Journal articles on the topic 'Shoe-polish'

Valourisation of non-biodegradable wastes into value added products like shoe polish can indeed be an effective tool for waste management and climate change mitigation. However, having appropriate shoe polish viscosity is important for customer satisfaction as too thick or too thin shoe polish may not result in desired customer satisfaction. The aim of this study was to investigate the effects of process variables (water repellant nature, process temperature, carbon black source and particle size, as well as, composition type and quantity) on shoe polish viscosity. The viscosity values of the various samples of shoe polish produced using carbon black pigments from batteries, pyrolytic rubber tyres, plastic bottle and water sachets wastes were determined. From the results obtained, it could be observed that shoe polish samples that had almost the same value of dynamic viscosity (η = 0.2389) with that of the commercial Kiwi shoe polish included the shoe polish with used vegetable oil as water repellant and the shoe polish with dye sourced from discarded batteries and plastic bottle wastes but with particle sixe of 0.80 mm. On comparison of the viscosity values of other shoe polish samples with that of the Kiwi shoe polish, it was observed that all shoe polish samples evaluated for all the distinctive process variables except temperature had comparable viscosity with that of Kiwi shoe polish. The real difference in viscosities of the shoe polish samples was observed when the process temperature was below 60 °C. This indicates that temperature as a process variable is the main determining factor regarding the viscosity of the shoe polish samples.

Abstract Ninety-five commercially available items were analyzed for a small-scale survey of organotin compounds (OTCs) in household commodities such as textile products, shoe polish, adhesives, paint, and wax. Neither tributyltin nor triphenyltin species were found in any items; however, di- and trioctyltin and/or dibutyltin species (DOT, TOT, and DBT, respectively) were detected in 15 items; DOT was found in 14 items, TOT in 5 items, and DBT in 4 items. DOT was found in 2 diaper covers at about 0.1 %. Detection frequencies of OTC were 6/10 for diaper covers, 3/10 for bibs, 2/10 for sanitary panties, 1/5 for outergarments, 1/5 for stockings, 1/5 for socks, and 1/10 for shoe polish.

This research effort is geared towards revealing the latent potential of discarded shoe polish that might be repurposed as an asphalt fluxing agent for the construction of durable and sustainable road surfaces. To drive this creative invention, the effect of various proportions of waste shoe polish (e.g., 5, 10 and 15 wt. % WSP) on the performance of base AP-5 bitumen was inspected in great detail. A meticulous investigation of the chemical, physical, and rheological properties of the resultant combinations was carried out using a variety of state-of-the-art laboratory techniques, specifically: thin-layer chromatography-flame ionization detection (TLC-FID), Fourier transform-infrared spectroscopy (FT-IR), needle penetration, ring-and-ball softening point, Brookfield viscometer, ductility, flash/fire points, dynamic shear rheometer (DSR), multiple stress-creep recovery (MSCR), and bending beam rheometer (BBR) tests. The Iatroscan data disclosed that the continuous feeding of binder with WSP had a minor impact on SARA fractional distribution, regardless of aging. According to the FT-IR scan, the stepwise addition of WSP to the binder did not result in any significant chemical alterations in the blends. The combined outcomes of the DSR/BBR/empirical test methods forecasted that the partly bio-sourced additive would greatly improve the mixing–compaction temperatures, workability, and coating–adhesion properties of bituminous mixtures while imparting them with outstanding anti-aging/cracking attributes. In short, the utilization of waste shoe polish as a fluxing agent for hot asphalt mix production and application is not only safe, feasible, and affordable, but it has the potential to abate the pollution caused by the shoe-care market while simultaneously enhancing the overall performance of the pavement and extending its service lifespan.

The present study has been undertaken to analyze the total accumulated burden of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) in blood of occupationally exposed workers. The headspace technique combined with gas chromatography with flame ionization detector was used for the quantitative analysis of the different volatile organic compounds (isopropyl alcohol, phenol, benzene, dichloromethane, ethanol, ethyl acetate, and toluene) in 80 blood samples from the workers belonging to different occupations i.e., shoe polish workers, thinner handlers, paint workers, furniture polish workers, petrol station attendants, textile dyeing workers, printing press workers, and dry port workers as biomonitoring is one of the most promising methods for analyzing the individual burden of VOCs. Another purpose of this study was to investigate the correlation between detected concentrations of VOCs and associated health issues reported by the workers of these professions. Results of the study revealed the presence of different VOCs in blood samples of approximately 70 workers out of 80, and statistical analysis proved a strong relationship between the reported work experience, working hours, and diseases and the detected concentrations of respective volatile organic compounds.

