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1

Boyd, James. "Three Portrayals of ‘Sacrifice’: Representations of the Deaths of the ‘shishi’, Yokogawa Shōzō and Oki Teisuke." War & Society 34, no. 3 (July 28, 2015): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0729247315z.00000000054.

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2

Zajączkowski, Ryszard. "Japońska Polska. Kulturowy wizerunek Polski w Japonii." Zeszyty Naukowe KUL 61, no. 2 (October 14, 2020): 381–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/zn.2018.61.2.381-398.

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Obecność kultury polskiej w Japonii sięga początków XX wieku, kiedy po I wojnie światowej pojawiły się tłumaczenia najbardziej znanych dzieł Henryka Sienkiewicza, Władysława Reymonta i Stefana Żeromskiego. Wiele dla popularyzacji Polski w zrobili też franciszkanie w latach trzydziestych i później. Po II wojnie światowej w Japonii odkryto twórczość Stanisława Lema, Witolda Gombrowicza, Stanisława Witkiewicza (Witkacego) czy Brunona Schulza. Ich twórczość była promowana choćby przez Teatr X w Tokio. Pojawiło się również zainteresowanie literaturą polską nawiązującą do II wojny światowej (Jerzy Andrzejewski, Bogdan Wojdowski, Tadeusz Borowski). Do znacznego zainteresowania literaturą polską przyczynili się też tłumacze zarówno już zmarli Yonekawa Kazuo, Yoshigami Shōzō, Kudō Yukio, jak też żyjący Sekiguchi Tokimasa i Numano Mitsuyoshi. W Japonii wystawiał swe sztuki Tadeusz Kantor. Dzięki filmom Andrzeja Wajdy kino polskie zdobyło tam uznanie już w latach pięćdziesiątych. Znani w Japonii są też tacy reżyserzy jak Krzysztof Zanussi, Krzysztof Kieślowski, Roman Polański, Jerzy Kawalerowicz. W Japonii bardzo popularna jest też muzyka Chopina. Nasz kulturalny kanon różni się jednak od tego, który znają Polacy. Jak zauważył Sekugichi Tokimasa: „Polska japońska jest siłą rzeczy inna od Polski polskiej”.
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3

Sakurai, Takamichi. "The political theorist, Fujita Shōzō: between his sense of hope (kibō) and his sense of despair (zetsubō)." Japanese Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (July 16, 2018): 519–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109918000166.

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AbstractIn this article, I describe an important aspect of the intellectual tradition of Japanese political theory while focusing on the Japanese scholar Fujita Shōzō’s political and scholarly activities. Not surprisingly, he has been chiefly considered a thinker or a historian of ideas, due to his being a pupil of Japan's brightest political scientist, Maruyama Masao. It must be stressed, however, that his scholarly works do not confine his academic scope to their ingredients; they are composed of theoretical requisites for the disciplinary activity of political theory, as can be seen particularly in his early contributions. He requires his theory to constitute integral aspects of practice, experience and perspective on the basis of his political concerns and practices in terms of detachment realism. From this perspective, I explore how Fujita changed his primary purpose from criticising Japan's ‘Tennō system’ (Tennōsei) to criticising its ‘high-speed growth’ (kōdo seichō) by highlighting the psychological transformation of his self-critical and self-reflective political thinking and acting according to his optimistic state of ‘hope’ (kibō) and his pessimistic state of ‘despair’ (zetsubō), especially in terms of his early work.
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4

Gallimore, Daniel. "Tsubouchi Shōyō and the Beauty of Shakespeare Translation in 1900s Japan." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 13, no. 28 (April 22, 2016): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mstap-2016-0006.

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In a recent study of Shakespeare translation in Japan, the translator and editor Ōba Kenji (14) expresses his preference for the early against the later translations of Tsubouchi Shōyō (1859-1935), a small group of basically experimental translations for stage performance published between the years 1906 and 1913; after 1913, Shōyō set about translating the rest of the plays, which he completed in 1927. Given Shōyō’s position as the pioneer of Shakespeare translation, not to mention a dominant figure in the history of modern Japanese literature, Ōba’s professional view offers insights into Shōyō’s development that invite detailed analysis and comparison with his rhetorical theories. This article attempts to identify what Shōyō may have meant by translating Shakespeare into elegant or “beautiful” Japanese with reference to excerpts from two of his translations from the 1900s.
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5

Fujii, Sadakazu. "Orikuchi Shinobu et Takiguchi Shūzō." Cipango, no. 16 (January 1, 2009): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cipango.344.

