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Journal articles on the topic 'Shinto and state'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Okuyama, Michiaki. "Rethinking “State Shinto” in the Past and the Present." Numen 66, no. 2-3 (April 10, 2019): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341537.

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AbstractThis article reflects on the meaning of recent arguments concerning “State Shinto” in the contemporary Japanese right-wing and conservative social context. Shimazono Susumu’s recent analyses of State Shinto in postwar Japan have stimulated discussion of the subject. His understanding that State Shinto has survived from the prewar years is based on his analysis of both Imperial House Shinto, which was not affected by the Shinto Directive issued in 1945, and the postwar political activism of the Association of Shinto Shrines and its political arm, the Shinto Association for Spiritual Leadership. The political campaigns of these Shinto groups can be situated in a larger context of the rise of neonationalism in contemporary Japanese society. Given the relationship of Japanese politicians to the Yasukuni Shrine and Ise Jingū (Ise Shrine), and the current interest among the public in the rituals of the emperor and the imperial family, a reconsideration of the concept of State Shinto seems warranted. A critical rethinking of State Shinto may be regarded as a warning against attempts by conservative religio-political movements to revive prewar State Shinto.

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2

Breen, John. "“CONVENTIONAL WISDOM” AND THE POLITICS OF SHINTO IN POSTWAR JAPAN." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0401068b.

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In January 2010, the Supreme Court delivered a historic verdict of unconstitutionality in a case involving Sorachibuto, a Shinto shrine in Sunagawa city, Hokkaido. All of the national newspapers featured the case on their front pages. As the case makes abundantly clear, issues of politics and religion, politics and Shinto, are alive and well in 21st century Japan. In this essay, I seek to shed light on the fraught relationship between politics and Shinto from three perspectives. I first analyze the Sorachibuto case, and explain what is at stake, and why it has attracted the attention it has. I then contextualize it, addressing the key state-Shinto legal disputes in the post war period: from the 1970s through to the first decade of the 21st century. Here my main focus falls on the state, and its efforts to cultivate Shinto. In the final section, I shift that focus to the Shinto establishment, and explore its efforts to reestablish with a succession of post LDP administrations the sort of intimacy, which Shinto enjoyed with the state in the early 20th century.

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3

Blackburn, Kevin. "The role of State Shinto and sport in integrating Singapore into the Japanese Empire, 1942–45." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 54, no. 4 (December 2023): 645–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463423000668.

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During the Japanese Occupation of Singapore, military and civilian officials governing Singapore used a combination of State Shinto and sport to assist in culturally assimilating Singapore into Japan's Empire. A planned massive sports complex was to be located at Singapore's own State Shinto shrine, the Syonan Jinja, which was partly modelled on Japan's Meiji Shrine which regularly held on its own grounds sports events and games that mixed the rituals of State Shinto with athleticism. Participation in sport was used to assimilate local populations into an imperial identity, united under the helm of the Japanese Emperor.

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4

Ugoretz, Kaitlyn. "Do Kentucky Kami Drink Bourbon? Exploring Parallel Glocalization in Global Shinto Offerings." Religions 13, no. 3 (March 17, 2022): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030257.

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Scholars of Japanese religion have recently drawn attention to the global repositioning, “greening”, and international popularization of Shinto. However, research on Shinto ritual practice and material religion continues to focus predominantly on cases located within the borders of the Japanese state. This article explores the globalization of Shinto through transnational practitioners’ strategic glocalization of everyday ritual practices outside of Japan. Drawing upon digital ethnographic fieldwork conducted in online Shinto communities, I examine three case studies centering on traditional ritual offerings made at the domestic altar (kamidana): rice, sake, and sakaki branches. I investigate how transnational Shinto communities hold in tension a multiplicity of particularistic understandings of Shinto locality and authenticity when it comes to domestic ritual practice. While relativistic approaches to glocalization locate the sacred and authentic in an archetypical or idealized form of Japanese tradition rooted in its environment, creolization and transformation valorize the particularities of one’s personal surroundings and circumstances. Examining these strategies alongside recent and historical cases in Shinto ritual at shrines within Japan, I propose that attending to processes of “parallel glocalization” helps to illuminate the quasi-fictive notion of the religious “homeland” and close the perceived gap in authenticity between ritual practices at home and abroad.

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Wang, Ziming. "Hakkō Ichiu: Religious Rhetoric in Imperial Japan." Religions 14, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14010021.