This study aims to reassess William Frederick Deacon (1799-1845) and his work Warreniana (1824) by demonstrating that although it is a work of textual parody, its apparent triviality conceals a sophisticated exercise in literary criticism, constituting a valuable contemporary commentary on Romanticism. The collection presents a witty and sophisticated exercise in criticism of the literature and style of its period, being composed of texts attributed to a selection of Romantic authors supposedly promoting a very trivial product: Warren’s blacking (shoe polish). Deacon thus acts as another Romantic critic, albeit a more original and unconventional one. Due to space constraints, this paper will focus only on the parody of the poetic style of British romantic authors. The parody of their journal style will be analysed in another article.

Polish agriculture is obliged to reduce ammonia (NH3) emissions, compared to 2005, by 1% annually in 2020-29 and by 17% annually from 2030. A significant source of emissions is the use of slurry. In Poland, it is mainly broadcast on the field surface and incorporated 4-24 hours after application. The ALFAM2 model was used to characterize the NH3 emissions from the slurry broadcast depending on the specific parameters for Poland: doses of slurry, its dry matter, air temperature, wind speed, precipitation and the pH of the slurry. In relation to the NH3 emission from the slurry applied broadcast to the field surface, the emissions resulting from the application of slurry by trailing hoses, trailing shoe, open slot injection, shallow and deep injection were estimated. On the basis of the obtained results, the emission reduction values were estimated for the basic practices of its application.

Background: In relation to family planning issue, birth control is achieved through use of any contraceptive methods. Vasectomy is one of the terminal surgical procedures. Materials and methods: The study was cross-sectional in design. Vasectomised patients attending Post-Partum Unit had been selected in this study. Record review of the respective patients from the admission cum record register was taken. A schedule had been utilized. Data were analyzed manually. Results: The people belonging to Islam religion were 7.88% other than Hinduism. Mean age of the population undergone vasectomy was found 40.1 ± 8.9 years. Most of the families were found with two children with the range from one child to five children. The most of the clients were illiterate (54.9%). The most of the clients belonged to poor economic class as per Modified B G Prasad scale (55.4%). All were found addicted to tobacco. A sizable number was found with different kinds of addiction combinations (Alcohol, shoe polish, Amrutanjan, valium, phensydil, corex, grilinctus CD). Conclusions: Clients of vasectomy came from poor socio-economic status. These productive people were addicted to substance. Initiation of programme is required to attract the conscious people of middle class for No Scalpel Vasectomy.

Abstract Bees produce beeswax, which is used to make honeycombs is biodegradable, sustainable, compostable, eco-friendly. In addition to honey and pollen, honey bees use comb to store nectar and rear their young. More than 300 things are made with beeswax, such as candles, shoe polish and vehicle and floor polishes. Beeswax can also be used in the food processing and packaging, wax crayons, metal casting and modelling, food processing, and cosmetics industries. In addition to these, embalming, papyrus preservation, and artwork conservation are all possible uses for honey beeswax. Beeswax has numerous industrial, pharmacological, and medical uses that demand an understanding of its chemical makeup. Similar to honey, beeswax is considered effective in the treatment of bruising, inflammation and burns. Beeswax’s antibacterial properties have recently been the subject of inquiry, despite the fact that there are currently few studies on the subject. For example, beeswax has been proven to significantly reduce affectivity of disease casing bacteria like: Staphylococcus aureus, Candida albicans and Salmonella enterica. This study discusses the characteristics, composition, and adulteration of beeswax, as well as its medicinal effects as an antibiotic and in skin therapy.

