Journal articles: 'Sierra Leone Civil War'

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Bindi, Idrissa Tamba, and Ozgur Tufekci. "Liberal Peacebuilding in Sierra Leone: A Critical Exploration." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 8 (May 29, 2018): 1158–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618776427.

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There is increasing awareness and international support for rebuilding states that have gone through conflict. Third-party interventions in bringing peace to countries that have emerged from civil wars have been channeled through a fundamental concept known as liberal peacebuilding. Liberal peacebuilding, even though it faces much criticism, has been a prominent strategy for third-party intervention in post-war countries since the end of the Cold War. This paper deals with the liberal peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone, after its decade-long brutal civil war. The focus lies on Dr Roland Paris’ institutionalization before liberalization (IBL) peacebuilding strategy, its strengths and shortcomings, and its contributions to sustaining peace in Sierra Leone since the end of the war in 2002. Arguing that the IBL strategy has helped to maintain peace in Sierra Leone after ten years of civil war, the paper analyzes how peacebuilding has been implemented in post-war Sierra Leone under the six different pillars of the IBL strategy.

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Stańczyk, Anna. "Przemoc i społeczne skutki konfliktów w Liberii i Sierra Leone." Świat Idei i Polityki 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 242–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201712.

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The civil war in Liberia began in 1989, when the country was attacked by the rebels of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) led by Charles Taylor. In Sierra Leone the civil war was initiated in 1991 by Revolutionary United Front (RUF) led by Foday Sankoh. The article describes the specifics of the conflicts in Liberia and Sierra Leone. It discusses social and economic context of the wars as well as causes of their longevity. In addition, it presents the international community actions for ending the prolonged civil war in Sierra Leone and the importance of the policy “weapon for diamonds”. The article uses a historical-analytical method of research.

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Dana, Zikho. "War, Women and Post-conflict Empowerment: Lessons from Sierra Leone." African Journal on Conflict Resolution 23, no. 2 (December 23, 2023): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/ajcr.v23i2.17640.

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War, Women and Post-conflict Empowerment: Lessons from Sierra Leone, edited by Josephine Beoku-Betts and Fredline A. M’Cormack-Hale uses an African Feminist theory to explicate how issues such as class, race, gender, religion, ethnicity, and heteronormativity intersect and are shaped by women in the African context, specifically in the war and post war contexts. The book offers conceptual frameworks embedded in “African centred gendered analysis” which privileges African lived realities and localised understandings of empowerment and development over dominant Western neoliberal conceptual frameworks. It does this by showcasing various womanhood and motherhood strategies used by women in Sierra Leone to end the 11-year Civil War (1991–2002). Equally so, the book divulges various ways women’s mass mobilisation has contributed to post-war Sierra Leone which saw the passage of landmark laws that protect women from patriarchal violations that predate the 11-year Civil War.

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Stepakoff, Shanee. "Telling and Showing: Witnesses Represent Sierra Leone's War Atrocities in Court and Onstage." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 1 (March 2008): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.17.

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After a brutal civil war in Sierra Leone, a young prosecution witness in a war crimes tribunal in Freetown created, directed, and performed a drama that graphically portrays the trauma she and her fellow survivors experienced during the war. Stepakoff was the psychologist for the Special Court for Sierra Leone—working with victims of severe human rights violations—and an invited guest at the young woman's performance.

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KAMARA, JOSEPH F. "Preserving the Legacy of the Special Court for Sierra Leone: Challenges and Lessons Learned in Prosecuting Grave Crimes in Sierra Leone." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 4 (October 28, 2009): 761–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990215.

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AbstractSierra Leone experienced particularly heinous and widespread crimes against humanity and war crimes during its eleven years of civil war from 1991 to 2002. During the war, the civilian population was targeted by all the fighting factions. Civilians were captured, abducted, and held as slaves used for forced labour. The Special Court for Sierra Leone was established by the government of Sierra Leone and the United Nations in 2002, through Security Council Resolution 1315. It is mandated to try those who bear the greatest responsibility for serious violations of international humanitarian law and Sierra Leonean law committed in Sierra Leone since 30 November 1996. The aim of this paper is to sketch out the extent to which the jurisprudence of the Special Court can serve as a model for efficient and effective administration of criminal justice nationally through the preservation of its legacy.

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M’Cormack-Hale, Fredline A. O., and Josephine Beoku-Betts. "General Introduction." African and Asian Studies 14, no. 1-2 (March 27, 2015): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341327.

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Although much has been written on many different aspects of post-conflict reconstruction, democracy building, and the role of the international community in Sierra Leone, there is no definitive publication that focuses on exploring the ways in which various interventions targeted at women in Sierra Leone have resulted in socio-economic and political change, following the Sierra Leone civil war. This special issue explores the multi-faceted subject of women’s empowerment in post-war Sierra Leone. Employing a variety of theoretical frameworks, the papers examine a broad range of themes addressing women’s socio-economic and political development, ranging from health to political participation, from paramount chiefs and parliamentarians to traditional birth attendants and refugees. An underlying argument is that post-war contexts provide the space to advance policies and practices that contribute to women’s empowerment. To this end, the papers examine the varied ways in which women have individually and collectively responded to, shaped, negotiated, and been affected by national and international initiatives and processes.