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The wartime propaganda slogan Hakkō Ichiu 八紘一宇 (“Unify the whole world under one roof”) was loaded with historical meaning: Japan was glorifying the aggression and colonization of war by fostering a specific interpretation of the narrative about how Jimmu, the first emperor, founded the nation in State Shinto mythology. In this article, I consider this slogan as central to a religious rhetoric with nationalistic overtones and I analyze it in terms of etymology, connotation, and rhetorical devices. First, the expression Hakkō Ichiu originated in ancient East Asian cosmology, before becoming one of the rhetorical expressions of State Shinto, emphasizing the extent of the imperial reign. Second, the Nichirenist activist Tanaka Chigaku rediscovered it and gave it an expansionist connotation, fostering a syncretistic approach mixing Buddhist and Shinto features. Finally, during wartime, in official documents, lyrics, trademarks, etc., the slogan gave way to a number of graphic and monumental expressions, reinforcing its connections with militarism and ultranationalism. The most notable of these material expressions was the Hakkō Ichiu Tower, erected to commemorate the 2600th anniversary of the foundation of the nation and perpetuate the State Shinto rhetoric.

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6

Masafumi, Okazaki. "Chrysanthemum and Christianity: Education and Religion in Occupied Japan, 1945––1952." Pacific Historical Review 79, no. 3 (August 1, 2010): 393–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2010.79.3.393.

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American occupying forces had an unprecedented opportunity to establish Christianity in post-World War II Japan, but their efforts failed. This article argues that Gen. Douglas MacArthur's efforts at Christianization failed because of a fundamental contradiction within the goals of the Occupation. On the one hand, MacArthur saw Christianity and American-style democratic institutions as inextricably linked and serving similar purposes, including fending off communism. On the other, the American ideal of the separation of church and state, which explicitly criticized the influence of State Shinto in pre-war Japan and was embodied in the Occupation's Shinto Directive, ran counter to the promotion of Christianity to replace Shinto. This internal conflict eliminated one of the Occupation's more promising avenues for Christianization——public education.

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7

Masa’aki, Shinya. "THE POLITICO-RELIGIOUS DILEMMA OF THE YASUKUNI SHRINE." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0401041m.

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This article concerns itself with the relation of the Yasukuni Shrine with the state in prewar and postwar Japan. It focuses on the agencies involved, that is, on organizations and individuals that represent this institution or relate to it in other ways. Its main goal is to clarify the situation of the Yasukuni Shrine, particularly the dilemma it faces. Being rooted in a diverse Shinto tradition and established by the imperialist Meiji Government, the prewar Yasukuni Shrine was a representative institution of stateShinto. Its situation alters drastically after WW II, when Japan was induced to shift its politics toward a democratic parliamentary state. The core of the Yasukuni problem is that this shrine is a memorial for all Japanese war dead that provides exclusive Shinto memorial services, within which religion, patriotism, and nationalism coalesce into one and the same attitude. Yasukuni’s dilemma concerns the adoption of either a religious or a political ideal, but the Yasukuni authorities apparently want both. The paper briefly relates the origin of the Yasukuni Shrine and discusses the religious nature of state-Shinto, the translation problem of the word religion into Japanese, and finally, Yasukuni’s postwar development, highlighting the role of various actors in this social practice.

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8

Teeuwen, Mark, and Klaus Antoni. "State Shinto: An "Independent Religion"?" Monumenta Nipponica 54, no. 1 (1999): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2668275.

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9

Je, Jum-Suk. ""(The) Transformation from State Shinto to ""Imperial Shinto"" in Japanesecontrolled Korea"." CHIYEOK KWA YEOKSA The Journal of Korean History 44 (April 30, 2019): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.19120/cy.2019.04.44.177.

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10

Kim, Misook, and Kei Yamashita. "The Relationship between State Power and Religion in Japan: Focusing on the Interrelationship between Nihonkaigi and Shinto." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 5 (May 31, 2022): 897–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.5.44.5.897.

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This study aims to examine the relationship between religion and politics. Specifically, the relationship between state power and Shinto was analyzed, focusing on Japanese politics and the Japanese political organization Nihonkaigi. Through this, the ideological background of Japan’s right-wing forces was analyzed. Nihonkaigi is a political organization where right-wing political figures from Japan, created by “the Group to Protect Japan” and “the National Congress to Protect Japan,” are gathered. This organization significantly influences modern Japanese politics based on right-wing forces. The ideological backgrounds of these right-wing forces include “setting the Japanese emperor as the base of power” and “traditional the unity of state and religion ideas”. It means that efforts to abolish the State Shinto in December 1945 and prevent the recurrence of militarism failed. Nihonkaigi is giving material, human, and ideological support to right-wing politicians. They seek a “return to before the 2nd World War” by glorifying nationalism with discourse such as “Strong Japan equals Making a New Japan”. This example explains the unique aspect of Japan’s unity of state and religion.