The phenomenon of cross-linguistic homonymy is the result of closely related languages’ interaction, confusing the same or similar sounding words which have different meanings in different languages. The Ukrainian immigrant community in the interwar Czechoslovakia is no exception. The life of the people of Ukrainian origin in the interwar Czechoslovakia can be conditionally divided into four periods. The first one dates back to 1918-1921 when the detachments of Ukrainian Galicia Army entered the territory of the First Czechoslovak Republic: “Hirska Brygada”, “Stary Tabir”, “Hlyboka”, “Krukenychy”. This first period for the people of Ukrainian origin in the interwar First Czechoslovak Republic is characterized by the lack of interest in learning the Czech language in general as far as most of the campers, who had conversational fluency in German and Polish, were waiting for settling the status of Eastern Galicia, the fate of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic and solving the conflict in Cieszyn Silesia. The second period dates back to 1921-1925 when the majority of antibolshevik immigration arrived in the interwar First Czechoslovak Republic. Especially this period is characterized by the active learning of the Czech language. The immigrants had two ways of mastering the language. The official way was acquiring the high education in the Czech and Ukrainian educational establishments. However, the most widespread way was the unofficial one, when the language was learnt in the shops, restaurants, bars or other working places where unskilled manual labour was required (for example, at Tomash Batia’s shoe factory, different plants and enterprises); right in the streets after all within different communication situations. The third period in the life of the people of Ukrainian origin on the territory of the interwar First Czechoslovak Republic took place in 1925-1929 and was called “povorontnytstvo”. During this period there was no way of speaking about mastering the Czech language and using cross-linguistic homonyms. In the 1930s due to the world economic crisis and shutting down the access to the Czechoslovak labour market for the people of Ukrainian origin the issue of learning the Czech language was not raised at all. The majority of the people of Ukrainian origin who stayed in Prague and its suburbs or moved to Transcarpathia had already mastered the Czech language by that time. Thus, on the one hand the provocative similarity created a number of obstacles, misunderstandings, it caused tragic and sometimes comic situations. On the other hand, it spiced up the everyday lives of the people of Ukrainian origin.

Abstract Background Inhalant or volatile substance use is a health issue with significant medical and psychiatric sequelae. Inhalants or volatile substances are volatile organic substances found in domestic and commercial products which are inhaled to obtain pleasurable effects. They are easily accessible, cheap, and legal. Common inhalants are spray, paints, glue and shoe polish whilst naphthalene or ‘mothball’ abuse is reported less commonly. We report a case of a 29-year-old female who inhaled and ingested naphthalene during her pregnancy. This case report is unique because the dependence on naphthalene was confined to pregnancy and resolved as soon as she delivered. This brings up the question whether pregnancy in general increases the risk of substance dependence in vulnerable populations or whether the dependence in this patient during pregnancy is due to individual factors. Case presentation The patient we report is a 29-year-old female who developed a strong desire to inhale mothballs during her third pregnancy. The pattern of use started in the first trimester meeting the criteria for dependence syndrome and resolved completely by the second day following delivery. She had features suggestive of harmful use in her second pregnancy as well. Conclusions The case report emphasizes that pregnant women should be screened for psychoactive substance use. Equally important is the need for adequate psychoeducation about the myths and cultural beliefs associated with pregnancy-related cravings and the potentially devastating consequences of harmful cravings on the neonate and the mother. The case highlights how chemicals used in day-to-day activities can lead to dependence.

Coal dust and methane explosions are some of the most common causes of mining disasters in hard coal mines all over the world, and research continues to be conducted with the purpose of understanding the mechanisms of an explosion, explosion prevention and risk reduction. This article presents the test methodology as well as virtual and bench test results for a braking unit, which constitutes one of the main components of a suspended monorail transport system. The design work and virtual and bench testing were performed as part of a European research programme. The tests were conducted in a dedicated specialist test facility. The tests were based on Polish standard PN-G-46860:2011, concerning braking trolleys employed in mining plant suspended railway systems. The tests also factored in the requirements for non-electrical devices intended for use in explosive atmospheres, including braking systems, as defined in standard PN-EN ISO 80079-36:2016, harmonised with the ATEX directive. The test scope encompassed braking unit operational component temperature measurements using thermal imaging and the contact method, as well as braking distance measurements. Further tests involved virtual simulations of brake pad heating. The tests employed the finite element method (time-varying calculations). Results obtained over the course of numerical calculations indicate that brief brake pad friction face heating, even up to a temperature exceeding 200C, does not result in inward heat propagation towards the brake pad material. This is also confirmed by the measurement results. However, under real conditions, the braking unit would be engaged only during an emergency situation, which would not lead to exceeding the permissible brake shoe material temperature values.