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6

Trubnikova, Nadezhda N. "ISLAND AMONG THE MOUNTAINS: KūKAI ON FUDARAKU PEAK IN JAPAN." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2018): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2018.2.30-42.

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The article precedes the translation of the Stone Inscription (Jp. Shamon Shōdō reki sansui ei genju hi ), No 11 of the Shōryōshū - a collection of works by Kūkai (774-835) written in Chinese and reflecting various aspects of Buddhism in Japan in the early 9th century. The verses in the Inscription contain the glorification of the sacred mountain; in the prosaic preface Kūkai describes how the monk-ascetic Shōdō wandered in the mountains in the eastern provinces of Japan and found there the sacred Potalaka (Jp. Fudaraku) - the mountain-island, the abode of Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (Jp. Kannon). Climbing the mountain is conceived here as a path of Buddhist asceticism, but it can not be fulfilled without the help of local kami deities. Passing this way together with his hero and the reader, Kūkai brings together the Taoist, Confucian and Buddhist approaches to understanding the mountains as a special landscape where a person can strengthen his capacies to be turned to benefit people...
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7

Ōhashi, Ryōsuke. "Kuki Shūzō and the Question of Hermeneutics." Comparative and Continental Philosophy 1, no. 1 (January 14, 2009): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ccp.v1i1.23.

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8

MINAMI, Hironobu. "The Creation of Hōnen’s senchaku shōjō:." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 65, no. 1 (2016): 40–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.65.1_40.

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9

Rhéault, Sylvain. "Les choix des créatrices de bande dessinée." Voix Plurielles 9, no. 2 (November 25, 2012): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v9i2.670.

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Quels choix s’offrent aux femmes qui optent pour une carrière de bédéiste ? Il y a d’abord le modèle de la BD traditionnelle, établi par des pionniers comme Hergé dans la première moitié du XXe siècle et qui s’adresse à un lectorat essentiellement masculin. Le modèle de la BD alternative, quant à lui, favorise la recherche esthétique au détriment des ventes. Enfin, avec le modèle du shōjō manga, venu du Japon, des femmes créent des BD pour des femmes à propos de femmes.
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10

Wenning, Mario. "Hut Existence or Urban Dwelling?" Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 10, 2023): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2023.11.1.51-68.

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Heidegger’s “Creative Landscapes: Why do we remain in the provinces?” and “Dialogue on Language” reveal the importance of rootedness for his existentialism. The article engages with the provinciality of Heidegger’s thought by juxtaposing his solitary “hut existence” to Buddhist compassion and the urban aesthetics of Kuki Shūzō. Turning to the East allows for a deprovincialization of Heideggerian themes. The rich philosophical legacy of reflecting on intercultural modernization and urbanization processes in East Asian philosophical traditions presents a genuine opportunity to rethink what it means to dwell today.
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11

Uehara, Mayuko, Augustin Berque, Britta Boutry-Stadelmann, Nathalie Frogneux, and Suzuki Sadami. "Le concept existentiel de vie chez Kuki Shùzō (1888-1941)." Ebisu 40, no. 1 (2008): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ebisu.2008.1521.

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12

Xu, Yingjin. "Ikiand Contingency: A Reconstruction of Shūzō Kuki’s Early Aesthetic theory." Asian Philosophy 28, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09552367.2018.1507242.

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13

Mitsuhira, Yuki. "Shūzō Kure’s essay on psychotherapy including music in twentieth-century Japan (1916)." History of Psychiatry 33, no. 3 (August 18, 2022): 364–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x221098517.