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Kieh, George Klay. "State-building in Post-Civil War Sierra Leone." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 1-2 (2005): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209054547337.

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Lambourne, Wendy. "Towards Sustainable Peace and Development in Sierra Leone: Civil Society and the Peacebuilding Commission." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 4, no. 2 (September 2008): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2008.630221763481.

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The Sierra Leone civil war that ended in January 2002 was particularly brutal and left the country economically devastated. Four-and-a-half years later, Sierra Leone was selected as one of two countries to receive focussed attention from the newly created United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). The PBC is mandated to support post-conflict recovery and sustainable development with the participation of all relevant stakeholders, including civil society. Drawing on field research and theories of sustainable peacebuilding and the role of civil society, this paper assesses the PBC's performance in Sierra Leone in its first year of operation. The article concludes that the PBC needs to clarify its priorities in relation to civil society participation in order to fulfil its potential to assist governments in promoting sustainable peace and development.

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Batty, Fodei, and Fredline M’Cormack-Hale. "“Do not Disturb the Peace!” Identities, Livelihoods and the Politics of Post-War Discontent in Sierra Leone." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 4 (February 10, 2019): 533–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618825355.

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Although the collective memory of war is frequently invoked in post-war societies, who chooses to invoke it and to what effect has been less studied relative to other aspects of such societies. In this article we employ a case study of Sierra Leone to address this deficit in the post-conflict scholarship by illustrating how the collective memory of that country’s civil war is appropriated by diverse actors in the post-war society. Drawing from field interviews, we present evidence showing how, and why, several societal groups constituted as distinct post-war identities such as victims-rights groups, former defenders of the state, or perpetrators of the violence during the Sierra Leone civil war articulate dissatisfactions with their livelihoods and the reactions of state officials to their demands. The article explains why, and how, successive governments have selectively suppressed the discontent of some groups over livelihood insecurities that are construed as threats to public order while ignoring violent protests from other groups over similar issues, in spite of a 1965 public order act restricting protests. Thus, the article argues that state officials in Sierra Leone have not demonstrated superior commitment to peacebuilding than societal groups that make demands on the state.

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Hindowa Batilo Momoh and Alhaji Mustapha Javombo. "Rebuilding war-ravaged institutions: UNDP capacity strengthening of the Sierra Leone house of parliament (2007-2018)." GSC Advanced Research and Reviews 12, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 070–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/gscarr.2022.12.3.0218.

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Post-war reconstruction and institutional rebuilding can be arduous and grueling. This is the case in countries where brutal civil conflicts completely destroyed the infrastructure of the state and its institutions, massified society, ransacked and pillaged properties, looted and plundered the economy, and created social insecurity and uncertainties. This was the state of affairs in Sierra Leone in 2002 when the civil war officially came to an end. The state institutional framework was broken, and central government had to rely on the donor community to rebuild and reconstruct the war-ravaged country. The overarching objective of this paper is to examine UNDP’s financial and technical support especially to one of the three arms of government-the House of Parliament in Sierra Leone. UNDP’s contribution to reform the Sierra Leone parliament and bring it up to speed has been overwhelming and strikingly noteworthy. The article demonstrates the fundamental role Parliaments play in the consolidation of both nascent and established democracies and how the institution empowers ordinary citizens to participate in the policies that shape their lives. This article concludes that the structural and institutional reforms put in place in the Sierra Leone’s House of Parliament by the UN Agency has the potential to strengthen and consolidate the budding democracy in the country.

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Zack‐Williams, A. B. "Child soldiers in the civil war in Sierra Leone." Review of African Political Economy 28, no. 87 (March 2001): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240108704504.

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12

Binningsbø, Helga Malmin, and Kendra Dupuy. "Using Power-Sharing to Win a War: The Implementation of the Lomé Agreement in Sierra Leone." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 3 (December 2009): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400305.

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To end the civil war in Sierra Leone the government and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) signed a peace agreement guaranteeing power-sharing in July 1999. Such power-sharing is a widely used, often recommended political arrangement to overcome deep divisions between groups. However, scholars disagree on whether power-sharing causes peace, or, on the contrary, causes continuing violence. One reason for this is the literature's tendency to neglect how power-sharing is actually put into place. But post-agreement implementation is essential if we are to judge the performance of power-sharing. Therefore, we investigate the role played by power-sharing in terminating the civil war in Sierra Leone. We argue that the government was able to use the peace agreement to pursue its goal of ending the war through marginalising the RUF.

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Nesbitt, Michael. "Lessons from the Sam Hinga Norman Decision of the Special Court for Sierra Leone: How trials and truth commissions can co-exist." German Law Journal 8, no. 10 (October 1, 2007): 977–1014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220000612x.

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Sierra Leone is a poor nation in the midst of a laudable campaign to bring justice and reconciliation to a people desperately in need of it. Having suffered through the scourge of a decade long civil war, the nation employed two distinct yet related institutions to take a leading role in this campaign. Uniquely, the Government of Sierra Leone (GoSL) sought the assistance of the United Nations (UN) in setting up the world's first “hybrid tribunal”, named the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), to work alongside the already conceived of Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). These two institutions were to employ different procedures and, to an extent, different objectives in the hopes of achieving peace, justice and reconciliation.