On the morning of Thursday, 4 May 2006, the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence held an open hearing entitled “Terrorist Use of the Internet.” The Intelligence committee meeting was scheduled to take place in Room 1302 of the Longworth Office Building, a Depression-era structure with a neoclassical façade. Because of a dysfunctional elevator, some of the congressional representatives were late to the meeting. During the testimony about the newest political applications for cutting-edge digital technology, the microphones periodically malfunctioned, and witnesses complained of “technical problems” several times. By the end of the day it seemed that what was to be remembered about the hearing was the shocking revelation that terrorists were using videogames to recruit young jihadists. The Associated Press wrote a short, restrained article about the hearing that only mentioned “computer games and recruitment videos” in passing. Eager to have their version of the news item picked up, Reuters made videogames the focus of their coverage with a headline that announced, “Islamists Using US Videogames in Youth Appeal.” Like a game of telephone, as the Reuters videogame story was quickly re-run by several Internet news services, each iteration of the title seemed less true to the exact language of the original. One Internet news service changed the headline to “Islamic militants recruit using U.S. video games.” Fox News re-titled the story again to emphasise that this alert about technological manipulation was coming from recognised specialists in the anti-terrorism surveillance field: “Experts: Islamic Militants Customizing Violent Video Games.” As the story circulated, the body of the article remained largely unchanged, in which the Reuters reporter described the digital materials from Islamic extremists that were shown at the congressional hearing. During the segment that apparently most captured the attention of the wire service reporters, eerie music played as an English-speaking narrator condemned the “infidel” and declared that he had “put a jihad” on them, as aerial shots moved over 3D computer-generated images of flaming oil facilities and mosques covered with geometric designs. Suddenly, this menacing voice-over was interrupted by an explosion, as a virtual rocket was launched into a simulated military helicopter. The Reuters reporter shared this dystopian vision from cyberspace with Western audiences by quoting directly from the chilling commentary and describing a dissonant montage of images and remixed sound. “I was just a boy when the infidels came to my village in Blackhawk helicopters,” a narrator’s voice said as the screen flashed between images of street-level gunfights, explosions and helicopter assaults. Then came a recording of President George W. Bush’s September 16, 2001, statement: “This crusade, this war on terrorism, is going to take a while.” It was edited to repeat the word “crusade,” which Muslims often define as an attack on Islam by Christianity. According to the news reports, the key piece of evidence before Congress seemed to be a film by “SonicJihad” of recorded videogame play, which – according to the experts – was widely distributed online. Much of the clip takes place from the point of view of a first-person shooter, seen as if through the eyes of an armed insurgent, but the viewer also periodically sees third-person action in which the player appears as a running figure wearing a red-and-white checked keffiyeh, who dashes toward the screen with a rocket launcher balanced on his shoulder. Significantly, another of the player’s hand-held weapons is a detonator that triggers remote blasts. As jaunty music plays, helicopters, tanks, and armoured vehicles burst into smoke and flame. Finally, at the triumphant ending of the video, a green and white flag bearing a crescent is hoisted aloft into the sky to signify victory by Islamic forces. To explain the existence of this digital alternative history in which jihadists could be conquerors, the Reuters story described the deviousness of the country’s terrorist opponents, who were now apparently modifying popular videogames through their wizardry and inserting anti-American, pro-insurgency content into U.S.-made consumer technology. One of the latest video games modified by militants is the popular “Battlefield 2” from leading video game publisher, Electronic Arts Inc of Redwood City, California. Jeff Brown, a spokesman for Electronic Arts, said enthusiasts often write software modifications, known as “mods,” to video games. “Millions of people create mods on games around the world,” he said. “We have absolutely no control over them. It’s like drawing a mustache on a picture.” Although the Electronic Arts executive dismissed the activities of modders as a “mustache on a picture” that could only be considered little more than childish vandalism of their off-the-shelf corporate product, others saw a more serious form of criminality at work. Testifying experts and the legislators listening on the committee used the video to call for greater Internet surveillance efforts and electronic counter-measures. Within twenty-four hours of the sensationalistic news breaking, however, a group of Battlefield 2 fans was crowing about the idiocy of reporters. The game play footage wasn’t from a high-tech modification of the software by Islamic extremists; it had been posted on a Planet Battlefield forum the previous December of 2005 by a game fan who had cut together regular game play with a Bush remix and a parody snippet of the soundtrack from the 2004 hit comedy film Team America. The voice describing the Black Hawk helicopters was the voice of Trey Parker of South Park cartoon fame, and – much to Parker’s