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Journal articles on the topic 'Sierra Leone (Colony and Protectorate)'
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Galli, Stefania, and Klas Rönnbäck. "Colonialism and rural inequality in Sierra Leone: an egalitarian experiment." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 468–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez011.
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Abstract We analyze the level of inequality in rural Sierra Leone in the early colonial period. Previous research has suggested that the colony was established under highly egalitarian ideals. We examine whether these ideals also are reflected in the real distribution of wealth in the colony. We employ a newly assembled dataset extracted from census data in the colony in 1831. The results show that rural Sierra Leone exhibited one of the most equal distributions of wealth so far estimated for any preindustrial rural society.
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Bangura, Joseph J. "Gender and Ethnic Relations in Sierra Leone: Temne Women in Colonial Freetown." History in Africa 39 (2012): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2012.0003.
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Abstract:The article explores the role of women, particularly non-Western educated Temne market women in shaping the socio-economic history of Britain's oldest colony in colonial West Africa. It addresses the neglect of women's participation in the economy of the colony inherent in the androcentric literature. The article also highlights the cultural foundations of Temne women's activism in colonial Freetown. It argues that the role played by various subjects and actors should be fully integrated in the historical literature of the Sierra Leone colony.
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KEMP, ROBIN, and R. BOWDLER SIIARPE. "XX.-On the Birds of the South-eastern Part of the Protectorate of Sierra Leone." Ibis 47, no. 2 (April 3, 2008): 213–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1905.tb05600.x.
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Traina-Dorge, Vicki L., Rebecca Lorino, Bobby J. Gormus, Michael Metzger, Paul Telfer, David Richardson, David L. Robertson, Preston A. Marx, and Cristian Apetrei. "Molecular Epidemiology of Simian T-Cell Lymphotropic Virus Type 1 in Wild and Captive Sooty Mangabeys." Journal of Virology 79, no. 4 (February 15, 2005): 2541–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/jvi.79.4.2541-2548.2005.
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ABSTRACT A study was conducted to evaluate the prevalence and diversity of simian T-cell lymphotropic virus (STLV) isolates within the long-established Tulane National Primate Research Center (TNPRC) colony of sooty mangabeys (SMs; Cercocebus atys). Serological analysis determined that 22 of 39 animals (56%) were positive for STLV type 1 (STLV-1). A second group of thirteen SM bush meat samples from Sierra Leone in Africa was also included and tested only by PCR. Twenty-two of 39 captive animals (56%) and 3 of 13 bush meat samples (23%) were positive for STLV-1, as shown by testing with PCR. Nucleotide sequencing and phylogenetic analysis of viral strains obtained demonstrated that STLV-1 strains from SMs (STLV-1sm strains) from the TNPRC colony and Sierra Leone formed a single cluster together with the previously reported STLV-1sm strain from the Yerkes National Primate Research Center. These data confirm that Africa is the origin for TNPRC STLV-1sm and suggest that Sierra Leone is the origin for the SM colonies in the United States. The TNPRC STLV-1sm strains further divided into two subclusters, suggesting STLV-1sm infection of two original founder SMs at the time of their importation into the United States. STLV-1sm diversity in the TNPRC colony matches the high diversity of SIVsm in the already reported colony. The lack of correlation between the lineage of the simian immunodeficiency virus from SMs (SIVsm) and the STLV-1sm subcluster distribution of the TNPRC strains suggests that intracolony transmissions of both viruses were independent events.
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Channing, Laura. "Taxing Chiefs: The Design and Introduction of Direct Taxation in the Sierra Leone Protectorate, 1896–1914." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 48, no. 3 (January 27, 2020): 395–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2019.1706789.
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MONTICELLI, DAVID, ALHAJI SIAKA, GRAEME M. BUCHANAN, SIMON WOTTON, TONY MORRIS, JIM C. WARDILL, and JEREMY A. LINDSELL. "Long term stability of White-necked Picathartes population in south-east Sierra Leone." Bird Conservation International 22, no. 2 (September 7, 2011): 170–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959270911000220.