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This study offers a historical introduction to psychiatry and music therapy in Japan in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, followed by English translations of related excerpts from Shūzō Kure’s Psychotherapy (1916). Music was used as preventive healthcare during the Edo period (1603–1867). This continued into the Meiji period (1868–1912), when European music was also employed by psychiatrists alongside traditional Japanese songs. Kure (1865–1932) is known as the father of Japanese psychiatry and his work best illustrates the links between music and psychiatry in Japan at the turn of the century, showing the integration of European and Japanese theories and practices.
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14

Ghilardi, Marcello. "Espacio y espacialización en Japón: entre arte y filosofía." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 38 (August 12, 2020): 140–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2020.38.1345.

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En algunas experiencias recientes del arte japonés, podemos encontrar un cruce interesante y original del pensamiento tradicional y las ideas modernas surgidas tras el encuentro con la estética occidental. El diálogo entre las obras artísticas de Shimamoto Shōzo, Lee Ufan, Suga Kishio, por un lado, y las ideas filosóficas de Nishida Kitarō, inspiradas por el budismo y la filosofía occidental, por otro lado, puede establecer un itinerario significativo a fin de descubrir los recursos que ofrecen palabras japonesas como koto y mono, es decir, eventos y cosas. Por tanto, se puede trazar y evidenciar un posible camino para ampliar la noción de espacio y “espacialización”.
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15

Hashimoto, Akira. "‘The present state and statistical observation of mental patients under home custody’, by Kure Shūzō and Kashida Gorō (1918)." History of Psychiatry 30, no. 2 (December 14, 2018): 240–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x18818045.

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This text, dealing with the private confinement of the mentally ill at home, or shitaku kanchi, has often been referred to as a ‘classic text’ in the history of Japanese psychiatry. Shitaku kanchi was one of the most prevalent methods of treating mental disorders in early twentieth-century Japan. Under the guidance of Kure Shūzō (1865–1932), Kure’s assistants at Tokyo University inspected a total of 364 rooms of shitaku kanchi across Japan between 1910 and 1916. This text was published as their final report in 1918. The text also refers to traditional healing practices for mental illnesses found throughout the country. Its abundant descriptions aroused the interest of experts of various disciplines.
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16

Satoru Saito. "The Novel's Other: Detective Fiction and the Literary Project of Tsubouchi Shōyō." Journal of Japanese Studies 36, no. 1 (2009): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.0.0137.

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17

Gallimore, Daniel. "Canonising Shakespeare in 1920s Japan." Critical Survey 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2021.330102.

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In 1927, just before completing the first Japanese translation of Shakespeare’s Complete Works, Tsubouchi Shōyō (1859–1935) selected eight of his translations for inclusion in his own Selected Works, which were published in fifteen volumes in conclusion to his career as one of the leading exponents of cultural reform of his generation. His choice is idiosyncratic as it omits the plays that had become most popular during the period of Shakespeare’s initial reception in late nineteenth-century Japan, but includes a number that were relatively unknown, such as Measure for Measure. This article suggests likely reasons for his selection before discussing the comments he makes on each play in his translation prefaces, and thus provides an overview of what Tsubouchi had come to value about Shakespeare.
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18

Hashimoto, Shogo. "The Role of Geometrical Representations – Wittgenstein’s Colour Octahedron and Kuki’s Rectangular Prism of Taste." ATHENS JOURNAL OF PHILOSOPHY 1, no. 1 (January 20, 2022): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajphil.1-1-1.