amusement – even the mention of “goats screaming” did not clue spectators in to the fact of a comic source. Ironically, the moment in the movie from which the sound clip is excerpted is one about intelligence gathering. As an agent of Team America, a fictional elite U.S. commando squad, the hero of the film’s all-puppet cast, Gary Johnston, is impersonating a jihadist radical inside a hostile Egyptian tavern that is modelled on the cantina scene from Star Wars. Additional laughs come from the fact that agent Johnston is accepted by the menacing terrorist cell as “Hakmed,” despite the fact that he utters a series of improbable clichés made up of incoherent stereotypes about life in the Middle East while dressed up in a disguise made up of shoe polish and a turban from a bathroom towel. The man behind the “SonicJihad” pseudonym turned out to be a twenty-five-year-old hospital administrator named Samir, and what reporters and representatives saw was nothing more exotic than game play from an add-on expansion pack of Battlefield 2, which – like other versions of the game – allows first-person shooter play from the position of the opponent as a standard feature. While SonicJihad initially joined his fellow gamers in ridiculing the mainstream media, he also expressed astonishment and outrage about a larger politics of reception. In one interview he argued that the media illiteracy of Reuters potentially enabled a whole series of category errors, in which harmless gamers could be demonised as terrorists. It wasn’t intended for the purpose what it was portrayed to be by the media. So no I don’t regret making a funny video . . . why should I? The only thing I regret is thinking that news from Reuters was objective and always right. The least they could do is some online research before publishing this. If they label me al-Qaeda just for making this silly video, that makes you think, what is this al-Qaeda? And is everything al-Qaeda? Although Sonic Jihad dismissed his own work as “silly” or “funny,” he expected considerably more from a credible news agency like Reuters: “objective” reporting, “online research,” and fact-checking before “publishing.” Within the week, almost all of the salient details in the Reuters story were revealed to be incorrect. SonicJihad’s film was not made by terrorists or for terrorists: it was not created by “Islamic militants” for “Muslim youths.” The videogame it depicted had not been modified by a “tech-savvy militant” with advanced programming skills. Of course, what is most extraordinary about this story isn’t just that Reuters merely got its facts wrong; it is that a self-identified “parody” video was shown to the august House Intelligence Committee by a team of well-paid “experts” from the Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC), a major contractor with the federal government, as key evidence of terrorist recruitment techniques and abuse of digital networks. Moreover, this story of media illiteracy unfolded in the context of a fundamental Constitutional debate about domestic surveillance via communications technology and the further regulation of digital content by lawmakers. Furthermore, the transcripts of the actual hearing showed that much more than simple gullibility or technological ignorance was in play. Based on their exchanges in the public record, elected representatives and government experts appear to be keenly aware that the digital discourses of an emerging information culture might be challenging their authority and that of the longstanding institutions of knowledge and power with which they are affiliated. These hearings can be seen as representative of a larger historical moment in which emphatic declarations about prohibiting specific practices in digital culture have come to occupy a prominent place at the podium, news desk, or official Web portal. This environment of cultural reaction can be used to explain why policy makers’ reaction to terrorists’ use of networked communication and digital media actually tells us more about our own American ideologies about technology and rhetoric in a contemporary information environment. When the experts come forward at the Sonic Jihad hearing to “walk us through the media and some of the products,” they present digital artefacts of an information economy that mirrors many of the features of our own consumption of objects of electronic discourse, which seem dangerously easy to copy and distribute and thus also create confusion about their intended meanings, audiences, and purposes. From this one hearing we can see how the reception of many new digital genres plays out in the public sphere of legislative discourse. Web pages, videogames, and Weblogs are mentioned specifically in the transcript. The main architecture of the witnesses’ presentation to the committee is organised according to the rhetorical conventions of a PowerPoint presentation. Moreover, the arguments made by expert witnesses about the relationship of orality to literacy or of public to private communications in new media are highly relevant to how we might understand other important digital genres, such as electronic mail or text messaging. The hearing also invites consideration of privacy, intellectual property, and digital “rights,” because moral values about freedom and ownership are alluded to by many of the elected representatives present, albeit often through the looking glass of user behaviours imagined as radically Other. For example, terrorists are described as “modders” and “hackers” who subvert those who properly create, own, legitimate, and regulate intellectual property. To explain embarrassing leaks of infinitely replicable digital files, witness Ron Roughead says, “We’re not even sure that they don’t even hack into