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14

Porter, Abioseh Michael. "Post-Civil War Literary Fiction: A Catalyst for Understanding Sierra Leone's Recent Past, Present, and Future." African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review 13, no. 1 (March 2023): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/acp.2023.a900893.

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ABSTRACT: Until very recently, it seemed that a major difference between the literature of Sierra Leone and the literatures of its other West African neighbors was the absence, especially in prose fiction, of a sustained body of work by Sierra Leonean authors. This situation might seem mystifying to scholars of Sierra Leone's social and intellectual history because, after all, that country had played a major and pioneering role in the development and spreading of Western education in West Africa. This fundamental narrative of the inability of Sierra Leone's creative writers to produce high quality literature, in current times, has been seriously challenged by several new authors. This article analyzes the ways in which Sierra Leonean literature has moved from a space in which its earliest writers failed to understand fiction writing as a major outlet to express the dreams, nightmares, hopes and desires of a people to one in which high quality fiction is flourishing. It highlights how the civil war and its dreadful aftermath changed the literary landscape in Sierra Leone in many positive ways.

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15

Kusumawardani, Damar. "Kerjasama UNICEF dan IRC dalam Penegakan Hak Anak di Sierra Leone." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 1 (May 10, 2020): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v4i1.120.

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Sierra Leone was one of the countries with the largest use of child soldiers during the civil war between 1991-2002. Girl child soldiers made up to 30 percent of the total child soldiers involved in the Sierra Leone civil war. The Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration program (DDR) which was one of the UN mandate as a post-conflict peace consolidation could only reach 506 out of a total of 6,845 child soldiers who have been disarmed. This was because the requirement for the disarmament phase was to hand in their weapon, while many girls were not equipped with weapon by their armed forces commander considering that most of them acted as cooks, house workers, and bush wives. UNICEF and IRC as international organizations then carried out further DDR projects with more gender-responsive and community-based with gender mainstreaming and inclusive citizenship policies to enforce children rights of Sierra Leonean girl soldiers who previously had not included in DDR program. This paper will discuss the enforcement of children rights of Sierra Leonean girl soldiers in the furtjer DDR projects.

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Harris, Dawn, Tarik Endale, Unn Hege Lind, Stephen Sevalie, Abdulai Jawo Bah, Abdul Jalloh, and Florence Baingana. "Mental health in Sierra Leone." BJPsych International 17, no. 1 (July 22, 2019): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bji.2019.17.

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Sierra Leone is a West African country with a population of just over 7 million. Many Sierra Leoneans lived through the psychologically distressing events of the civil war (1991–2002), the 2014 Ebola outbreak and frequent floods. Traditionally, mental health services have been delivered at the oldest mental health hospital in sub-Saharan Africa, with no services available anywhere else in the country. Mental illness remains highly stigmatised. Recent advances include revision of the Mental Health Policy and Strategic Plan and the strengthening of mental health governance and district services. Many challenges lie ahead, with the crucial next steps including securing a national budget line for mental health, reviewing mental health legislation, systematising training of mental health specialists and prioritising the procurement of psychotropic medications. National and international commitment must be made to reduce the treatment gap and provide quality care for people with mental illness in Sierra Leone.

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17

Baker, Bruce. "How Civil War Altered Policing in Sierra Leone and Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 45, no. 3 (July 2007): 367–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040701516938.

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18

Zack-Williams, Alfred B. "Sierra Leone: The political economy of civil war, 1991-98." Third World Quarterly 20, no. 1 (February 1999): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599913965.

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19

Christensen, Matthew J. "Enslaving Globalization: Slavery, Civil War, and Modernity in Sierra Leone." Global South 2, no. 2 (October 2008): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/gso.2008.2.2.54.

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20

Palmer, Erin Louise. "Prosecutor v. Charles Ghankay Taylor (SCSL)." International Legal Materials 53, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.53.1.0001.

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On September 26, 2013, the Appeals Chamber for the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Special Court) unanimously upheld the Trial Chamber’s conviction of Charles Ghankay Taylor, the former President of Liberia, and affirmed his fifty-year sentence for aiding and abetting rebel forces in Sierra Leone that perpetrated brutal crimes during the civil war in Sierra Leone. The Appeals Chamber’s judgment followed an almost four-year trial that included testimony from 115 witnesses, including Taylor himself—who testified in his defense for seven months—and celebrities such as British model Naomi Campbell and U.S. actress Mia Farrow, who the Prosecution called to show that Taylor knowingly handled blood diamonds. Taylor is the first head of state that an international or hybrid tribunal has convicted since the Nuremberg trials.

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Wai, Zubairu. "Rethinking War and Violence in Sierra Leone: The RUF and the Nature and Condition of Insurgency Violence." African Conflict & Peacebuilding Review 13, no. 1 (March 2023): 44–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/acp.2023.a900890.