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SummaryWhite-necked Picathartes Picathartes gymnocephalus is a globally ‘Vulnerable’ bird endemic to the highly threatened Upper Guinea forests in West Africa. In an environment under a high level of threat, the high breeding site fidelity (or breeding site persistence) of this species enables long term monitoring of colony site occupancy, colony size and other breeding parameters, which provide multiple indicators of population status. We surveyed known colony sites and searched for new sites in three recent breeding seasons in order to assess the current population status in the most important part of their range in Sierra Leone, the Gola Forest. We found 157 active nests at 40 colonies, equating to at least 314 adult birds. Less than half of the known colonies were protected by the Gola Forest Reserve. Colonies outside the reserve tended to be confined to larger rocks and subject to disturbance from human activities in close proximity, but did not have fewer active nests in them. Colonies outside the reserve were also more likely to be inactive in a given year whereas all colonies inside the reserve were active in every survey year. A predictive distribution model indicated that the survey region could have as many as 234 nests equating to at least 468 breeding birds. There was no evidence that mean colony size had declined since surveys undertaken in the 1980s and 1990s but it was not possible to compare colony abandonment rates inside and outside the reserve over that time period. Clutch and brood sizes were similar in each year, though brood size appeared slightly lower in the third survey year possibly because of a slightly later survey date. Mean clutch and brood sizes reported during the study period were similar to those found in the 1980s and 1990s. We conclude that the population of White-necked Picathartes in the Gola Forest area has been relatively stable over the last two decades, reflecting both the efficacy of protection afforded by the Gola Forest Reserve and presumably low pressure to farm new areas in the nearby community forest. However, regular monitoring of colonies both inside and outside the reserve is required to detect any systematic impact on the birds as pressure for land increases.
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Mouser, Bruce. "Origins of Church Missionary Society Accommodation to Imperial Policy: The Sierra Leone Quagmire and the Closing of the Susu Mission, 1804-17." Journal of Religion in Africa 39, no. 4 (2009): 375–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002242009x12537559494278.
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AbstractA series of events in 1807 changed the mission of the early Church Missionary Society in Sierra Leone from one that was designed initially and solely to spread the Christian message in the interior of West Africa to one that included service to the Colony of Sierra Leone. Before 1807, the Society had identified the Susu language as the appointed language to be used in its conversion effort, and it intended to establish an exclusively Susu Mission—in Susu Country and independent of government attachment—that would prepare a vanguard of African catechists and missionaries to carry that message in the Susu language. In 1807, however, the Society's London-based board and the missionaries then present at Sierra Leone made a strategic shift of emphasis to accept government protection and support in return for a bargain of government service, while at the same time continuing with earlier and independent goals of carrying the message of Christianity to native Africans. That choice prepared the Society and its missionaries within a decade to significantly increase the Society's role in Britain's attempt to bring civilization, commerce and Christianity to the continent, and to do it within the confines of imperial policy.
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Ferguson, Moira. "Anna Maria Falconbridge and the Sierra Leone Colony: 'A Female Traveller in Conflict'." Lumen: Selected Proceedings from the Canadian Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies 16 (1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1012436ar.
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McGowan, Winston. "The Establishment of Long-Distance Trade Between Sierra Leone and its Hinterland, 1787–1821." Journal of African History 31, no. 1 (March 1990): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024762.
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One of the principal objectives of foreign settlements in nineteenth-century West Africa was the establishment of extensive regular trade with Africans, especially residents of the distant, fabled interior. The attainment of this goal, however, proved very difficult. The most spectacular success was achieved by the British settlement at Sierra Leone, which in the early 1820s managed to establish substantial regular trade with the distant hinterland. Its early efforts to achieve this objective, however, were unsuccessful. Until 1818 the development of long-distance trade with the hinterland was impeded by the desultory nature of such efforts, Sierra Leone's opposition to slave trading, competition from established coastal marts, obstructions caused by intermediate states and peoples, and the weaknesses and limitations of the Colony's policy towards commerce and the interior. By 1821, however, the marked decline of the Atlantic slave trade in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, the active co-operation of Futa Jallon and Segu, two major trading states in the hinterland, and certain other important developments in the Colony and the interior, combined to establish such trade on a regular basis.
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Magaziner, Daniel R. "Removing the Blinders and Adjusting the View: A Case Study from Early Colonial Sierra Leone." History in Africa 34 (2007): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2007.0011.