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In his writings Philosophical Remarks, the Austrian-British Philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein (1989-1951) draws an octahedron with the words of pure colours such as “white”, “red” and “blue” at the corners and argues: “The colour octahedron is grammar, since it says that you can speak of a reddish blue but not of a reddish green, etc” (Wittgenstein 1980, §39). He uses the word “grammar” in such a specific way that the grammar or grammatical rules describe the meanings of words/expressions, in other words, how we use them in our language. Accordingly, the colour octahedron can also be taken to represent grammatical rules about how we apply words of colour, e.g., that we can call a certain colour “reddish-blue”, but not “reddish-green”. In a different context, the Japanese philosopher Shūzō Kuki (1988-1941) explores in his work The Structure of Iki what the Japanese word “iki” means. This word is often translated as “chic” or “stylistic” in English, but Kuki holds that it is an aesthetic Japanese concept that cannot be translated one-to-one, instead encompassing three aspects: “coquetry”, “pride and honour” and “resignation”. To explain the meanings of the word “iki” and other related words all of which Kuki calls “tastes”, he introduces a rectangular prism as a geometrical representation similar to Wittgenstein’s colour octahedron. In this paper, I argue that the rectangular prism does not solely explain how the modes of Japanese tastes are related to each other, but also has a grammatical character. On this score, I suggest that one can regard this rectangular prism as a description of the grammatical rules of the Japanese language. By appeal to the arguments of both philosophers and in comparison with them, I will not only clarify what they claim by geometrical representations but also examine what role this kind of representation plays as an explanation of grammar in general. Keywords: grammar, colour octahedron, rectangular prism, Shūzō Kuki, Wittgenstein
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19

Karelova, Lyubov' Borisovna. "Problems of time and space in the philosophy of Shūzō Kuki (1888 – 1941)." Философская мысль, no. 11 (November 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8728.2021.11.36898.

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The subject of this research is the philosophy of Shūzō Kuki, which is usually associated with his original concept, built around the concept of iki that simultaneously denotes taste, wealth, sensibility, dignity, reserve, and spontaneity, as well as embodies the aesthetic ideal formed in urban culture of the Edo period (1603 – 1868). The Japanese philosopher is also notable for a number of other intellectual insights. For depicting a holistic image on the philosophical views of Shūzō Kuki, a more extensive array of his works is introduced into the scientific discourse. A significant part of these work have not been translated into the Russian or other foreign languages. This article explores the problems of time and space, which are cross-cutting in the works of Shūzō Kuki  using examples of such philosophical writings as the “Theory of Time”, “What is Anthropology?”, “Problems of Time. Bergson and Heidegger”, “Metaphysical Time”, "Problems of Casualty”. The research employs the method of historical-philosophical reconstruction and sequential textual analysis of sources. Special attention is given to the problems of cyclical time, correlation between the infinite and the finite, and its reflection in the literary or art works, existential-anthropological landscape of space and time, spatial-temporal aspect of casualty and relevance. The conclusion is made on the contribution of Shūzō Kuki to elaboration of the problems of space and time, namely his cross-cultural approach that allows viewing the general philosophical problems from the perspective of both Western and Eastern thought, as well as a distinct  “interdisciplinary” approach towards analysis of the phenomena of space and time, which are viewed from different perspective and acquire different characteristics depending on the angle and aspect of reality of the corresponding context. Thus, there is a variety of concepts of time, which do not eliminate, but complement each other.
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20

Shin, Eun-yi. "Essay on the visit to 'The 70th Annual Exhibition of Shōsō-in Treasures'." DAEGU HISTORICAL REVIEW 133 (November 30, 2018): 423–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17751/dhr.133.423.

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21

Fell, Joseph P. "Shūzō Kuki and Jean-Paul Sartre: Influence and Counter-Influence in the Early History of Existential Phenomenology. Including the Notebook "Monsieur Sartre" and Other Parisian Writings of Shūzō Kuki (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 27, no. 2 (1989): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1989.0040.

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22

Kim, Yumi. "Seeing Cages: Home Confinement in Early Twentieth-Century Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 3 (May 21, 2018): 635–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818000475.

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This article examines the visualization of “the mentally ill” (seishinbyōsha) in Japan by focusing on a psychiatric report on home confinement published in 1918. It argues that the authors of the report, psychiatrists Kure Shūzō and Kashida Gorō, mobilized a representational strategy developed mainly in a context of colonialism called the “documentary mode” to convince readers of the scientific nature of their photographs, drawings, and floor plans of home confinement. The documentary mode enabled the psychiatrists to present their viewpoint—that “the mentally ill” belonged to a distinct group deserving sympathy and medical care—as the most truthful claim, above those made by lawmakers, officials, and families. Considering the visual technologies that helped define “the mentally ill” shows how this category was in flux in the early twentieth century, subject to redefinition in the hands of those who claimed to identify, picture, and tally its members in the most truthful way.
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23

Mayeda, Graham. "Time for Ethics: Temporality and the Ethical Ideal in Emmanuel Levinas and Kuki Shūzō." Comparative and Continental Philosophy 4, no. 1 (July 31, 2012): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ccp.v4i1.105.