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ABSTRACT: One of the most perplexing contradictions of the Sierra Leonean civil war was the disconnect between an insurgency movement that defined its project as an emancipatory program of national liberation and the large-scale violence, destructions, and brutalities it inflicted on the rural poor and other marginalized groups in the name of that project. A question that has thus continued to plague the war is why a movement that claimed to be fighting on behalf of the poor and marginalized also ended up committing horrific atrocities against the very people on whose behalf it claimed to be fighting. What explains this radical disconnect between the pronouncements of the insurgents and their actions? In this article, I return to the Sierra Leonean civil war to grapple with this question about the nature and condition of violence in that war. I suggest that violence in the Sierra Leonean civil war, and more specifically, the behavior and conduct of the RUF and other combatants during the war, cannot be explained by recourse to fabulous ideas about the psychobiological characteristics innate to certain groups or societies that predispose them to violence, but to complex sociohistorical processes and structures that define everyday power and social relations. Ultimately, it was these sociohistorical structures and the way they manifest and structure power and social relations in Sierra Leone, as well as the failure of the RUF and its leadership to establish conditions of insurgency action capable of transcending, rather than amplifying, this violence embedded in the postcolonial Sierra Leonean state that determined the nature of violence during the war.

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Park, Augustine S. J. "Global Governance, Therapeutic Intervention, and War-Affected Girls." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 34, no. 2 (April 2009): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540903400203.

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The victimization of girls in armed conflict has garnered increased attention, yet recent scholarship shows that postconflict measures fail to meet girls' unique needs. This article examines gendered discourses employed in programming designed to assist girls following Sierra Leone's decade-long civil war, drawing on fieldwork conducted as part of a continuing program of study on peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. Specifically, the article presents a case study examining discourse relating to war-affected girls in one Freetown-based NGO, Connecting for Peace, which delivered programming to boys and girls affected by the war.

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Tejan-Cole, Abdul. "The complementary and conflicting relationship between the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 5 (December 2002): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001100.

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Societies emerging from political turmoil and civil unrest associated with gross violations of human rights and humanitarian law face the crucial question of how to deal with these atrocities and put the past in its place. Since the 1980s, this problem has been a major preoccupation of international law and scholarship. The traditional responses include outside intervention in such states pursuant to Chapter VII powers under the United Nations Charter, grants of conditional amnesty to perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity, grants of some form of unconditional amnesty, and prosecution of perpetrators.Nowhere is this question more pressing than in Sierra Leone, which recently emerged from a ten-year civil war characterized by systematic, serious and widespread violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. The Government of Sierra Leone had to make a choice between these four traditional strategies for dealing with these pervasive human rights violations.

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Das, Shruti, and Deepshikha Routray. "Climate Change and Ecocide in Sierra Leone: Representations in Aminatta Forna’s Ancestor Stones and The Memory of Love." eTropic: electronic journal of studies in the Tropics 20, no. 2 (September 10, 2021): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/etropic.20.2.2021.3812.

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War has been instrumental in destroying land and forests and thus is a major contributor to climate change. Degradation due to war has been especially significant in Africa. The African continent, once green, is now almost denuded of its rich forests and pillaged of its precious natural resources due to the brutality of colonisation and more recent postcolonial civil wars. In Sierra Leone the civil war continued for over eleven years from 1991 to 2002 and wrought havoc on the land and forests. Thus the anxiety and trauma suffered by the people not only includes the more visible aspects of human brutality, but also the long lasting effects of ecocide which relate to climate change. Underlying narratives that address traumatic ecological disasters is a sense of anxiety and depression resulting from the existential threat of climate change. This paper demonstrates how narratives can metaphorically represent both ecocide and climate change and argues that such stories help people in tackling the real life stresses of anxiety and trauma. To establish the argument this paper has drawn on scientific and sociological data and placed these vis-à-vis narrative episodes in Aminatta Forna’s novels Ancestor Stones (2006) and The Memory of Love (2010). In these novels Forna depicts the ecological crisis that colonisation and civil war have wrought on Sierra Leone. The anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder – of war and ecocide – suffered by the fictional Sierra Leonean characters are explained through Cathy Caruth’s trauma theory.

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Ganson, Brian, and Herbert M’cleod. "Private sector development and the persistence of fragility in Sierra Leone." Business and Politics 21, no. 4 (November 29, 2019): 602–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2019.10.

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AbstractRhetoric from both domestic and international policy actors equated foreign direct investment and robust business growth in Sierra Leone with an exit from fragility. To the contrary, the trajectory of private sector development experienced from 2002 to 2014 contributed to Sierra Leone's socio-political challenges, replicating in the contemporary period dynamics of grievance and exclusion that were root causes of the country's endemic instability and then civil war. This study challenges the practices and refines the ideas underlying the prevailing vision for business-led development in Sierra Leone and other fragile states. It links extensive documentation of the role of business in Sierra Leone with peacebuilding and statebuilding frameworks to present a novel perspective on the mechanisms of action of private sector development in contexts of persistent fragility. In doing so, it provides a foundation on which further theoretical propositions for the ordering of business-state relations in support of transitions from fragility to peaceful development can be developed and tested.