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11

Barshay, Andrew, and Helen Hardacre. "Shinto and the State, 1868-1988." Journal of Japanese Studies 17, no. 1 (1991): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/132923.

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12

Blacker, Carmen, and Helen Hardacre. "Shinto and The State, 1868-1988." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 54, no. 1 (June 1994): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2719393.

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13

Earhart, H. Byron, and Helen Hardacre. "Shinto and the State, 1868-1988." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163376.

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14

Titus, David A., and Helen Hardacre. "Shinto and the State, 1868-1988." Monumenta Nipponica 45, no. 2 (1990): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2384854.

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15

Hane, Mikiso, and Helen Hardacre. "Shinto and the State, 1868-1988." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 4 (1990): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759932.

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16

Okuyama, Michiaki. ""State Shinto" in Recent Japanese Scholarship." Monumenta Nipponica 66, no. 1 (2011): 123–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mni.2011.0019.

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17

Lee, Yea Ann. "Creating State Shinto by Kato Genchi : How was State Shinto defined as Religion in Modern Japan?" Review of Korean and Asian Political Thoughts 22, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35161/rkapt.2023.03.22.1.71.

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18

CHANAMHEE. "Japan's Civil Religion and Shinto - A Study on State Shinto in the Early Meiji Period -." Discourse 201 12, no. 1 (May 2009): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17789/discou.2009.12.1.004.

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19

Matsuda, Kōichirō. "Does Conscience Have to be Free? A Multiple Crossroads of Religious, Political, and Diplomatic Arguments: 1868-1874." Mirai. Estudios Japoneses 3 (July 6, 2019): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/mira.64981.

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This article will focus on the conundrum of building the political legitimacy while institutionalizing religious freedom which the newly established goisshin 御一新 government confronted. Liberation of "evil sects", which not only meant Christianity but also other religious sects such as fujufuse-ha of Nichiren school, was an issue which the Meiji state wanted to dodge. Western states demanded the lifting of the ban on Christianity but Japanese political leaders were vigilant against the idea. Reluctantly the Meiji state lifted the ban on Christianity in 1873 but they had started the institutionalization of Shinto as the state religion in advance. The government officials viewed that Christian faith and churches in Western countries were devised to prevent public mind from dissolution. They strived to establish an alternative version of religious authority in Japan instead of introducing the principle of conscientious freedom. However, on the other hand, a new generation of intellectuals raised the protection of the individual right of religious freedom as an urgent issue. I will analyze the diplomatic negotiations between the Western countries and the Meiji government officials, reports on the Western religious and educational systems in the Iwakura Mission records, voices of Buddhist and Shinto groups, and publications by leading intellectuals such as Nakamura Masao and Katō Hiroyuki so as to build a picture of how the concept of conscientious liberty was treated in such entangled contexts.

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20

Waida, Manabu. "Shinto and the State, 1868-1988. Helen Hardacre." Journal of Religion 71, no. 3 (July 1991): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488708.

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21

Azegami, Naoki. "Local shrines and the creation of ‘State Shinto’." Religion 42, no. 1 (January 2012): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0048721x.2012.641806.

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22

Shimazono, Susumu. "State Shinto and the Religious Structure of Modern Japan." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 1077–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfi115.

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23

Lee, Yeaann. "Concept of Kokutai Shinto by Kato Genchi - State Shinto Debate in the 21st Century and Divine-Emperor Worship." Yongbong Journal of Humanities 62 (April 30, 2023): 213–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35704/yjh.62.8.

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24

Harefa, Surya. "Yasukuni Shrine, Japanese Christian Responses, and a Kuyperian Ecclesiological Perspective." Unio Cum Christo 7, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc7.1.2021.art6.

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This article explores the issue of official worship at Yasukuni Shrine and how Japanese evangelical Christians have responded to this problem. Established in 1869 as a mixed Shinto, military, and imperial site, it enshrined the souls of those who died for the emperor. The government used it to mobilize Japanese people for its fascist agenda during the first half of the twentieth century. After the disestablishment of the shrine as a state facility in 1946, many right-wing conservative politicians and war-bereaved families have worked ceaselessly to revive its special status. After surveying Japanese Christians’ responses, the ecclesiological background of their arguments is analyzed and the implementation of Abraham Kuyper’s ecclesiology to enhance their political engagement is proposed. KEYWORDS: Yasukuni Shrine, Japanese Christians, Abraham Kuyper, church and state, ecclesiology

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25

지영임. "The Role and influence of State Shinto from the Post - World War II in Korea - centered on Shinto shrine trace -." Japanese Language and Literature Association of Daehan ll, no. 69 (February 2016): 349–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18631/jalali.2016..69.019.