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24

Baffelli, Erica. "Living Aum." Nova Religio 25, no. 3 (February 1, 2022): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2022.25.3.7.

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This article examines the experiences of female Aum Shinrikyō members who left the group after the 1995 sarin gas attack in Tokyo, but who are unable to reject Aum and the lives they had lived inside it completely. Based on interviews and material published by Aum, the article discusses what it meant for these women to “live Aum” while they were members, and why many of them have been unable to move on. It focuses on the extreme ascetic practices that were central to their Aum lives and status in the group, and the entanglement of love and fear in the emotional connections they formed while inside the group and with its leader Asahara Shōkō. I argue that these interrelated elements form the basis of a “feeling community” of former members who have continued to feel different from, and out of sync with, the emotional regime and temporal rhythms of Japanese mainstream society, but who are also aware that the past they are somehow stuck in cannot exist in the present, nor can its recreation be imagined for the future.
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25

Gallimore, Daniel. "Shōyō at Sea: Shakespeare translation as a site for maritime exchange in Meiji and Taishō Japan." Shakespeare 9, no. 4 (December 2013): 428–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450918.2013.810663.

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26

Hirota, Daichi. "Presence of Baudelaire in Today’s Japanese Manga: The Flowers of Evil (Aku no Hana, 2009-2014) by Shuzo Oshimi." AmeriQuests 13, no. 1 (March 11, 2017): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15695/amqst.v13i1.4279.

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Aku no Hana (The Flowers of Evil) is a manga written and drawn by Shūzō Oshimi between 2009 and 2014. These 11 volumes, which sold more than 2,000,000 copies, were a commercial success, subsequently partially adapted into an animated Japanese television show of 13 episodes, which aired in 2013. Kasuga, the main character of the series, is an adolescent bored with his mediocre life in a rural village. Under the influence of his father, who is also a literature fanatic, he develops a passionate appreciation for Les Fleurs du Mal, even if his reading of the Japanese translation of this complex text does not permit a comprehension of it’s dark and erotic atmosphere. One day, finding himself alone in the classroom, he steals the mini-skirt of the most popular girl in the class, Sakei. The only witness to this perverse act is Nakamura, another girl in the class, who begins to torment Kasuga with the threat of revealing his sexual crime. Through the analysis of Baudelaire’s role in this manga, I hope to outline the French poet’s current reception in Japan, which, even if diminished, still exists in this country where French literature has become less popular than it was a half century ago.
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27

Gallimore, Daniel. "Tsubouchi, Dryden and Global Shakespeare." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 25 (November 15, 2012): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2012.25.07.

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What does it mean for Shakespeare’s plays to be recognized as both ‘universal’ and ‘foreign’ in a recipient culture? In the case of Japan, where Shakespeare was initially received in the late nineteenth century, one answer might be that Japanese Shakespeareans have adopted a kind of ‘soft humanism’; in other words one not specifically situated against the horizon of the English Renaissance, but instead fulfilling a range of purposes within the local culture, not least the touting of ‘universal’ values. Universals appeal to societies perceived to lack a strong awareness of the individuated self, such as in late nineteenth century Japan, where the pioneering Shakespeare translator Tsubouchi Shōyō was among the first to encounter Shakespeare’s works. One influence on Tsubouchi’s translating style that is often overlooked is that of John Dryden, who becomes a central figure in the history of English literature which Tsubouchi published in 1901. Like Dryden, Tsubouchi finds in Shakespeare a forum for philosophical and ideological exchange; Dryden may well have provided Tsubouchi with a critical perspective on their predecessor. This article discusses their relationship with regard to Dryden’s influential adaptation of Antony and Cleopatra, All for Love (1678), and Tsubouchi’s 1915 translation of the same play.
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28

Hu, Jun. "Global Medieval at the "End of the Silk Road," circa 756 CE: The Shōsō-in Collection in Japan." Medieval Globe 3, no. 2 (2017): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.3-2.8.