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Beresford, Stuart, and A. S. Muller. "The Special Court for Sierra Leone: An Initial Comment." Leiden Journal of International Law 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 635–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000310.

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The proposed establishment of the Special Court for Sierra Leone is a valiant effort to end impunity for the egregious crimes that were committed during the Sierra Leonean civil war. Nonetheless, the Special Court – which will have jurisdiction over crimes against humanity, war crimes, and various offences under Sierra Leonean national law – will have a number of major hurdles to cross in order to fulfill its mandate. Most notably the Court as currently empowered lacks the ability to induce the authorities of third states to comply with its orders and has limited temporal jurisdiction: thereby allowing a number of accused to escape justice. More alarmingly the on-going discussions within United Nations Headquarters concerning the financing of the organisation has substantially eroded the credibility of the institution, especially as large numbers of potential accused have been languishing in jail for significant periods without being formally charged.

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Mariniello, Triestino. "Prosecutor v. Taylor." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 2 (April 2013): 424–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.2.0424.

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On April 26, 2012, Trial Chamber II (Chamber) of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Special Court or Court) in The Hague convicted former Liberian president Charles Ghankay Taylor of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed from November 30, 1996, to January 18, 2002, in the territory of Sierra Leone during its civil war. Specifically, Taylor was found guilty of the crimes against humanity of murder, rape, sexual slavery, enslavement and other inhumane acts, and the war crimes of committing acts of terror, murder, outrages upon personal dignity, cruel treatment, pillage, and conscripting or enlisting children under the age of fifteen years into armed forces or groups or using them to participate actively in hostilities. In a separate judgment rendered on May 30, 2012, the Chamber sentenced Taylor to a single term of fifty years for all the counts on which the accused had been convicted.

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Shepler, Susan. "Youth music and politics in post-war Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 4 (November 4, 2010): 627–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000509.

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ABSTRACTThe brutal, eleven-year long civil war in Sierra Leone has been understood by many scholarly observers as ‘a crisis of youth’. The national elections of 2007 were notable for an explosion of popular music by young people directly addressing some of the central issues of the election: corruption of the ruling party and lack of opportunities for youth advancement. Though produced by youth and understood locally as youth music, the sounds were inescapable in public transport, markets, and parties. The musical style is a combination of local idioms and West African hip-hop. The lyrics present a young people's moral universe in stark contrast to that of their elders. This paper addresses the themes of these election-focused songs as well as the emerging subaltern youth identity discernible in supposedly less political songs.

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Marks, Zoe. "Rebel resource strategies in civil war: Revisiting diamonds in Sierra Leone." Political Geography 75 (November 2019): 102059. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.102059.

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Aning, Emmanuel Kwesi. "Gender and civil war: The cases of Liberia and Sierra Leone." Civil Wars 1, no. 4 (December 1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249808402388.

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Fayiah, Moses, Shikui Dong, and Sanjay Singh. "Status and challenges of wood biomass as the principal energy in Sierra Leone." International Journal of Biomass and Renewables 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.61762/ijbrvol7iss2art4565.

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Energy availability in developing countries especially in African countries is still a great challenge, affecting the standard of living and investment in the Continent. The absence of adequate energy supply in urban and rural areas in Africa since colonial era has given wood biomass energy the advantage among other energy sources. In this paper, we synthesized the literatures and reports to assess the wood biomass energy usage status, production, consumption, economic benefits, pitfalls and future trend in Sierra Leone. The combined energy supply from all sources in Sierra Leone accounts for less than 30% of the country energy needs. The huge reliance on wood biomass energy in Sierra Leone is as a result of poverty, high cost of alternative energy source, weak economy and under development of the state, corruption, previous civil war, political instability and low standard of living. The exploitation of other forms of renewable energy such as modern bioenergy, solar, wind, and increased hydroelectric production could increase energy access and diversify Sierra Leone’s energy profile in the near future. Keywords: renewable, natural, power, Africa, charcoal, fuel

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32

Forna, Aminatta. "On Happiness." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 6, no. 03 (September 2019): 418–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2019.18.

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The publication of Happiness in 2019 marked a near twenty-year immersion in narratives that dealt with notions of war and trauma, an inquiry that began with a memoir The Devil that Danced on the Water (2002), written at the time of the civil conflict in Sierra Leone, and continuing through four novels, culminating in Happiness. In The Memory of Love and through the character of British psychologist Adrian Lockheart, a trauma specialist who arrives in Sierra Leone in the wake of the conflict, I engaged most directly with conceptual notions of trauma. It is in this novel that Attila Asare, a Ghanaian psychiatrist who runs a mental health facility in postwar Sierra Leone, makes his first appearance. Some years later, following publication of the Croatian-set novel The Hired Man, I found myself compelled to return to the character of Asare and the subject of trauma in my most recent novel, Happiness.

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Utas, Mats, and Magnus Jörgel. "The West Side Boys: military navigation in the Sierra Leone civil war." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 487–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003388.