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26

Hardacre, Helen. "Creating State Shinto: The Great Promulgation Campaign and the New Religions." Journal of Japanese Studies 12, no. 1 (1986): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/132446.

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27

Liu, Weiyu. "Comparative Analysis of Church-State Relations in Poland and Japan." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 24, no. 1 (November 20, 2023): 256–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/24/20230744.

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The problem of religious beliefs and their communities has been a very controversial topic throughout human history. In modern states, most governments adopted the Western idea of separating the churches and the governments. Under the development of globalization, the Eastern states, like the states in East Asia, also followed this trend. This thesis compares and contrasts the church-politic relationship of Poland and Japan to show the similarities and differences between the Western and Eastern countries on the separation of the Churches and States. The thesis compares this topic from the angles of churches and the governments attitudes toward each other and the churches in the judiciary of these two states. It ends up with the idea that Poland states their secular position in the world but still has a close relationship between the Catholic Church and the government. Even though the Japanese government has a vague relationship between the Shinto and Buddhist communities, it still strictly performs the separation of churches and states in public. The research may provide a view for Western scholars and government to encourage them to put down the idea of Orientalism and get experiences from the Eastern World about the religion topic.

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28

Lee, Jeong-Kyu. "Japanese Higher Education Policy in Korea (1910—1945)." education policy analysis archives 10 (March 7, 2002): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v10n14.2002.

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The purpose of this article is to examine the impact of Japanese nationalistic thought on the administrative systems and structures of colonial and modern higher education in Korea, as well as to analyze Japanese higher educational policy in Korea during the colonial period (1910-1945). It begins with an examination of Shinto, a syncretistic Japanese state religion and the ideological basis of national education. The author investigates Japanese educational policy and administration during the colonial period, including the establishment of a colonial imperial university in Korea. He also reviews the administrative systems and organizational structures in imperial and colonial universities. Both beneficial and negative impacts of the Japanese colonial education system on current Korean higher education conclude the analysis.

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29

Choi, Soyoung. "The Takarazuka Operetta: “Girls,” State Shinto, and the Manufacture of Collective Emotions." International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 12, no. 2 (2022): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2154-8633/cgp/v12i02/59-71.

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30

Nobutaka, Inoue. "THE POSSIBILITY OF EDUCATION ABOUT RELIGIOUS CULTURE IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS." RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2007): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102099n.

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In Japan, religious education is usually divided into three categories; education about religions or religious knowledge, education to inculcate religious sentiment, and sectarian or confessional education. Education about religion can be taught at public schools, while confessional education is prohibited. Long discussions have been held regarding the inculcation of religious sentiment in postwar Japan. Some insist that it should be taught even at public schools, and others oppose this claim mainly based on the reflection of the influence of State Shinto in the prewar period, when the state and religion (Shrine Shinto) were deeply interconnected. The Basic Law on Education was revised in December, 2006, soon after the inauguration of the Abe cabinet. The article concerning religious education was moderated slightly with the words “general learning regarding religion” added to the sentence. However, as Japanese society has tended to avoid discussions on religious education in the postwar period, it might be quite difficult to establish a new education plan based on the former perspectives, especially regarding the inculcation of religious sentiment. The idea of education in religious culture has been introduced to seek for a new perspective on the problem. This perspective aims to promote a deeper understanding of the Japanese people’s own religious culture, as well as that of foreign nations. According to this plan, such religious education could be introduced even at public schools. Surveys and other research data from in recent years indicate that religious culture education would be far more acceptable to people, including students, than education for the “inculcation of religious sentiment.” Moreover, in the age of globalization, this type of religious education seems to be necessary for countries other than Japan as well. As a matter of fact, similar attempts can be observed in the U.S., the U.K., Australia, and other countries. These nations seem to share the following common problems: influence of globalization, influence of the information age (especially the Internet), and the “cults” problem.

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31

Yamanaka, Hiroshi. "Religious Change in Modern Japanese Society: Established Religions and Spirituality." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 48, no. 2 (September 24, 2022): 365–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18874/jjrs.48.2.2021.365-382.

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This article examines the state of religion in contemporary Japan from the perspective of consumerism and marketization, focusing on the influence spirituality movements have had on the established religious traditions of Buddhism and Shinto as well as traditional practices such as visiting family graves. By introducing statistical data, the article analyzes the popular notion of shifts “away from temples” and “away from shrines” in Japanese society. As a case study, the article discusses Ehara Hiroyuki and his use of media such as television and magazines, which situates his notion of spirituality within a religious marketplace dominated by the fluidity of individual choice. These trends are not alternatives to the religious practices and worldviews of traditional religions, but rather are in continuity with dominant social values such as reverence of ancestors.