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29

Kisiel, Theodore. "Shūzō Kuki and Jean-Paul Sartre: Influence and Counter-Influence in the Early History of Existential Phenomenology. By Stephen Light." Modern Schoolman 66, no. 2 (1989): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/schoolman198966227.

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30

Deguchi, Tomoko. "Tōru Takemitsu᾽s "Spherical Mirror:" The Influences of Shūzō Takiguchi and Fumio Hayasaka on his Early Music in Postwar Japan." ATHENS JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES & ARTS 6, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 299–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajha.6-4-2.

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31

Gunjima, Shoji. "Shōkō’s Interpretation of Shōdō-Jōdo (the Way of Sages and the Pure Land Way) and the Buddhism of His Time." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 67, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.67.1_92.

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32

Banni, Kim, Kyaw Thu Moe, and Yong-Jin Park. "Assessing genetic diversity, population structure and gene flow in the Korean red bean [Vigna angularis (Willd.) Ohwi & Ohashi] using SSR markers." Plant Genetic Resources 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2012): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479262112000019.

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Red bean, also known as azuki bean [Vigna angularis (Willd.) Ohwi & Ohashi], belongs to a group of legumes (family Fabaceae). The name azuki is a transliteration of the native Japanese name from the Chinese word Shōzu, which means small bean. In Korea, it is known as pat. In total, 178 red bean accessions were taken to analyse the genetic diversity, population structure and gene flow using 39 polymorphic simple sequence repeat markers. A total of 431 alleles were detected, with an average of 11 alleles per locus, among the 178 tested red bean accessions. Forty-six specific alleles were identified with 20 loci. Locus CEDG090 had the highest number (n = 22) of alleles, whereas only two alleles were observed at loci CEDG144 and CEDC018. The proportion of different alleles for microsatellite loci was analysed using a microsatellite toolkit. In locus CEDG029, one allele was shared in all the three groups of varieties and species, and three alleles were shared between the wild ancestors and cultivated varieties, while in locus CEDG090, one allele was shared in all the three groups and 12 alleles were shared between the wild ancestors and cultivated varieties. Our findings describe the genetic relationships and population structure of the red bean in Korea and will be useful for designing effective breeding programmes and broadening the genetic base of commercial varieties. Moreover, the results demonstrate substantial gene flow from the red bean to nearby wild relatives in a given region.
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33

Howland, D. R. "Hatta Shūzō and Pure Anarchism in Interwar Japan. By John Crump. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993. xix, 226 pp. $59.95." Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (August 1994): 937–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059767.

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34

Lugavtsova, A. P. "MOKUAN SHŌTŌ AND SOKUHI NYOITSU’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE CULTURAL EVOLUTION OF THE EDO PERIOD AND THE PHENOMENON OF THE ŌBAKU ART." Bulletin of the Buryat Scientific Center of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, no. 1 (2019): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31554/2222-9175-2019-33-211-217.

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35

Sheppard, W. Anthony. "Continuity in Composing the American Cross-Cultural: Eichheim, Cowell, and Japan." Journal of the American Musicological Society 61, no. 3 (2008): 465–540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2008.61.3.465.

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Abstract Japanese music has repeatedly served as an exotic model for those American composers seeking “ultra-modern” status. Henry Eichheim's and Henry Cowell's engagements with Japan offer rich case studies for reconsidering our common critical approaches to cross-cultural works, prompting us to question the temporal, geographic, generic, and high/low boundaries typically employed in modernist taxonomy. I find that attempts to employ categorically such terms as “appropriation” and “influence” and “modernist” and “post-modernist” in evaluating cross-cultural compositions limits our experience of such works and that specific examples tend to demonstrate the full contradictory and multifaceted nature of musical exoticism. I turn first to the impact of literary japonisme and travel on Eichheim and consider his aesthetic and didactic motivations. The writings of Lafcadio Hearn provided Eichheim with ready-made impressions of Japan and directly shaped his compositional responses. I note the influence of gagaku and shōō pitch clusters and briefly compare Eichheim's work with that of Hidemaro Konoye (Konoe). I then chronicle Cowell's lifelong encounters with Japanese music, focusing on his study of the shakuhachi with Kitaro Tamada, his experiences at the 1961 Tokyo East-West Music Encounter Conference, and his collaboration with the koto performer Kimio Eto, which reveal the limits of Cowell's embrace of musical hybridity. I argue that Cowell's mature Japanese-inspired works should be considered within the context of American Cold War cultural diplomacy and contemporaneous works of popular, jazz, and film music.
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36