the kinds of spaces that hold photographs in order to get pictures that our forces have taken.” Another witness, Undersecretary of Defense for Policy and International Affairs, Peter Rodman claims that “any video game that comes out, as soon as the code is released, they will modify it and change the game for their needs.” Thus, the implication of these witnesses’ testimony is that the release of code into the public domain can contribute to political subversion, much as covert intrusion into computer networks by stealthy hackers can. However, the witnesses from the Pentagon and from the government contractor SAIC often present a contradictory image of the supposed terrorists in the hearing transcripts. Sometimes the enemy is depicted as an organisation of technological masterminds, capable of manipulating the computer code of unwitting Americans and snatching their rightful intellectual property away; sometimes those from the opposing forces are depicted as pre-modern and even sub-literate political innocents. In contrast, the congressional representatives seem to focus on similarities when comparing the work of “terrorists” to the everyday digital practices of their constituents and even of themselves. According to the transcripts of this open hearing, legislators on both sides of the aisle express anxiety about domestic patterns of Internet reception. Even the legislators’ own Web pages are potentially disruptive electronic artefacts, particularly when the demands of digital labour interfere with their duties as lawmakers. Although the subject of the hearing is ostensibly terrorist Websites, Representative Anna Eshoo (D-California) bemoans the difficulty of maintaining her own official congressional site. As she observes, “So we are – as members, I think we’re very sensitive about what’s on our Website, and if I retained what I had on my Website three years ago, I’d be out of business. So we know that they have to be renewed. They go up, they go down, they’re rebuilt, they’re – you know, the message is targeted to the future.” In their questions, lawmakers identify Weblogs (blogs) as a particular area of concern as a destabilising alternative to authoritative print sources of information from established institutions. Representative Alcee Hastings (D-Florida) compares the polluting power of insurgent bloggers to that of influential online muckrakers from the American political Right. Hastings complains of “garbage on our regular mainstream news that comes from blog sites.” Representative Heather Wilson (R-New Mexico) attempts to project a media-savvy persona by bringing up the “phenomenon of blogging” in conjunction with her questions about jihadist Websites in which she notes how Internet traffic can be magnified by cooperative ventures among groups of ideologically like-minded content-providers: “These Websites, and particularly the most active ones, are they cross-linked? And do they have kind of hot links to your other favorite sites on them?” At one point Representative Wilson asks witness Rodman if he knows “of your 100 hottest sites where the Webmasters are educated? What nationality they are? Where they’re getting their money from?” In her questions, Wilson implicitly acknowledges that Web work reflects influences from pedagogical communities, economic networks of the exchange of capital, and even potentially the specific ideologies of nation-states. It is perhaps indicative of the government contractors’ anachronistic worldview that the witness is unable to answer Wilson’s question. He explains that his agency focuses on the physical location of the server or ISP rather than the social backgrounds of the individuals who might be manufacturing objectionable digital texts. The premise behind the contractors’ working method – surveilling the technical apparatus not the social network – may be related to other beliefs expressed by government witnesses, such as the supposition that jihadist Websites are collectively produced and spontaneously emerge from the indigenous, traditional, tribal culture, instead of assuming that Iraqi insurgents have analogous beliefs, practices, and technological awareness to those in first-world countries. The residual subtexts in the witnesses’ conjectures about competing cultures of orality and literacy may tell us something about a reactionary rhetoric around videogames and digital culture more generally. According to the experts before Congress, the Middle Eastern audience for these videogames and Websites is limited by its membership in a pre-literate society that is only capable of abortive cultural production without access to knowledge that is archived in printed codices. Sometimes the witnesses before Congress seem to be unintentionally channelling the ideas of the late literacy theorist Walter Ong about the “secondary orality” associated with talky electronic media such as television, radio, audio recording, or telephone communication. Later followers of Ong extend this concept of secondary orality to hypertext, hypermedia, e-mail, and blogs, because they similarly share features of both speech and written discourse. Although Ong’s disciples celebrate this vibrant reconnection to a mythic, communal past of what Kathleen Welch calls “electric rhetoric,” the defence industry consultants express their profound state of alarm at the potentially dangerous and subversive character of this hybrid form of communication. The concept of an “oral tradition” is first introduced by the expert witnesses in the context of modern marketing and product distribution: “The Internet is used for a variety of things – command and control,” one witness states. “One of the things that’s missed frequently is how and – how effective the adversary is at using the