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32

Borup, Jørn. "Anmeldelse af Isumae Jun'ichi: Religious Discourse in Modern Japan - Religion, State, and Shinto." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 65 (February 10, 2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i65.25037.

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33

Sieradzan, Przemysław J. "Źródła japońskiego antyokcydentalizmu i doktryny geopolitycznej „Wielkiej Azji Wschodniej”." Studia Orientalne 3, no. 1 (2013): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/so2013109.

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The following paper is dedicated to various factors and conditions, which shaped the doctrine of Japanese antiwesternism and militarism in the first half of XX century. The author seeks the historical sources of the expansionist policy of Far Eastern power, which not only manager to avoid the fate of West European collony, but also created its own collonial empire. The paper covers the image of Japan as unique, perfect, and holy state that can be noticed in shinto spirituality and various philosophical doctrines created before the Meiji Restauration of 1868. The author emphasizes the role of secret societies, which shaped social and political life of the empire and collective consciousess of Japanese people. The separate part is dedicated to the evolution of Pan-Asianism from anti-collonial and people liberation ideology to the doctrine of Japanese Far East exapnsion justification.

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Tamrin, Husni, and KIYOMI YAMASHITA. "ISLAMICAND CULTURE IN JAPAN: DYNAMIC AND PROBLEMATIC." Al-Fikra : Jurnal Ilmiah Keislaman 13, no. 1 (September 14, 2017): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/af.v13i1.3995.

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Islam is a minority faith communities that developed in Japan. History of Religion in Japan in Japan, religious freedom is widely given by government to the people. It is contained in the quote: "Noreligious organization shall receive any privileges from the state nor exercise any political authority. No person shall be compelled to take part in any religious act, celebration, rite, or any other religious' activity. The Muslim community in Japan may have a low profile but is steadily growing as Muslims strife to overcome any difficulties they face to adapt to life in the giant Asian country. " Most Japanese participate in rituals and customs derived from several religious traditions. Life cycle events are often marked by visits to a Shinto shrine. The birth of a new baby is celebrated with a formal shrine visit at the age of about one month, as are the third, fifth, and seventh birthdays (Shichi-Go San) and the official beginning of adulthood at age twenty (Seiiinshiki). Wedding ceremonies are often performed by Shinto priests, but Christian wedding ceremonies, called howaitouedingu ("white wedding'), are also popular. These use liturgy but are not always presided over by an ordained priest. Japan today is home to a thriving Muslim community of a'bout 120,000, among nearly 127 million. in the world's tenth most populated country. Described as the Japanese, believes that human interaction is a key point to offer Japanese people a better understanding of Islam. "Islam is essentially a way of life-it is present in every aspect of the daily life of a devout Musiim," people will become interested in Islam through seeing its influence in aspects of everyday life, and that personal contoet with Muslims will help them to understand Islam better who participated ill the eetablishm.ent of the lslamic Center of Japan, islam puts a stronq emphasis on correct behavior and the virtues of charity

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35

Sánchez García, Raúl. "A process-sociology analysis of religious practices and Japanese martial arts." Revista de Artes Marciales Asiáticas 18, no. 1 (April 22, 2023): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rama.v18i1.7479.

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This paper uses primary and secondary sources to provide a process-sociological analysis of the relationship between religious practices and Japanese martial arts. It problematises the taken for granted role of Zen Buddhism as the sole influence on the development of Japanese martial arts. Such essential connection is inaccurate and anachronistic. Religious and martial practices developed as part of processes of sociogenesis (state formation) and psychogenesis (habitus) during three different key stages: (1) Medieval Japan (1185-1600): during this stage, warriors (bushi) progressively became the predominant rulers across the country, enforcing law by sheer force. Warriors seasoned in combat used esoteric practices (spells, magic rituals) as part of their psychological arsenal for warfare, as practical means of action. The cult of the Buddhist deity Marishiten held special interest for the bushi originating martial traditions (ryu). (2) Tokugawa shogunate (1600-1848): the pacification of the country by the central military court implied a more detached approach to martial arts by samurai. Within this milieu, the samurai acted as a retainer/bureaucrat whose main mission was to keep order in a stratified society and to serve his lord, something that Zen practices helped to incorporate in the samurai ethos. (3) Early Showa period (1926-1945): this stage featured a progressive militarisation of people and the instigation of a strong involvement towards the Japanese nation, considered as the main (symbolic) survival unit. Budo (martial arts) was connected to shinto (functioning as a ‘state religion’) and embodied the imperial bushido message. Zen provided a legitimation of violence for citizen-soldiers with a personality structure that presented self-doubts on killing someone and fear of being killed.