Saeki, Norihiro. "Tariki jittai 他力実体in the Doctrine of Yūyo Shōsō (酉誉聖聡): The Relationship of the Absolute and Wisdom." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 69, no. 1 (December 25, 2020): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.69.1_136.

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Parkes, Graham. "Kuki Shūzō: A Philosopher's Poetry and Poetics. Translated and edited by Michael F. Marra. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2004. x, 357 pp. $56.00 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 64, no. 1 (February 2005): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911805000367.

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38

Koschmann, J. Victor. "Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan: Kuki Shūzō and the Rise of National Aesthetics. By Leslie Pincus. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. xii, 271 pp. $45.00." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 3 (August 1997): 801–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659643.

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Marra, Michael F. "The Structure of Detachment: The Aesthetic Vision of Kuki Shūzō. By Hiroshi Nara. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2004. x, 185 pp. $38.00 (cloth); $16.00 (paper)." Journal of Asian Studies 64, no. 1 (February 2005): 198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911805000379.

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Koshiro, Yukiko. "Fascism and Aesthetics - Leslie Pincus: Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan: Kuki Shūzō and the Rise of National Aesthetics. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969, pp. xii, 271. $45.00.)." Review of Politics 59, no. 3 (1997): 606–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027777.

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Maucuer, Michel. "Les milieux lettrés et la céramique à l’époque d’Edo (1603–1867). A propos de quelques oeuvres de Hiraga Gennai, Takahashi Dōhachi, Ōtagaki Rengetsu et Kutani Shōza conservées dans les collections du musée Cernuschi." Sèvres. Revue de la Société des amis du Musée national de la céramique 21, no. 1 (2012): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/sevre.2012.992.

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42

Quinn, Aragorn. "Political Theatre: The Rise and Fall of Rome and The Sword of Freedom, Two Translations of Julius Caesar in Meiji Japan by Kawashima Keizō and Tsubouchi Shōyō." Asian Theatre Journal 28, no. 1 (2011): 168–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.2011.0004.

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43

Kinoshita, Takeshi. "A supplement to Prof. Shoji Shibata’s achievements: the history of “Shōsō-in Medicines” and the reason why Magnolia obovata (old name: Hoogashiwa) was not given a Chinese herbal name in Japan’s oldest anthology “Man’yōshū”." Journal of Natural Medicines 72, no. 1 (July 26, 2017): 2–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11418-017-1112-7.

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44

Kaśkiewicz, Kinga. "Jun’ichrō Tanizaki, Pochwała cienia, przeł. H. Lipszyc, Wydawnictwo Karakter, Kraków 2016, ss. 80; Shūzō Kuki, Struktura iki, przeł. H. Lipszyc Wydawnictwo Karakter, Kraków 2017, ss. 128; Okakura Kakuzō, Księga herbaty, przeł. M. Kwiecieńska-Decker,..." Ruch Filozoficzny 74, no. 2 (July 19, 2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/rf.2018.020.

