlight as the state mechanism that is in dispute in the marriage controversy. When placed in .this context, theories of political economy are employed to explain how the electorate may have interpreted these arguments. One. explanation offered is that the response ideology of the Proposition 8 campaign allowed voters to vote to outlaw gay marriages as a proactive response to a mistrust of education. The discussion section indicates that this could be an adjustment to existing ideologies, or development of an issues specific ideology that is only relevant for one issue in the mind of the individual. Ultimately, this study demonstrated the utility of ideology as a method to analyze political rhetoric and examines the role that oppositional interaction plays in the long-term development of public dialectic.

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science to the Faculty of Political Science, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016
This project employs a narrative and counter narrative lens to seek an understanding of the changing roles of traditional leaders in an independent Zimbabwe. A historical context was necessary in order to highlight changes in traditional leadership roles prior to the independence era. This process of using the historical context facilitated a discussion that was divorced from biases associated with colonialism and independence. To achieve this, a study was undertaken of the period prior to the colonial era, within the colonial era and post colonial period. This resulted in a rich discussion of the changing roles within each period together with implications to traditional leadership in an independent Zimbabwe. The study undertook a detailed review that provided the basis for the placement into the historical context that was supported by academic literature. The use of theory further consolidated the placement of the study in an academic context. Data collection and analysis were placed in narrative and counter narrative contexts using a thematic approach to find meaning to the study while addressing assertions that were raised in the study. The findings proved that traditional leaders in Zimbabwe have lost their powers and are partaking of new modern roles slowly divorced from the traditional context of both the pre and colonial era. It also proved that traditional leaders are aware of the changing roles and might be enjoying the benefits of the modern system at the expense of both tradition and culture. The other argument however is that traditional role conflicts with democratic processes and may not really be representative of a democratic government as these leaders are not elected. The findings of this study should highlight to the traditional leaders of the irreversible changing roles which only stand to maintain what could be an oppressive system similar to the colonial era unless it is checked and controlled. The study may also help academics and other interested parties that may be advocating for a separation of African systems in place of Western influenced governance despite the globalised nature of the world that maybe considered a disadvantage to poor countries.
MT2017

Blogging continues to get attention in the field of communication studies for reasons such as its differences with traditional media and its various effects in societies. The first part of this dissertation provides the reader with a background of the use of the Internet in Zimbabwe highlighting how it has offered individuals a platform to publish their own content, thus increasing the documentation of the 2008 Zimbabwean elections. This research analyses how national identity and the construction thereof emerges from online personal narratives. The research also investigates the discourses shaping the country‘s identities such as humanitarian, anti-Mugabe and democratic discourses that emerge from the blogs and how these blogs communicate events that occurred during the polls. This dissertation is primarily concerned with how citizens have arguably become recognized as sources of information and how Zimbabwe is perceived. Finally, the blogs are critically examined for how they create spaces of resistance. I argue that the blogs challenged and destabilized the older patterns of identity creation within Zimbabwe. Whereas national identity constructions have been largely a result of the majority or ruling class, the production of counter discourses in the blogs suggests that at an individual level, citizens use the Internet as a platform to express their dissent and do not automatically internalize these projected national identities.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of the Witwatersrand Department of Political Studies February 2015
The question of gender inequality in South Africa has still not received the platform that it deserves. This reality may be attributed to numerous factors including the masculine attitudes that continue to prevail in South African politics. This dissertation therefore analyses the construction of gender roles in youth political organisations in South Africa, and investigates how hegemonic gender formations challenge and shape the activism of women within these organisations. It focuses on the largest and oldest youth political formation in the country, the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It draws from the rich history of the ANC and the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) to understand better the framework of current gender politics. Feminist theory is used as the underpinning theoretical framework throughout this research, thus providing a new perspective of women’s activism that goes beyond the traditional practices employed in research about political organisations. This dissertation is informed by a qualitative research approach with a focus on interviews with individuals who are members of the ANCYL in the Seshego township in South Africa’s Limpopo Province. The main argument made in this dissertation is that women in mainstream political organisations like the ANCYL continue to experience difficulties in the assertion of their activism because of the historically dominating masculine characteristics of such organisations. A nuanced analysis of young women’s activism in South Africa is the major contribution that this research offers. By bringing forth the narrative of ordinary female activists, this dissertation deliberately confronts the celebration of the supposedly already realised gender equality, arguing that this is a premature celebration that is not cognisant of the daily experiences of female activists of the ANCYL.