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36

Berthon, Jean-Pierre. "Helen Hardacre, Shinto and the State, 1868-1988, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, « Studies in Church and State », 1989, XVI-203 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 50, no. 2 (April 1995): 448–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900054135.

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37

HASEGAWA, Yasuhiro. "The present state of tree planting and removal types of tree planting activities at urban shinto shrines." Journal of The Japanese Institute of Landscape Architecture 84, no. 5 (March 31, 2021): 671–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5632/jila.84.671.

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38

Mun HeaJin. "The Relationship between State Shinto and the Discourse of Japanese National Morality in Japanese Occupation of Korea." Korean Studies Quarterly 38, no. 4 (December 2015): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/ksq.38.4.201512.179.

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39

Grapard, Allan G. "Shinto and the State 1868–1988. By Helen Hardacre. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1889. 203 pp." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (November 1990): 935–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058286.

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40

Takizawa, N. "Shinto and the State, 1868-1988. By Helen Hardacre. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989. 203 pp. $24.95." Journal of Church and State 32, no. 3 (June 1, 1990): 631–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/32.3.631.

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Kim, Hyun-Ah. "The Transformation of Yasukuni Shrine in Japan under the GHQ Occupation." Korean Association For Japanese History 63 (April 30, 2024): 153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24939/kjh.2024.4.63.153.

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This study aims to examine rituals performed in relation to peaceful commemoration, with a focus on Yasukuni Shrine’s pursuit of pacifism centered on the appeasement of the spirits during the occupation by the General Headquarters (GHQ). The GHQ issued the Shinto Directive and the Religious Corporations Ordinance immediately after the occupation of Japan. This meant Yasukuni Shrine was no longer supported by the state and was reduced to a mere religious corporation, necessitating self-reliant measures. Departing from its militaristic image, Yasukuni Shrine chose to advocate for peaceful commemoration. Considering its economic position under GHQ’s occupation policy, the shrine needed to transform itself into a universally acceptable pacifist shrine in order to attract bereaved families and the general public as worshippers. The peaceful memorial rituals include the Eitai Kagura Festival, which allowed bereaved families to apply to conduct an individualized memorial ritual for fallen soldiers at Yasukuni Shrine, departing from the collective nature of previous deity-centric ceremonies during wartime. In addition, various other festive occasions (“matsuri”) were held for the first time, including the Mitama Matsuri, which is an ancestor worship memorial festival. Yasukuni Shrine’s pursuit of a public-oriented and peaceful approach to commemoration was essentially initiated as a result of pressure or coercion from the GHQ. However, the various new rituals (“matsuri”) initiated at the shrine during the GHQ’s occupation can be seen as part of its efforts to transform itself.

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Vasic, Danijela. "Solar deity in Japanese mythology." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 72, no. 1 (2024): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2401059v.

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In order to create an orderly state, the first imperial chronicles emerged in the early 8th century in the territory of modern Japan through the integration and systematization of mythical elements that proved the legitimacy of the government and the descent of the imperial Yamato lineage from the supreme deity of the Shinto pantheon - the Great Sun Goddess Amaterasu. This mythic paradigm was created on the existing mytho-historical foundations fostered by cultural and political contacts with the Korean kingdoms and the Chinese empire. There is evidence that the cult of the solar deity, originally portrayed as a male principle, originated in a corpus outside the Yamato mythological system. And since male-female pairs of rulers were common (first it was the gods, later the ruler and the shamaness), it is possible that at some point the distinction between the sexes was blurred and then the female side prevailed. However, the female ancestral deity does not indicate a period of matriarchy. This symbolic type of goddess, who initiates a patrimonial lineage with rare female exceptions, was created by members of a privileged group of powerful men to legitimize their own power structures. Moreover, the cult of the mother goddess is not limited to the solar principle, but is associated with weaving, silk production, and agriculture. Thus, the simple assertion that the Yamato imperial lineage descended from the goddess Amaterasu raises numerous questions and doubts, which this essay attempts to answer.

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Mun, Heajin. "The Comparison of State Shinto Shrines in Kwantung Leased Territory and Manchukuo : The Case Study of Shrine for Foundation God of Manchukuo." Journal of Asiatic Studies 64, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31930/jas.2021.09.64.3.137.

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Steiner, Evgeny S. "Gods and Demons of Diseases: Japanese Traditional Views on Epidemics and the Ways of Resistance to Them." Observatory of Culture 18, no. 6 (December 21, 2021): 596–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2021-18-6-596-611.