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Mende raiders caught Mr. Goodman, “an educated young Sierra Leonean clerk,” at Mocolong, where he “was first tortured by having his tongue cut out, and then being decapitated.” His was a brutal fate, not unlike those which befell scores of his fellow Sierra Leoneans in the spring of 1898. Others were stripped of their Europeanstyle clothes and systematically dismembered, leaving only mutilated bodies strewn across forest paths or cast into rivers. Stories of harrowing escapes and near-death encounters circulated widely. Missionary stations burned and trading factories lost their stocks to plunder. Desperate cries were heard in Freetown. Send help. Send gun-boats. Send the West India Regiment. Almost two years after the British had legally extended their control beyond the colony of Sierra Leone, Mende locals demonstrated that colonial law had yet to win popular assent.In 1898 Great Britain fought a war of conquest in the West African interior. To the northeast of the Colony, armed divisions pursued the Temne chief Bai Bureh's guerrilla fighters through the hot summer months, while in the south the forest ran with Mende “war-boys,” small bands of fighters who emerged onto mission stations and trading factories, attacked, and then vanished. Mr. Goodman had had the misfortune to pursue his living among the latter. In the north, Bai Bureh fought a more easily definable ‘war,’ a struggle which pitted his supporters against imperial troops and other easily identified representatives of the colonial government. No reports of brutalities done to civilians ensued. In the south, however, Sierra Leoneans and missionaries, both men and women, joined British troops and officials on the casualty rolls.
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Frenkel, Stephen, and John Western. "Pretext or Prophylaxis? Racial Segregation and Malarial Mosquitos in a British Tropical Colony: Sierra Leone." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 78, no. 2 (June 1988): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8306.1988.tb00203.x.
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Wright, R. C. "The seasonality of bacterial quality of water in a tropical developing country (Sierra Leone)." Journal of Hygiene 96, no. 1 (February 1986): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022172400062550.
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SUMMARYNatural water sources used as drinking-water supplies by rural settlements in Sierra Leone were examined monthly over a one-year period to detect any seasonal variations in bacterial quality. The 37 °C colony count, levels of selected faecal indicator bacteria and the incidence of Salmonella spp. were monitored. A seasonality was demonstrated for all the variables, counts generally increasing with the progression of the dry season, culminating in peaks at the transition from dry to wet season. Some complications with respect to the interpretation of counts of faecal indicator bacteria from raw tropical waters are noted.
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Strickrodt, Silke. "African Girls' Samplers from Mission Schools in Sierra Leone (1820s to 1840s)." History in Africa 37 (2010): 189–245. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0027.
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In an article in this journal almost fifteen years ago, Colleen Kriger discussed the reluctance of historians of Africa to use objects as sources in their research. She pointed to the rich reservoir of objects “made by African hands” in museum collections around the world, which lies virtually untapped by historians. However, she also noted that while objects are “unusually eloquent remnants from the past,” they are problematic sources, presenting “special difficulties in evaluation and interpretation.”The purpose of this article is to draw attention to the existence of a number of embroidery samplers that were stitched by African girls in mission schools in the British colony of Sierra Leone in the period from the 1820s to the 1840s. So far, I have found thirteen of these samplers, which are preserved in a number of archival, private and museum collections in Europe and the USA. To historians, these pieces of needlework are of interest because they were generated by a group of people for whom we do not usually have first-hand documentary material. Moreover, they represent the direct material traces of the activity of the girls who made them, and thus appear to offer the possibility of an emphatic insight into their experience.However, these “textile documents” present serious problems of interpretation. What exactly can they be expected to tell the modern historian? In particular, how far, in fact, do they express the perspectives of the African girls who made them, as distinct from the European missionaries who directed their work? Careful source criticism and an examination of the purpose for which they were produced will help to clarify these issues.
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Scanlan, Padraic X. "Joseph J. Bangura. The Temne of Sierra Leone: African Agency in the Making of a British Colony." American Historical Review 124, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy527.
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BURGESS, MALCOLM, ANNIKA HILLERS, DENIS BANNAH, SULLAY MOHAMED, MOHAMED SWARAY, BRIMA S. TURAY, JULIET VICKERY, and JEREMY LINDSELL. "The importance of protected and unprotected areas for colony occupancy and colony size in White-necked Picathartes Picathartes gymnocephalus in and around Gola Rainforest National Park, Sierra Leone." Bird Conservation International 27, no. 2 (November 14, 2016): 244–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959270916000113.