本項研究旨在探討近代中國男性知識分子性別與國族論述之間的互動關係，藉以突顯近年學者利用後殖民性別/國族理論模式解釋上述問題的盲點和不足之處。
根據後殖民性別/國族理論的觀點，反殖民男性精英的性別與國族論述之間呈現出對立和矛盾，這成為了學者們以性別角度，批評近代中國國族主義的基調。然而，本研究要論證的正是這種後殖民性別/國族理論難以完全解釋近代中國歷史語境中的相關議題。
本文第一章探討康有為的「男女平等」論述如何假借儒家傳統「聖人」的論述模式，開拓現代性別平等的論說空間；第二章分析金天翮在晚清國族主義脈絡下建構的「女權」論述，如何為當時女權主義者打開批判男權統治的論述場域；第三章闡述周作人五四時期的「女性」論述如何通過新性道德討論，以及批判父權意識型態，創建女性主體性的論述模式；第四章解析張競生的「女體」論述如何將女性情慾與國族論述連結起來，開創女性情慾自主論的空間。通過四位知識分子的思想分析，本文勾勒出晚清以迄五四這個歷史階段較突出的性別/國族論述模式，闡釋近代中國性別與國族論述之間的互動關係。
This research aims to explore the interactive relation between gender and nation in the discourse of the Modern Chinese intellectuals. Through details examination of the interactive discourse of gender and nation, this study seeks to demonstrate the inadequacy of the postcolonial critique of the nationalist bias on gender.
According to the gender analyses of the post-colonialists, gender and nation appear to be placed in opposition and conflict with one another. It is from this perspective of gender that many Chinese study scholars advance their critique on Chinese nationalism. However what I want to argue in this thesis is that such application of the post-colonial critique on gender and nation is over-representation of the gender/nation discourse in the context of Modern China.
In the first chapter of this thesis, I shall demonstrate how the discourse of Kang Youwei on “equality between men and women (「男女平等」)has revised the conception of the “Confucian sagefor the alignment with the modern discourse on equality of gender. In the second chapter, I shall how Chin Sung-ts’en’s(「金天翮」) dissemination of the conception of“ Women’s Right(「女權」) has inspired the female elite to criticize the patriarchy in the context of the national discourse on Late Qing period. In the third chapter, I shall examine how Zhou Zuoren’s(周作人) discourse on women (「女性」)has, through his participation in the construction of the “New Sexual Morality and his critique of the ideology of patriarchy, constructed the discursive foundation of female subjectivity during May Fourth period. And finally, in the fourth chapter, I shall explain how the discourse of the “female body (「女體」) by Zhang Jingsheng (張競生) reinstates female sexuality into the nationalism discourse and how such connection creates the site of liberation for female sexuality.
By analysis these four different intellectuals, this thesis has traced the development of these distinctive models of discourse on gender and nation, and demonstrated a mutually implicated relation between the two from the Late Qing to the May Fourth period in Modern China.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
凌子威.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-164).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Ling Ziwei.
前言 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章： --- 傳統與現代性的角力：晚清「男女平等」論的開展 --- p.21
康有為的《大同書》：「男女平等」論的「聖人」模式 --- p.27
打破「內外之防」：女子獨立人格的肯定 --- p.34
推翻家庭專制：「去家界」的激進主張 --- p.38
結論 --- p.45
Chapter 第二章： --- 女權主義與國族主義之間：晚清「女權」論的催生 --- p.47
歐洲「女權」說翻譯與移植 --- p.51
金天翮的《女界鐘》：「女權」與「新中國」論的互涉 --- p.62
化私為公：塑造「國民之母」形象 --- p.65
「女權」與「民權」：建構中國女子革命論 --- p.72
結論 --- p.82
Chapter 第三章： --- 「反傳統」與主體建構：五四「女性」論的確立 --- p.88
周作人及其「靈肉一致」女性觀的探索 --- p.91
重建新性道德：貞操、自由戀愛與婚姻制度 --- p.96
打破性禁忌：「不淨觀」與「假道學」 --- p.105
結論 --- p.111
Chapter 第四章： --- 「性」與國家：五四「女體」論的爭議 --- p.113
強種與優生：由晚清「反纏足」到五四「產兒限制」 --- p.116
張競生及其「第三種水」論：女體歡愉/強種救國的另類想像 --- p.124
反客為主：女性情慾自主權 --- p.131
結論 --- p.136
Chapter 結論： --- 近代中國「性別」與「國族」論述的互動 --- p.139
徵引書目 --- p.143

