Academic literature on the topic 'Shaykhī'

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Journal articles on the topic "Shaykhī"

1

Quinn, Sholeh A. "The mi‘rāj in Select Shaykhī, Bābī, and Bahā’ī Texts." Religions 14, no. 3 (2023): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14030397.

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The mi‘raj, or ascension of the Prophet Muhammad to heaven, has received a great deal of attention on the part of Islamic scholars and writers, who expanded upon a short Qur’anic passage and communicated their understanding of this episode. Nineteenth century religious leaders associated with the the Shaykhī, Bābī, and Bahā’ī movements continued the practice of commenting on the mi‘rāj. Rather than communicating fixed ideas about the meaning of the mi‘raj, their writings reflect the contexts in which they were composed.
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2

Sedgwick, Mark. "Sufi Religious Leaders and Sufi Orders in the Contemporary Middle East." Sociology of Islam 6, no. 2 (2018): 212–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00602007.

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This article examines the authority of the Sufi shaykh, which it divides between the esoteric and the exoteric (which includes the social implications of esoteric authority) and analyses with help from Weber. In principle Sufi shaykhs are among the most important leaders of the Sunni faithful. In practice, however, the Sufi shaykh now has much less power and authority than might be expected. This is partly because modern states have, in general, reduced the power of Sufi shaykhs, and because decline in the power of the ʿulamaʾ has included the decline of the power of Sufi shaykhs who are also ʿulamaʾ. It is also because there is an inverse relationship between the power of the shaykh and the size of his ṭarīqa (order). The most powerful shaykh is the one with primarily charismatic authority, but his ṭarīqa will be small. The largest ṭarīqa is led by a shaykh whose authority depends on tradition and heredity; his power is not so great. This paradox is not changed by the availability, for political reasons, of new sources of state support for the leadership role of Sufi shaykhs as an alternative to Salafi and ikhwāni Islam.
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3

Momen, Moojan. "The Struggle for the Soul of Twelver Shiʿism in Qajar Iran". Die Welt des Islams 60, № 1 (2020): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-00600a01.

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Abstract From the 1770s onwards, there was a struggle for the soul of Shiʿism in Iran – a struggle over what the true nature of religion should be. On one side was the dominant Uṣūlī religious hierarchy, focused on the Shariʿa and asserting that its rationalist methodology was the path to true knowledge. On the other side was a succession of four movements: Akhbārī, Shaykhī, Bābī, and Bahāʾī. This paper examines the evidence for the continuity between these four movements by looking at patterns of affiliation among individuals and families in Iran. It also describes how, despite different ideas regarding the source of true knowledge, the factors that united these four movements were their rejection of excessive clerical control of individual and social life and their belief that religious life should be focused on love for the representative of the Divine among humanity and on the development of personal spiritual qualities.
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4

Stjernholm, Simon. "The Centre of the Universe: Shaykh Nazim and His Murids in Lefke, Cyprus." Journal of Muslims in Europe 4, no. 1 (2015): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341294.

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This article presents and analyses the environment around Shaykh Muhammad Nazim Adil al-Haqqani (1922-2014) in Lefke, Cyprus. The Shaykh was leader of a branch of the Naqshbandiyya between 1973 and 2014. His murids have viewed their visits to the Shaykh’s home as spiritual highlights. Some have moved there permanently. Based on ethnographic material collected during four visits to Lefke between 2008 and 2014, as well as material distributed online by Shaykh Nazim’s murids, this article discusses developments affecting the Shaykh and his murids in Lefke. Topics discussed include the Shaykh’s decreasing physical condition, the narratives of individual visitors, and visits by prominent international guests, as well as the Shaykh’s death and its immediate aftermath, including the contested issue of leadership in the tariqa. The article concludes with a reflection on Sufi saintly authority in the contemporary world.
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5

Buck, Christopher, and Youli A. Ioannesyan. "Last Prophet and Last Day: Shaykhī, Bābī and Bahā’ī Exegesis of the “Seal of the Prophets” (Q. 33:40)." Religions 14, no. 3 (2023): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14030341.

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The appearance of post-Islamic religions, the Bābī and Bahā’ī Faiths, is a theoretical impossibility from an orthodox Muslim perspective, since the Qur’ān designates the Prophet Muḥammad as the “Seal of the Prophets” (Q. 33:40), widely understood as meaning the “Last of the Prophets”. To overcome this problem, the respective prophet-founders, the Bāb (1819–1850) and Bahā’u’llāh (1817–1892), each presented novel approaches which this article will explore. In short, the Bāb revealed a “new” Qur’ān, i.e., the Qayyūm al-Asmā’ (1844), and Bahā’u’llāh wrote the Kitāb-i Īqān (Book of Certitude) in January 1861. While acknowledging Muḥammad as the last prophet in the “Prophetic Cycle”, the Bāb and Bahā’u’llāh inaugurated the advent of the “Cycle of Fulfillment”. This new era was foretold in the Qur’ān by way of a symbolic code, understood metaphorically and spiritually. A key concept is that of the “divine presence” (liqā’ Allāh), i.e., the encounter/“meeting” with God, whereby Q. 33:44, Q. 83:6, Q. 7:35 (and their respective parallels) effectively transcend Q. 33:40. Recognizing that the Bāb and Bahā’u’llāh each manifests the “divine presence” thereby constitutes a “realized eschatology”. This paper represents the first time that a wide-ranging survey and analysis of the Shaykhī, Bābī, and Bahā’ī viewpoints on the subject of the “Seal of the Prophets” has been made and is the result of a collaboration between two scholars working in the United States and Russia.
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6

HERMANN, Denis. "Quelques remarques à propos de l'interprétation du sens durokn-e rābe'chez Moḥammad Bāqer Hamadānī, le fondateur de l'école shaykhī hamadānī". Journal Asiatique 295, № 2 (2007): 461–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ja.295.2.2033246.