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45

Kawamura, Hirotada. "The national map of Japan compiled by the Tokugawa Shogunate." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-165-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In early modern Japan, it was a political tradition for the central government to compile a national map. Edo Shogunate had compiled nationally the nihon-sōzu (national map of Japan) from the kuni-ezu (provincial map). The Shogunate government ordered the major Daimyōs (feudal lords) of each kuni (province) to produce personally their own kuni-ezu (provincial maps), and present it to the Shogunate. Then the government compiled nationally the map of Japan from those provincial maps, which were consists of 68 pieces of all kuni traditionally in Japan.</p><p>Each Shogunate national map of Japan was a huge chromatic hand writing map. For a considerable time, the national map created by the Shogunate government was mistakenly believed to have been produced total of four times (during the Keichō, Shōhō, Genroku, and Kyōhō eras) in all. This is because it was generally known that the Shogunate government collected provincial maps from each province in all these eras.</p><p>By the way, recently it was revealed in my study that the national maps created by the Tokugawa Shogunate during the Edo era 260 years (1608-1867) was six times in all, as shown in Table 1, except for the last Ino’s map. Ino’s map was not compiled from kuni-ezu and the making of this map had a big personal role rather than work of the government. Therefore, in this report, it has not taken up about the Ino’s map.</p><p>It was assumed that the Keichō era’s national map was based on its provincial map. However, it is now a general view that Keichō era’s provincial map not created nationwide but having been created only in western part of Japan with many lords promoted by Toyotomi Hideyosi. This raises an important question; how can a national map be correctly produced if all provincial maps in Japan are not included?</p><p>On the other hand, the third shogun Tokugawa Iemitu sent Junkenshi (Administrative inspectors) to all provinces for the first time in 10th year of Kan’ei (1633), and each inspector collected provincial maps from their respective province and then the Shogunate government compiled the national map of Japan for the first time in the Edo period. Its copy remains nowadays in four places, including the Saga prefectural Library.</p><p>The Revolt of Simabara occurred four years after the first national map of Japan was made, and Shogunate government had difficulty in dispatching armies to distant Kyūshū. Not only was strongly aware of the lack of traffic information in the previous map, but the 3-disc set map was too large for usable. From that reflection, Inoue Masashige, the chief officer of the government hurriedly thought about the revision of the national map, and collected the provincial maps again only from the Chūgoku district leading to kyūshū and quickly reproduced the map. That is the map of 15 years of Kan’ei.</p>
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Todd, Hamish. "H. Kerlen: Catalogue of pre-Meiji Japanese books and maps in public collections in the Netherlands-Oranda kokunai shozō Meiji izen Nihon kankei korekushon mokuroku. (Japonica Neerlandica: Monographs of the Netherlands Association for Japanese Studies, Vol.VI.) xv, 918 pp. Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben, 1996. Guilders 160." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61, no. 1 (February 1998): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00016402.

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Suga, Kōji. "A Concept of “Overseas Shinto Shrines”: A Pantheistic Attempt by Ogasawara Shōzō and Its Limitations." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, May 1, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18874/jjrs.37.1.2010.47-74.

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48

Yamada, Daniel. "Die Zukunft des Japanischen Tanzes (1908)." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 71, no. 2 (January 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0037.

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Szmoniewski, Bartłomiej Szymon. "Roman and Early Byzantine finds from Japanese Archipelago – a critical survey." Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 72, no. 2 (April 21, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.23858/sa/72.2020.2.1712.

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Artifacts discovered on the Japanese archipelago, which are interpreted as being of Roman and Byzantine pro-venance, are critically discussed in the following article. In light of chemical analyses, some of the glass artifacts found, including beads and vessels, are related to the glass typical of Mediterranean workshops. They were imported in the times of their production. New numismatic discoveries from Okinawa, dated to the fourth century, were found in layers associated with the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and cannot be contemporaneous with the glass imports. The silk textile from Shōsō-in, despite its superficial similarity to Early Byzantine art products, seems to be a Central Asian/Chinese imitation, probably woven in the workshops of Chang’an. Thus, finds of Mediterranean origin, produced in the Roman and Early Byzantine epochs, are insignificant in their number and their imports were isolated cases. However, their presence supports the thesis that the Japanese archipelago should be included as part of the ancient network of the Silk Road.
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"Leslie Pincus. Authenticating Culture in Imperial Japan: Kuki Shūzō and the Rise of National Aesthetics. (Twentieth-Century Japan: The Emergence of a World Power, number 5.) Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1996. Pp. xii, 271. $45.00." American Historical Review, February 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.1.261.

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