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ABSTRACTThe West Side Boys were one of several military actors in the Sierra Leonean civil war (1991–2002). A splinter group of the army, the WSB emerged as a key player in 1999–2000. In most Western media accounts, the WSB appeared as nothing more than renegade, anarchistic bandits, devoid of any trace of long-term goals. By contrast, this article aims to explain how the WSB used well-devised military techniques in the field; how their history and military training within the Sierra Leone army shaped their notion of themselves and their view of what they were trying to accomplish; and, finally, how military commanders and politicians employed the WSB as a tactical instrument in a larger map of military and political strategies. It is in the politics of a military economy that this article is grounded.

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Smith, Dane F. "US–Guinea relations during the rise and fall of Charles Taylor." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 3 (August 3, 2006): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001832.

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The Liberian civil war was the major issue in US–Guinea relations between 1990 and 2003. During the first half of this period, the US sought with limited success to secure Guinea's cooperation in finding a diplomatic solution. President Conté viewed Charles Taylor as Guinea's implacable enemy and authorised arms support for anti-Taylor factions, while the US pressed for a negotiated peace. The Guinean leader's negative reaction to US criticism of the flawed 1993 presidential elections halted most dialogue on Liberia for the next two years. When Taylor continued supporting civil war in Sierra Leone after 1997, and fighters allied to him assaulted Guinea border posts in 1999, the US strengthened its engagement with Guinea. Providing military training and non-lethal equipment, it sought to counter the threat that Guinea would succumb to the destabilisation which had afflicted Liberia and Sierra Leone. The US appears positioned to play a positive role in Guinea's political and economic transition after the departure from the scene of the seriously ill Guinean president.

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Jackson, Emerson Abraham, and Hudson Freddie Jackson. "Reminiscence of Education in Post-War Years: Sierra Leone as a Case Study." Educational Challenges 28, no. 1 (April 28, 2023): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.34142/2709-7986.2023.28.1.01.

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The main purposes of this paper are as follows: (I) to provide a historical narrative of Sierra Leone's educational system, (II) to assess the impact of war on the country's educational system and pace of development in the current digital age, and finally, (III) to offer some discourses for policy dialogue in embracing the developmental landscape of the country. Methodology. The study is based on a "narrative" approach to exploring the outcomes of the civil war that resulted in the complete disruption of the education system in Sierra Leone. Results. The outcome of the study, which utilizes a narrative methodological approach, has captured pertinent areas of concern regarding the destructive legacy that the civil war brought to the country. Notable among these is the complete collapse of standards in the education system and, even more notably, the emergence of fake educational institutions. The results also draw attention to the positives of free education in creating equality in access to education for all. Conclusions. The study outcome shows that Sierra Leone is making some steady progress in providing an inclusive education for that despite the bad memory that the civil war brought to the entire nation. Moving on, the study outcome noted that progress needs to be made in terms of embracing modern technology to address emerging developments in areas pertaining to Artificial Intelligence (AI) and many more. Also, to resurrect the country to its earlier glory of high educational standards, efforts must be made to raise the profile of those responsible for delivering the curriculum (teachers in particular), while at the same time ensuring high quality of graduates are made to enter through competitive salaries.

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Albrecht, Peter. "The Chiefs of Community Policing in Rural Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 4 (November 4, 2015): 611–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000774.

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ABSTRACTThis paper argues that when police reform in Sierra Leone was instituted to consolidate a state system after the country's civil war ended in 2002, it reproduced a hybrid order instead that is embodied by Sierra Leone's primary local leaders: paramount and lesser chiefs. In this sense, policing has a distinctly political quality to it because those who enforce order also define what order is and determine access to resources. The hybrid authority of Sierra Leone's chiefs emanates from multiple state-based and localised sources simultaneously and comes into play as policing takes place and police reform moves forward. This argument is substantiated by an ethnographic exploration of how and with what implications community policing has been introduced in Peyima, a small town in Kono District, and focuses on one of its primary institutional expressions, Local Policing Partnership Boards.

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Svärd, Proscovia. "Freedom of information laws and information access." Information Development 33, no. 2 (July 9, 2016): 190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666916642829.

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Sierra Leone was engulfed in a destructive civil war between 1991 and 2002. The civil war was partly caused by the non-accountability of the government, endemic corruption, misrule and the mismanagement of the country’s resources. Efforts have been made by the country, with the help of the international community, to embrace a democratic dispensation. To demonstrate its commitment to the democratization agenda, Sierra Leone passed the Right to Access Information (RAI) Act in 2013. The Act guarantees access to government information and also imposes a penalty on failure to make information available. However, Sierra Leone’s state institutions are still weak due to mismanagement and lack of transparency and accountability. Freedom of expression and access to information are cornerstones of modern democracies. Public information/records are a means of power that governments and other political institutions use to exercise control over citizens, but are also a means of citizens’ empowerment. Through access to government information/records, media can play their watchdog role and people can assess the performance of governments and hold them accountable. The purpose of the paper is to demonstrate the fact that it is not enough to enact freedom of information laws (FOIs) if there is no political will to make government information accessible, an information management infrastructure to facilitate the creation, capture, management, dissemination, preservation and re-use of government information and investments in civil education to promote an information culture that appreciates information as a resource that underpins accountability and transparency.