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7

Mahendrarajah, Shivan. "The Shaykh al-Islam in Medieval Khurasan." Afghanistan 1, no. 2 (2018): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2018.0017.

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The shaykh al-Islam emerged in early Islamic Khurasan. A shaykh al-Islam's social-political roles developed organically, and his duties were exogenous to state bureaucracies. The Seljuq vizier, Niẓām al-Mulk, struck upon a “brilliant and original” scheme, to use the shaykh al-Islam to shape Islamic curricula and control lecturers. He officialized the position by appointing his “own lieutenant” as the shaykh al-Islam of Nishapur. Shāh-Rukh restarted the Seljuq initiative by appointing the shaykh al-Islam of Herat. The Timurid initiative was continued by the Safavids. The Ottoman şeyhülislam became the Empire's most formidable religious official. He presided over its educational system (ilmiye). There are two classes of shaykhs al-Islam: urban and rural. A city's shaykh al-Islam was the chief of its educational network of seminaries, hospices, teachers, and students; he examined the qualifications of lecturers, arbitrated disputes, and harmonized conflicts of law. A rural shaykh al-Islam was a local lord: major landholder, administrator, and magistrate. Typically, he was the custodian of a prominent Sufi shrine. The shaykh al-Islam's/shrine custodian's standing, and the influence and affluence of his institution within its catchment area, were enhanced by the Ilkhanids, Kartids, and Timurids when they tasked him with managing hydrological systems and agricultural production.
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8

Katkova, Irina R. "Sufi Authority in “Post-Modern” Muslim Societies." KALAM 14, no. 1 (2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/klm.v14i1.5908.

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While the beginning of the 21st century demonstrated the emergence of various distinctive styles of Sufism, the existing studies of Sufi practice and discourse in various countries across the world illustrate how social modern forms and techniques are now among the conditions of possibility for a great many movements that are concerned to extend the Islamic tradition, traditions of practice and piety. Yet, modern scholarship represents relatively little known area of Sufi leadership tradition as well as the role of shaykh as a mediating agent in Muslim societies. Fulfilling this scientific gap, this paper is aimed at examining the ways in which we could better understand the role of Sufi shaykh and the production of their authorities in post-modern Muslim societies. In doing so, the paper gives ample emphasis on theoretical discussion about tradition in mystical Islam, and about the ways in which such tradition gives influence to the mediating role played by a Sufi shaykh in society, with a particular case study of the Naqshbandiyah tradition in West Sumatra, Indonesia. This paper reveals the important dimension of traditions of how Sufi shaykhs practice the ideal of Prophet as spiritual masters, within the regional form of Islam, or as mediating shaykhs today, that enable Muslims to pursue a spiritual path within the conflicting situations and pressure of modern life.
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9

Hermann, Denis. "Political Quietism in Contemporary Shīʿism: A Study of the Siyāsat-i mudun of the Shaykhī Kirmānī Master ʿAbd al-Riḍā Khān Ibrāhīmī". Studia Islamica 109, № 2 (2014): 274–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341305.

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10

Quinn, Sholeh A. "The Genesis of the Bábí-Bahá’í Faiths in Shíráz and Fárs." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 2 (2010): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i2.1330.

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How Muslims in past centuries dreamed about, attempted to actualize, andconceived the apocalyptic and messianic events of the End Times cannot beignored in any comprehensive approach to the study of Islam. This volumeconsists of an English translation of one important source that contributes toour understanding of nineteenth-century Islamic messianic movements:Mirza Habib Allah Afnan’s (1875-1971) history of the Babi and Baha’i religionsin Shiraz. Born in Shiraz, Afnan grew up in the home of SayyidMuhammad `Ali Shirazi, “The Bab,” (1819-50) and was raised by his widow,Khadijah Begum.The Bab was born into a Shi’i Muslim merchant family during the earlyQajar period, a time when many of his contemporaries expected the nearadvent of messianic and apocalyptic events. Among the groups so inclinedwere the “Shaykhis,” devotees of Shaykh Ahmad ibn Zayn al-Din al-Ahsa’i(d. 1826). The Bab was initially a Shaykhi and a follower of Sayyid KazimRashti (d. 1843), al-Ahsa’i’s successor. In the 1840s, he claimed to be theexpected qa’im (messianic “ariser”) or mahdi (“rightly guided one”) andfounded a religion that he hoped would change the world and usher in an eraof peace and justice. These assertions led to his execution in Tabriz, Iran, in1850. In subsequent years, most of his followers looked to Mirza Husayn`Ali Nuri, “Baha’u’llah,” as the Bab’s successor and a figure who, in his ownright, fulfilled Babi and other messianic expectations ...
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