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SummaryMost attention on tropical biodiversity conservation has focussed on protected areas. Recognising and enhancing the value of biodiversity outside, as well as inside, protected areas is increasingly important given recognition that biodiversity targets will not be met through protected areas alone. We investigated the extent to which protection influences colony occupancy and colony size of a species of conservation concern, the rock-nesting White-necked Picathartes Picathartes gymnocephalus. We used mixed models to compare long term trends at 42 colonies located both inside and outside a protected area of forest, Gola Rainforest National Park, and considered colonies further inside the boundary as being better protected. Colony occupation was primarily predicted by the level of protection, with occupation highest within protected areas, but was not different between colonies situated close to or far from the boundary. Mean colony occupation was consistently high in protected areas, and lower in unprotected areas. The surface area of colony rocks was also an important predictor with larger rock faces having a higher probability of occupancy. Our best models also included distance to forested habitat, presence of cleared forest and evidence of hunting as less important predictors. Over the eight-year study, after controlling for rock surface area, active colony size declined significantly. However, declines were only significant in colonies in unprotected forest, whilst colonies located within protected areas were buffered from significant decline. Together this suggests colony occupancy and the number of active nests are influenced by protection and human disturbance. Although a lack of demographic and population dynamic work on picathartes prevents identifying mechanisms, we show that despite unprotected colonies having lower occupancy and fewer active nests they can persist in human altered and disturbed areas, partly because larger traditionally used rocks remain important nesting sites.
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Mouser, Bruce L. "A History of the Rio Pongo: Time for a New Appraisal?" History in Africa 37 (2010): 329–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0021.
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Forty-five years ago (1965), when some of us were beginning our studies of the history of the Upper Guinea coast, there existed only a few published general histories of Guinea-Conakry or region-based models to guide us. André Arcin's substantial works (1907 and 1911) provided original but awkward structures from which we could commence our work, but his monographs tended to be based heavily upon a colonial presence, a necessity to make sense of a complex colony, and a reliance upon oral traditions or other uncitationed sources, many of which could not be tested a half century later. Christopher Fyfe's comprehensive history of Sierra Leone had just been published in 1962. Fyfe's foremost emphasis was to chronicle the development of the Sierra Leone settlement and chart that colony's progress, but his extensive documentation was extraordinary in that it demonstrated the clear link between the “Northern Rivers” and British enterprise from Freetown and opened Britain's archives as sources of information about the history of these rivers in new and profound ways.Earlier works by Lucien Marie Francois Famechon, Jules Machat, Fernand Rouget, Laurent Jean B. Bérenger-Férand, Ch. Bour, and others, centering upon the peoples, economies, and terrain of coastal rivers, continued to be instructive, but these authors were writing at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, and they tended to treat the histories of indigenous peoples as interesting and exotic and at the same time relatively unimportant to the colony's regional development.
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Arsan, Andrew Kerim. "Roots and Routes: The Paths of Lebanese Migration to French West Africa." Chronos 22 (April 7, 2019): 107–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v22i0.451.
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We have no way of knowing when the first migrant from present-day Lebanon arrived in West Africa. Some amongst the Lebanese of Dakar still clung in the 1960s to tales ofa man, known only by his first name — 'Isa — who had landed in Senegal a century earlier (Cruise O'Brien 1975: 98). Others told ofa group of young men — Maronite Christians from the craggy escarpments of Mount Lebanon — who had found their way to West Africa some time between 1876 and 1880 (Winder 1962:30()). The Lebanese journalist 'Abdallah Hushaimah, travelling through the region in the 1930s, met in Nigeria one Elias al-Khuri, who claimed to have arrived in the colony in 1890 (Hushaimah 1931:332). The Dutch scholar Laurens van der Laan, combing in the late 1960s through old newspapers in the reading rooms of Fourah Bay College in Freetown, found the first mention of the Lebanese in the Creole press of Sierra Leone in 1895 (van der Laan 1975: l).
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Ling, Binhua, Paul Telfer, Patricia Reed, David L. Robertson, and Preston A. Marx. "A Link between SIVsm in Sooty Mangabeys (SM) in Wild-Living Monkeys in Sierra Leone and SIVsm in an American-Based SM Colony." AIDS Research and Human Retroviruses 20, no. 12 (December 2004): 1348–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/aid.2004.20.1348.
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Mazumder, Tanmoy. "Exploring the Eurocentric Heart: A Postcolonial Reading of Graham Greene’s The Heart of the Matter." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 3, no. 8 (August 30, 2021): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.8.17.