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MUTSUJI, Shoji. "The Process and Prospects of Civil War in Sierra Leone, 1991-2001." Journal of African Studies 2002, no. 60 (2002): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.2002.139.

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Bakarr Bah, Abu. "State Decay and Civil War: A Discourse on Power in Sierra Leone." Critical Sociology 37, no. 2 (February 28, 2011): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920510379438.

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Khan, Amadu Wurie. "Journalism & armed conflict in Africa: the civil war in Sierra Leone." Review of African Political Economy 25, no. 78 (December 1998): 585–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249808704345.

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Denov, Myriam. "Coping with the trauma of war: Former child soldiers in post-conflict Sierra Leone." International Social Work 53, no. 6 (June 24, 2010): 791–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872809358400.

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Children across the globe have been implicated in armed conflict as both victims and participants. During Sierra Leone’s decade-long civil war, thousands of children, both boys and girls, participated directly in armed conflict or were recruited for labour or sexual exploitation in armed groups. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with 80 children formerly associated with Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front, this paper explores children’s experiences of violence during the armed conflict, traces the realities that children faced in the aftermath of the war, and examines the ways in which participants attempted to cope with the war’s profound after-effects. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for social work.

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Iwara, MaryAnne. "Examining the Role of Economic Actors in Post-war Reintegration Processes: Case of Sierra Leone." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 10 (October 21, 2021): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.810.11016.

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This paper examines post-conflict peacebuilding activities in Sierra Leone by critically looking at the role of economic actors in the reintegration process of its post-war Disarmament Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) initiative. The civil war that lasted for 11 years in Sierra Leone, put doubts on the national governments ability to effectively provide both victims and perpetuators, the necessary protection and assistance needed to fully assume responsibilities within the communities. Because of this, poverty was further entrenched, thereby increasing the countries susceptibility to return to conflict. Though reintegration processes are continuous, integrative and involve exhaustive budgetary commitments, the process, in Sierra Leone was short-termed, not well coordinated and took time to begin delivering. With the United Nations, World Bank and the weak national government leading the process, financing was often insufficient or late, in combination with the lack of a coherent planning strategy; all these factors contributed to lapses in socio-economic profiling, skills and vocational training and spread disillusionment and resentment among ex-combatants and victims. Using content analysis, the paper argues that, post-war countries need active, equitable and profitable economic sectors if they are to graduate from conflict and from post-conflict aid-dependency. Moreover, as social contracts and corporate social responsibility to communities they govern and operate in, economic actors must create enabling environments and, generate jobs to support legitimate local capacities. The utility of this paper lies in the idea that for any post-conflict country to attain long-term social and economic development, reintegration programme design and activities, must holistically incorporate critical economic actors.

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Shipilov, A. Yu. "Charles Taylor’s interference in the Sierra Leone civil war (based on the documents of the residual special Court for Sierra Leone)." Kunstkamera 6, no. 4 (2019): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/2618-8619-2019-4(6)-99-106.

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Wadsworth, Richard A., and Aiah R. Lebbie. "What Happened to the Forests of Sierra Leone?" Land 8, no. 5 (May 9, 2019): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8050080.

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The last National Forest Inventory of Sierra Leone took place more than four decades ago in 1975. There appears to be no legal definition of “forest” in Sierra Leone and it is sometimes unclear whether reports are referring to the forest as a “land use” or a “land cover”. Estimates of forest loss in the Global Forest Resource Assessment Country Reports are based on the estimated rate during the period 1975 to 1986, and this has not been adjusted for the effects of the civil war, economic booms and busts, and the human population doubling (from about three million in 1975 to over seven million in 2018). Country estimates as part of the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) Global Forest Assessment for 2015 aggregate several classes that are not usually considered as “forest” in normal discourse in Sierra Leone (for example, mangrove swamps, rubber plantations and Raphia palm swamps). This paper makes use of maps from 1950, 1975, and 2000/2 to discuss the fate of forests in Sierra Leone. The widely accepted narrative on forest loss in Sierra Leone and generally in West Africa is that it is rapid, drastic and recent. We suggest that the validity of this narrative depends on how you define “forest”. This paper provides a detailed description of what has happened, and at the same time, offers a different view on the relationship between forests and people than the ideas put forward by James Fairhead and Melissa LeachIf we are going to progress the debate about forests in West Africa, up-to-date information and the involvement of all stakeholders are needed to contribute to the debate on what to measure. Otherwise, the decades-old assumption that the area of forest in Sierra Leone lies between less than 5% and more than 75%, provides an error margin that is not useful. This, therefore, necessitates a new forest inventory.

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Cohen, Dara Kay. "Female Combatants and the Perpetration of Violence: Wartime Rape in the Sierra Leone Civil War." World Politics 65, no. 3 (July 2013): 383–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000105.