Text in English
The small house phenomenon amongst the Shona people in contemporary Zimbabwe forms part of the relationship and household arrangements amongst certain heterosexual couples. In cases where partners engage in small house relationships, it has specific implications for existing marriage and family dynamics. The study sought to address the question: What are the perceptions on gender dynamics of the small house phenomenon as an emerging family structure in contemporary Zimbabwean society? The relative newness as well as the secretive nature and complexity of the small house relationship, render the nuances of gender dynamics in such contexts worth exploring to add value to the Sociology of Families and gender dynamics. The research was conducted in Harare metropolitan province and adopted social exchange theory and African feminism to illuminate the gender dynamics in small house households. It utilised a qualitative research paradigm and employed in-depth interviews to collect data from 30 participants who were purposively sampled. Findings of the study reveal that although the small house relationship may at times be informed by the ideals of traditional Shona polygynous marital practices, it differs in several respects with polygyny as it attempts to adapt to the socio-economic demands of the 21st century. The study uncovers that the social exchanges in small house relationships are not only gendered, but also based on inequalities relating to class, age and lineage. The small house relationship at times perpetuates gender inequalities between the partners involved. The study exposed how certain small house relationships were inundated with a myriad of problems including gender-based violence, financial constraints and increased susceptibility to HIV and AIDS and other STIs. Problems experienced in small house households are often exacerbated by the secretive nature of the relationship. Furthermore, a form of hegemonic masculinity and emphasised femininity, which are manifestations of the deeply entrenched patriarchal hegemony in the Shona culture, results in asymmetrical intimate relations. It was also revealed that small house households may inadvertently violate children’s rights, including opportunities to access and secure education and social security. Reportedly, disengaged fatherhood in the context of the small house can affect children’s welfare and socialisation negatively.
Sociology
D. Phil. (Sociology)

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-113)
The advent of HIV and AIDS has had a negative impact on the Catholic, Anglican and Methodist churches (as well as others) in Manicaland, Zimbabwe. This was due to the difficulty of accepting the reality of this pandemic. This happened because the disease came with unbearable psycho-social suffering rooted in stigmatisation and discrimination, especially among women, who were the most vulnerable group. This study critically examines and exposes the effects of HIV and AIDS on Manyika women. The researcher argues that, on the one hand, some religious and cultural practices contributed to the spread of the HIV and AIDS infection. On the other hand, some of these practices discouraged the spread of HIV and AIDS pandemic and needed to be enhanced. Furthermore, even if churches are involved in the battle against HIV, their efforts are hindered by cultural practices such as the Manyikas’ unwillingness to discuss taboo issues such as sex and gender in public. This makes women vulnerable. In addition, the problem has been complicated by the fact that the issue of sexuality is not openly discussed in the churches. Using qualitative methods, the researcher conducted interviews with Catholics and found that there is a need to continually engage with these communities. Their lived experiences can be used to bring about their liberation and improve their capacity to deal with their situation. The argument of this study is that there is an urgent need to liberate and empower women in the era of HIV and AIDS. The journey that has already been started by the Circle of Concerned African Women Theologians (“the Circle”) could assist in the liberation of women to deal with the HIV and AIDS pandemic. In addition, this can build on Catholic Church HIV and AIDS interventions among the Manyika people of Zimbabwe as a premise of that process of liberation.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Phil. (Theology)