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The article discusses the mechanisms of protection against infectious diseases that have been employed in Japan through ages, and the religious, social, and individual practices considered effective in the struggle with epidemics. Studying the cultural and ethnoreligious roots of Japanese attitude towards epidemics is particularly relevant these days. The coronavirus pandemic has reanimated the memory of old popular beliefs and actualized traditional, even archaic, rituals and superstitions. Alongside obvious hygienic measures going back to the Shinto rites of purifications, historically, the amplitude of responses (whether on state or local or family levels) oscillated from the ceremonies of appeasing the demons of diseases to the rituals for exorcising them.Besides written historical sources, the main material analyzed in this article is visual: popular woodblock prints with mythological subjects, leaflets on vaccination, children’s toys representing protective characters, and apotropaic amulets. The main focus is on the materials against smallpox and cholera in the early modern period in Japan (the Edo epoch, mainly the 18th—19th centuries) and the mass reaction (not medical but resurrecting traditional superstitions) to the COVID-19 pandemic. Concerning the coronavirus, this is a new academic subject, and as for the analytical studies of visual sources on the magical reaction on epidemics during the Edo time, there are hardly any of them in Russian and quite few of them in other languages, including Japanese.In conclusion, the author posits that along with certain real benefits (like the propaganda, albeit mythologized, for vaccination, or the practices of “self-purification” jishuku of the COVID times), the demonological approach played (and partly plays) the role of a humorous and entertaining instrument that alleviated the sense of menace and insecurity.

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Inoue, Hiroshi. "Japan’s Ritsuryō System and Shintō Shrines Arose as Twins." Journal of Religion in Japan 3, no. 1 (2014): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00301002.

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This article takes up the fundamental question of when in Shintō history structures that could be called Shintō shrines first appeared. Inoue begins with a consideration of problems with the traditional view, here associated most closely with Fukuyama Toshio, who drew on the research of Tsuda Sōkichi, Yanagita Kunio and Ōba Iwao. Fukuyama had held that Shintō shrines emerged naturally out of the animism of Japan’s early agricultural society. Against this view, Inoue argues that the establishment of Shintō shrines must be seen as intimately connected with the establishment of the Ritsuryō state in the late seventh century, the state based on the criminal and administrative law system introduced from China. Further Inoue asserts that in the background of that development must be seen the influence of the Chinese Sui and Tang Empires and the introduction and spread of Buddhism into Japan. Inoue argues that, far from being a natural development, the appearance of Shintō shrines was the result of deliberate governmental action inspired by Chinese models as they were adapted to the Japanese situation.

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Lee, DeokIl. "Chosun Government-General's Oppression of Ethnic Religion and Mukukdaedo Incident in Jeju Island." Barun Academy of History 13 (December 31, 2022): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.55793/jkhc.2022.13.7.

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The Mugeuk Daedokyo Incident on Jeju Island was a significant incident that occurred on Jeju Island in 1937 when Japan was moving toward militarism. According to the verdict, 20 people were convicted in this case. The most common crimes they were charged with were “impiety to the Japanese Emperor” and “National security law.” ‘Impiety to the Japanese Emperor” consisted in the fact that they foresaw that the Japanese Emperor would soon be dethroned, and “National security law” was invoked as they said that Japan’s imperialism would soon collapse and Joseon would become independent. Additionally, Military penal law and Navy penal law were involved as Japan said that it would lose in the Sino-Japanese War. This incident was part of an independence movement that desired the defeat of Japan and Korea's independence. To block the support of the general public for the religious leader Kang Seung-tae, the Japanese government played on social issues such as “fraud,” “rape,” and “violation of doctors’ rules.” charged with immorality. The Imperial Japanese divided the religions of colonial Korea into two types. Japan’s state religions, “Shinto” and “Buddhism,” and “Christianity,” were classified as religions and administered by the Religious Division of the Academic Affairs Bureau of the Japanese Government-General of Korea. Ethnic religions that desired human liberation, national liberation, and national independence were classified as “similar religions,” and were controlled by the Government-General’s Police Bureau, which suppressed independence activists. Religions classified as pseudo-religions were all ethnic religions that dreamed of national liberation. Even after the liberation of Korea, this religious classification made by the Japanese was accepted as it was, and those involved in the Mugeukdaedo incident were excluded from the national conferment of a decoration. Kang Seung-tae, the leader of the Mugeuk Daedokyo, was treated as a person of interest to the point that even after serving his six-year sentence, the Japanese Empire would not release him, because the view of the Japanese Government- General, who treated him as a pseudo religious leader, was maintained even after liberation. Now is the time to frame the Mugeukdaedo incident on Jeju Island as one of the fiercest national liberation movements of the 1930s.