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Much of the current scholarship on wartime violence, including studies of the combatants themselves, assumes that women are victims and men are perpetrators. However, there is an increasing awareness that women in armed groups may be active fighters who function as more than just cooks, cleaners, and sexual slaves. In this article, the author focuses on the involvement of female fighters in a form of violence that is commonly thought to be perpetrated only by men: the wartime rape of noncombatants. Using original interviews with ex-combatants and newly available survey data, she finds that in the Sierra Leone civil war, female combatants were participants in the widespread conflict-related violence, including gang rape. A growing body of evidence from other conflicts suggests that Sierra Leone is not an anomaly and that women likely engage in conflict-related violence, including sexual violence, more often than is currently believed. Many standard interpretations of wartime rape are undermined by the participation of female perpetrators. To explain the involvement of women in wartime rape, the author argues that women in armed group units face similar pressure to that faced by their male counterparts to participate in gang rape. The study has broad implications for future avenues of research on wartime violence, as well as for policy.

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Topper, Ryan. "Trauma and the African Animist Imaginary in Aminatta Forna’s The Memory of Love and Delia Jarrett-Macauley’s Moses, Citizen, and Me." English Language Notes 57, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00138282-7716171.

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Abstract This essay intervenes in debates surrounding trauma theory and postcolonial studies, tracing how forms of African animism can lead to a decolonized discourse of trauma. Taking the postcolonial critique of trauma theory’s Eurocentrism as a point of departure, the essay focuses on two contemporary novels of the African diaspora: Aminatta Forna’s The Memory of Love and Delia Jarrett-Macauley’s Moses, Citizen, and Me. Narrating local forms of survival in post–civil war Sierra Leone, these novels use animist modes of consciousness to theorize the collective trauma of, and envision political futures for, Sierra Leone. Forna’s writing is emblematic of realism, while Jarrett-Macauley’s is an example of animist realism. Both novels are united, however, by an animism at the level of narrative process, drawing on the spirit world and possession rituals to counter therapeutic and humanitarian ideologies.

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Leao, Isabela, and Albert Kim Cowan. "The role of civil societies on youth empowerment in post-war Sierra Leone." Freedom from Fear 2010, no. 8 (March 12, 2010): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/c4863cdb-en.

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HUMPHREYS, MACARTAN, and JEREMY M. WEINSTEIN. "Handling and Manhandling Civilians in Civil War." American Political Science Review 100, no. 3 (August 2006): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062289.

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The toll of civil conflict is largely borne by civilian populations, as warring factions target non-combatants through campaigns of violence. But significant variation exists in the extent to which warring groups abuse the civilian population: across conflicts, across groups, and within countries geographically and over time. Using a new dataset on fighting groups in Sierra Leone, this article analyzes the determinants of the tactics, strategies, and behaviors that warring factions employ in their relationships with noncombatants. We first describe a simple logic of extraction which we use to generate hypotheses about variation in levels of abuse across fighting units. We then show that the most important determinants of civilian abuse are internal to the structure of the faction. High levels of abuse are exhibited by warring factions that are unable to police the behavior of their members because they are more ethnically fragmented, rely on material incentives to recruit participants, and lack mechanisms for punishing indiscipline. Explanations that emphasize the importance of local community ties and contestation do not find strong support in the data.

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McGough, Fredanna M. "Locating the Informal in the Formal?" African and Asian Studies 14, no. 1-2 (March 27, 2015): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341329.

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This paper explores the influences that led to the development of the Free Health Care Initiative (fhci), which requires the provision of free health services for pregnant women, lactating mothers, and children under the age of five years. The paper will explore the impact of the policy on women actors as both recipients and informal providers of health care in post-war Sierra Leone. Since the end of the Sierra Leone civil war in 2002, there has been much focus on maternal and child health issues due to the staggeringly high maternal and child mortality rates, when compared to the rest of the world. Currently, international considerations exist such as the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (cedaw) and the Millennium Development Goals (mdgs) to ensure nations are responsive to women’s health concerns. These often externally driven policies may not be based on internal motivation, and may have negative local consequences.Although the fhci has improved accessibility of clinical services provided by the government by eliminating user fees, a provision was made to eliminate the services of traditional birth attendants (tbas), who historically provided affordable birth services for women in rural regions of Sierra Leone. The new health policy thus criminalizes the actions of tbas, stripping them of the ability to practice their craft and earn a living. This paper examines the sometimes-contradictory results inherent when international laws and mandates get translated into local contexts and problematizes the uni-dimensional ways in which women’s empowerment is often promoted.

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COHEN, DARA KAY. "Explaining Rape during Civil War: Cross-National Evidence (1980–2009)." American Political Science Review 107, no. 3 (August 2013): 461–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000221.

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Why do some armed groups commit massive wartime rape, whereas others never do? Using an original dataset, I describe the substantial variation in rape by armed actors during recent civil wars and test a series of competing causal explanations. I find evidence that the recruitment mechanism is associated with the occurrence of wartime rape. Specifically, the findings support an argument about wartime rape as a method of socialization, in which armed groups that recruit by force—through abduction or pressganging—use rape to create unit cohesion. State weakness and insurgent contraband funding are also associated with increased wartime rape by rebel groups. I examine observable implications of the argument in a brief case study of the Sierra Leone civil war. The results challenge common explanations for wartime rape, with important implications for scholars and policy makers.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Sierra Leone Civil War'

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