The aim of this study was to critically analyse the visual and verbal language used on printed adverts by some selected banks in Zimbabwe. A semiotic theory was used to analyse the printed adverts. The study revealed that all the banks use stereotyped language in communicating their messages to potential customers. Some audiences identified with this stereotyped languages, though others were also critical of stereotyped adverts. This paradox is dependent on the uneven levels of social consciousness of the audiences. The study argues that communication between banks and the potential customers is a product of negotiation of meaning at the point of reception of the printed adverts. The study then recommended the use of gender, race and class neutral language in order to enhance the effectiveness of advertisements. Future research into the study of the language of advertisement should focus on the problem of copyright infringement in advertising.
African Languages
M.A. (African languages)

In this work I have used Pierre Bourdieu's concept of habitus as a springboard to examine the Pauline tradition in the light of Zimbabwe-African, cultural, legal and social attitudes to women. I have highlighted the conflict between the practices defined by Zimbabwean Constitutional law regarding the status of women and what is the actual situation on the ground, also considering the role of the church in confronting or conforming to the cultural norms. I have likewise highlighted the conflict in the Pauline tradition where one hand women are given more active roles in the church than could be expected according to the customs of the time, but on the other hand are still bound by an oppressive tradition. I have concluded by suggesting how the church can act in order to break free of this oppressive tradition and bring about change in the habitus of the society.
New Testament
M. Th. (New Testament)

Although Swazi women's contribution to national development has been phenomenal, they like any other women in patriarchal societies confront an overbearing situation in which they have been regarded and treated as minors, both in the family and most spheres of public life. This has largely been due to the social construction of gender. Traditional gender-based attitudes, deeply ingrained in the people's mind set, not infrequently, have limited women's access to and control of various aspects of public life, and impinge on their rights, most especially the rights to selfdetermination and equal participation in the decision making process. Coupled with religion which influences "the deepest level of what it means to be human" (King, 1994:4) and zealous cultural conservatism, the Swazi women, with a few notable exceptions, experience an asymmetry of power due to the pervasive nature of gender. Nonetheless, the history of Swaziland bears testimony, however muted, to a legacy ofwomen's struggles to overcome gendered conditions imposed upon them either by taking full advantage of their spiritual endowment and charisma to overcome attitudinal barriers or by organising themselves into groups to work for the social transformation of their conditions and status. This study examines the Swazi women's search for gender equality. It discusses the social and cultural context of gender in Swaziland, the various moments in the Swazi women's quest for equality and its manifestations, and the push and pull effect of religion and culture. Particular attention is given to four organisations, namely Lutsango lwakaNgwane (loosely referred to as women's regiments), the Council of Swaziland Churches, the Women's Resource Centre (Umtapo waBomake) and Swaziland Action Group Against Abuse (SWAGAA). The study shows that Swazi women have, across a passage of time, adopted different strategies, including ritual, economic empowerment and creation of new knowledge through promotion of gender awareness and social advocacy either in a womanist approach that accepts women's embeddedness in Swazi culture or in the liberal feminist tradition that espouses women's individual rights. However, the study shows that the women's movement has yet to reach the critical mass level so as to influence public policy and come to terms with the deconstruction of the dominant gender ideology.
Religious Studies and Arabic
D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)