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Isomae, Jun’ichi. "The Conceptual Formation of the Category “Religion” in Modern Japan: Religion, State, Shintō." Journal of Religion in Japan 1, no. 3 (2012): 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-12341236.

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Abstract The Japanese word shūkyō was originally a coined word occurring in Chinese Buddhist dictionaries, but it became used as the translation for the English word “religion” when the English word was transmitted to Japan from the West after the opening of the country at the end of the nineteenth century. At that time, a new kind of Japanese language treating Shintō and Buddhism as ‘religions’ was born, with Christianity forming the axis, but while still intertwined with Buddhism and Shintō. Bearing in mind the Protestant influence on acculturation processes in Japan at the beginning of the Meiji period, this paper aims to offer an overview of how the term “religion” became embedded in Japan and how the Meiji government dealt with the competition of Shintō against Christianity and Buddhism. In that context it touches upon crucial historical and social developments such as the clash between science and religion of the late 1870s and the opposition between the state and religion in the early 1890s, together with well-known incidents such as the Uchimura Kanzō affair. The paper focuses in particular on the period from the end of the early modern Edo regime through the end of the Meiji period and analyzes how views of religious issues underwent transition within Japan.

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Miura, Takashi. "Shintō is the Indigenous Religion of the World." Journal of Religion in Japan 7, no. 1 (November 8, 2018): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00701003.

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Abstract This article responds to a call for more research on the theme of “universality” in Japanese religion as articulated by Michel Mohr in his recent monograph (2014). The article focuses on Deguchi Onisaburō 出口王仁三郎 and examines the ways in which he utilized “Shintō” as a self-universalizing framework. He argued that Shintō is the spiritual foundation of the entire world, a kind of cosmic principle that pervades the universe. Based on this, he claimed that all religions around the world are merely different forms of Shintō. Onisaburō was not the first to advance this type of universalizing argument, as a number of Shintō thinkers had made comparable claims since the medieval period. What was at stake for Onisaburō and his predecessors, in other words, was not Shintō’s “indigeneity” to Japan, but its universality. This observation helps to further relativize and historicize the prevailing characterization of Shintō as Japan’s “indigenous religion.”

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Shimizu, Karli. "Shintō Shrines and Secularism in Modern Japan, 1890–1945." Journal of Religion in Japan 6, no. 2 (2017): 128–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00602006.

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From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.

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Larsen, Fenton E., and Stewart S. Higgins. "Cumulative Yield, Tree Growth, and Yield Efficiency of 18 Asian Pear Cultivars." HortScience 33, no. 3 (June 1998): 463f—464. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.33.3.463f.

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Eighteen Asian pear cultivars on Pyrus betulaefolia rootstocks were planted in 1990 at Washington State University's Royal Slope Research Unit in central Washington State. Annual trunk diameters have been measured since planting, and annual harvest records have been kept since 1995. The six cultivars with the largest trees, ranked in decreasing order of trunk cross-sectional area, were `Daisui Li' (144 cm2), `Ishiiwase', `Huhoot Li', `Shin Li', `Shinsui', and `Yoinashi' (123 cm2). The six cultivars with the smallest trees were `Twentieth Century' (91 cm2), `Chojuro', `Shinseiki', `Shinko', `Yakumo', and `Tarusa Crimson' (38 cm2). `Tarusa Crimson' was significantly smaller than all other cultivars. The six highest-yielding cultivars, ranked in decreasing order of cumulative yield, were `Daisui Li' (183 kg/tree), `Shinseiki', `Shin Li', `Shinko', `Chojuro,' and `Olympic' (107 kg/tree). `Daisui Li' had significantly higher cumulative yield than all other cultivars. The six lowest-yielding cultivars were `Yoinashi' (71 kg/tree), `Huhoot Li', `Tarusa Crimson', `Yakumo', `Shinsui', and `Nangon Li' (19 kg/tree). The six highest-ranking cultivars for cumulative yield efficiency were `Shinseiki' (1.6 kg·cm–2), `Shinko', `Chojuro', `Daisui Li', `Tarusa Crimson', and `Olympic' (1.2 kg·cm–2). The six least-efficient cultivars were `Ishiiwase' (0.7 kg·cm–2), `Yakumo', `Yoinashi', `Huhoot Li', `Shinsui', and `Nangon Li' (0.2 kg·cm–2). `Daisui Li' and `Tarusa Crimson' had similar, relatively high, cumulative yield efficiencies, but for different reasons. `Daisui Li' produced high yields on large trees while `Tarusa Crimson' produced low yields on small trees. In contrast, the relatively high efficiencies of `Shinseiki', `Shinko' and `Chojuro' resulted from high yields produced on small trees.

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