Internet to distribute product. They’re using that distribution network as a modern form of oral tradition, if you will.” Thus, although the Internet can be deployed for hierarchical “command and control” activities, it also functions as a highly efficient peer-to-peer distributed network for disseminating the commodity of information. Throughout the hearings, the witnesses imply that unregulated lateral communication among social actors who are not authorised to speak for nation-states or to produce legitimated expert discourses is potentially destabilising to political order. Witness Eric Michael describes the “oral tradition” and the conventions of communal life in the Middle East to emphasise the primacy of speech in the collective discursive practices of this alien population: “I’d like to point your attention to the media types and the fact that the oral tradition is listed as most important. The other media listed support that. And the significance of the oral tradition is more than just – it’s the medium by which, once it comes off the Internet, it is transferred.” The experts go on to claim that this “oral tradition” can contaminate other media because it functions as “rumor,” the traditional bane of the stately discourse of military leaders since the classical era. The oral tradition now also has an aspect of rumor. A[n] event takes place. There is an explosion in a city. Rumor is that the United States Air Force dropped a bomb and is doing indiscriminate killing. This ends up being discussed on the street. It ends up showing up in a Friday sermon in a mosque or in another religious institution. It then gets recycled into written materials. Media picks up the story and broadcasts it, at which point it’s now a fact. In this particular case that we were telling you about, it showed up on a network television, and their propaganda continues to go back to this false initial report on network television and continue to reiterate that it’s a fact, even though the United States government has proven that it was not a fact, even though the network has since recanted the broadcast. In this example, many-to-many discussion on the “street” is formalised into a one-to many “sermon” and then further stylised using technology in a one-to-many broadcast on “network television” in which “propaganda” that is “false” can no longer be disputed. This “oral tradition” is like digital media, because elements of discourse can be infinitely copied or “recycled,” and it is designed to “reiterate” content. In this hearing, the word “rhetoric” is associated with destructive counter-cultural forces by the witnesses who reiterate cultural truisms dating back to Plato and the Gorgias. For example, witness Eric Michael initially presents “rhetoric” as the use of culturally specific and hence untranslatable figures of speech, but he quickly moves to an outright castigation of the entire communicative mode. “Rhetoric,” he tells us, is designed to “distort the truth,” because it is a “selective” assembly or a “distortion.” Rhetoric is also at odds with reason, because it appeals to “emotion” and a romanticised Weltanschauung oriented around discourses of “struggle.” The film by SonicJihad is chosen as the final clip by the witnesses before Congress, because it allegedly combines many different types of emotional appeal, and thus it conveniently ties together all of the themes that the witnesses present to the legislators about unreliable oral or rhetorical sources in the Middle East: And there you see how all these products are linked together. And you can see where the games are set to psychologically condition you to go kill coalition forces. You can see how they use humor. You can see how the entire campaign is carefully crafted to first evoke an emotion and then to evoke a response and to direct that response in the direction that they want. Jihadist digital products, especially videogames, are effective means of manipulation, the witnesses argue, because they employ multiple channels of persuasion and carefully sequenced and integrated subliminal messages. To understand the larger cultural conversation of the hearing, it is important to keep in mind that the related argument that “games” can “psychologically condition” players to be predisposed to violence is one that was important in other congressional hearings of the period, as well one that played a role in bills and resolutions that were passed by the full body of the legislative branch. In the witness’s testimony an appeal to anti-game sympathies at home is combined with a critique of a closed anti-democratic system abroad in which the circuits of rhetorical production and their composite metonymic chains are described as those that command specific, unvarying, robotic responses. This sharp criticism of the artful use of a presentation style that is “crafted” is ironic, given that the witnesses’ “compilation” of jihadist digital material is staged in the form of a carefully structured PowerPoint presentation, one that is paced to a well-rehearsed rhythm of “slide, please” or “next slide” in the transcript. The transcript also reveals that the members of the House Intelligence Committee were not the original audience for the witnesses’ PowerPoint presentation. Rather, when it was first created by SAIC, this “expert” presentation was designed for training purposes for the troops on the ground, who would be facing the challenges of deployment in hostile terrain. According to the witnesses, having the slide show showcased before Congress was something of an afterthought. Nonetheless, Congressman Tiahrt (R-KN) is so impressed with the rhetorical mastery of the consultants that he tries to appropriate it. As Tiarht puts it, “I’d like to get a copy of that slide sometime.” From the hearing we also learn that the terrorists’ Websites are threatening precisely because they manifest a polymorphously perverse geometry of expansion. For example, one SAIC witness before the House Committee compares the replication and elaboration of digital material online to a “spiderweb.” Like Representative Eshoo’s site, he also notes that the terrorists’ sites go “up” and “down,” but the consultant is left to speculate about whether or not there is any “central coordination” to serve as an organising principle and to explain the persistence and consistency of messages despite the apparent lack of a single authorial ethos to offer a stable, humanised, point of reference. In the hearing, the oft-cited solution to the problem created by the hybridity and iterability of digital rhetoric appears to be “public diplomacy.” Both consultants and lawmakers seem to agree that the damaging messages of the insurgents must be countered with U.S. sanctioned information, and thus the phrase “public diplomacy” appears in the hearing seven times. However, witness Roughhead complains that the protean “oral tradition” and what Henry Jenkins has called the “transmedia” character of digital culture, which often crosses several platforms of traditional print, projection, or broadcast media, stymies their best rhetorical efforts: “I think the point that we’ve tried to make in the briefing is that wherever there’s Internet availability at all, they can then download these – these programs and put them onto compact discs, DVDs, or post them into posters, and provide them to a greater range of people in the oral tradition that they’ve grown up in. And so they only need a few Internet sites in order to distribute and disseminate the message.” Of course, to maintain their share of the government market, the Science Applications International Corporation also employs practices of publicity and promotion through the Internet and digital media. They use HTML Web pages for these purposes, as well as PowerPoint presentations and online video. The rhetoric of the Website of SAIC emphasises their motto “From Science to Solutions.” After a short Flash film about how SAIC scientists and engineers solve “complex technical problems,” the visitor is taken to the home page of the firm that re-emphasises their central message about expertise. The maps, uniforms, and specialised tools and equipment that are depicted in these opening Web pages reinforce an ethos of professional specialisation that is able to respond to multiple threats posed by the “global war on terror.” By 26 June 2006, the incident finally was being described as a “Pentagon Snafu” by ABC News. From the opening of reporter Jake Tapper’s investigative Webcast, established government institutions were put on the spot: “So, how much does the Pentagon know about videogames? Well, when it came to a recent appearance before Congress, apparently not enough.” Indeed, the very language about “experts” that was highlighted in the earlier coverage is repeated by Tapper in mockery, with the significant exception of “independent expert” Ian Bogost of the Georgia Institute of Technology. If the Pentagon and SAIC deride the legitimacy of rhetoric as a cultural practice, Bogost occupies himself with its defence. In his recent book Persuasive Games: The Expressive Power of Videogames, Bogost draws upon the authority of the “2,500 year history of rhetoric” to argue that videogames represent a significant development in that cultural narrative. Given that Bogost and his Watercooler Games Weblog co-editor Gonzalo Frasca were actively involved in the detective work that exposed the depth of professional incompetence involved in the government’s line-up of witnesses, it is appropriate that Bogost is given the final words in the ABC exposé. As Bogost says, “We should be deeply bothered by this. We should really be questioning the kind of advice that Congress is getting.” Bogost may be right that Congress received terrible counsel on that day, but a close reading of the transcript reveals that elected officials were much more than passive listeners: in fact they were lively participants in a cultural conversation about regulating digital media. After looking at the actual language of these exchanges, it seems that the persuasiveness of the misinformation from the Pentagon and SAIC had as much to do with lawmakers’ preconceived anxieties about practices of computer-mediated communication close to home as it did with the contradictory stereotypes that were presented to them about Internet practices abroad. In other words, lawmakers found themselves looking into a fun house mirror that distorted what should have been familiar artefacts of American popular culture because it was precisely what they wanted to see. 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Tapper, Jake, and Audery Taylor. “Terrorist Video Game or Pentagon Snafu?” ABC News Nightline 21 June 2006. 30 June 2006 http://abcnews.go.com/Nightline/Technology/story?id=2105128&page=1>. U.S. Congressional Record. Panel I of the Hearing of the House Select Intelligence Committee, Subject: “Terrorist Use of the Internet for Communications.” Federal News Service. 4 May 2006. Welch, Kathleen E. Electric Rhetoric: Classical Rhetoric, Oralism, and the New Literacy. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Losh, Elizabeth. "Artificial Intelligence: Media Illiteracy and the SonicJihad Debacle in Congress." M/C Journal 10.5 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0710/08-losh.php>. APA Style Losh, E. (Oct. 2007) "Artificial Intelligence: Media Illiteracy and the SonicJihad Debacle in Congress," M/C Journal, 10(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0710/08-losh.php>.