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A literary text can be a propagator of values- both explicitly and implicitly. As Edward Said claims in his book, Orientalism (1978), for centuries Eurocentrism pervades Western literary pieces; they somehow justify and/or uplift European values and perspectives as superior ones while portraying lands, people and cultures of the colonized nations elsewhere, especially in the East. Sometimes, it may become more oblique as the apparent issues dominating the text seem to be something very different, but the writing, however, in the undercurrent, portrays things in a Eurocentric way, often by “othering” the non-Europeans. Said famously terms, this process of creation of an alter ego of the West in the East as “Orientalism”. Graham Greene’s novel, The Heart of the Matter (1948), set in West Africa’s Sierra Leone, a then British colony during WWII, summons rethinking of its presentation of the non-White people and the land of Africa. This study would like to take the focus away from the dominating themes of religion, sin, pity, mercy, responsibility, love, etc. in this piece of fiction to assess its underlying colonial issues which often go unnoticed. The novel portrays a variety of characters- both the British colonizers and the colonial subjects- though the roles and space occupied by the non-British characters are mostly marginal. The “Whites” are portrayed sympathetically, whereas the “non-Whites” are presented as evil, naïve, weak and mystic. This study, thus, argues that the portrayal of Africa (Sierra Leone), the Africans, and the major “non-White” characters in the novel, in contrast to the empathetic presentation of the major “White” European characters, indicate an obvious “othering” of “non-Whites” and the marginalization of non-Europeans in the narrative of the novel. The paper further opines that this process of “othering” and marginalization underlines the operation of an underlying Eurocentric attitude in the representation of the Europeans and non-Europeans in Greene’s fiction.
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Cole, Gibril R. "The Temne of Sierra Leone: African Agency in the Making of a British Colony by Joseph Bangura New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2017, Pp. 217. $99.99 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 1 (March 2019): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000800.
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LYNN OSBORN, EMILY. "‘RUBBER FEVER’, COMMERCE AND FRENCH COLONIAL RULE IN UPPER GUINÉE, 1890–1913." Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (November 2004): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704009867.
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This article examines the trade in wild rubber that emerged in Upper Guinée, in the colony of Guinée Française, at the end of the nineteenth century. Guinée's rubber boom went through two phases. The first, from the 1880s to 1901, was dominated by local collectors and Muslim traders who directed the trade to the British port of Freetown, Sierra Leone. In the second phase, 1901–13, expatriate merchant houses entered the long-distance trade and, with the help of the colonial state, reoriented the commerce to Conakry, port city and capital of Guinée. The Guinée case offers an alternative perspective to that provided by the better studied rubber markets of Central Africa and South America, and contributes to scholarly debates about export economies, colonial rule and social change. In Guinée, local production and commercial networks maintained significant influence in the market throughout the rubber boom, thwarting colonial efforts to control the trade. The colonial state proved particularly challenged by the practice of rubber adulteration, whereby local collectors and traders corrupted rubber with foreign objects to increase its weight. While the trade exposes the limits of colonial power, rubber also played a largely overlooked role in the social and economic transformations of the period. Evidence suggests that profits from the rubber trade enabled peasants, escaped slaves and former masters to alter their circumstances, accumulate wealth and rebuild homes and communities destroyed during the preceding era of warfare and upheaval.
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van Criekinge, Jan. "Historisch Overzicht van de Spoorwegen in West-Afrika." Afrika Focus 5, no. 3-4 (January 15, 1989): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0050304003.
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Historical Survey of the Railway Development in West Africa The present day railway system in West Africa is the result of the transport-policy developed by the colonial powers (France, Great Britain and Germany) at the end of the 19th century. It is remarkable that no network of railways, like in Southern Africa, was brought about. The colonial railways in West Africa were built by the State or by a joint-stock company within the borders of one colony to export the raw materials from the production centres to the harbours. Nevertheless railways were built for more than economical grounds only, in West Africa they had to accomplish a strategic and military role by “opening Africa for the European civilization”. Hargreaves calls railways the “heralds of new imperialism” and Baumgart speaks of the own dynamics of the railways, to push the European colonial powers further into Africa ... The construction of a railway needed a very high capital investment and the European capitalists wouldn’t like to take risks in areas that were not yet “pacified”. It is remarkable how many projects to build a Transcontinental railway right across the Sahara desert largely remained on paper. Precisely because such plans did not materialize, however, the motive force they provided to such imperialist actions as political-territorial annexations can be traced all the more clearly. The French built the first railway in West Africa, the Dakar - St-Louis line (Senegal), between 1879 and 1885. This line stimulated the production of ground-nuts, although the French colonial-military lobby has had other motives. The real motivation became very clear at the construction of the Kayes-Bamako railway. Great difficulties needed the military occupation of the region and the violent recruitment of thousands of black labourers, all over the region. The same problems transformed the building of the Kayes-Dakar line into a real hell. Afterwards the Siné Saloum region has been through a “agricultural revolution”, when the local ground-nuts-producers have been able to produce for foreign markets. The first British railways were built in Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast-colony (Ghana). Jn Nigeria railway construction stimulated the growth of Lagos as an harbour and administrative centre. Lugard had plans for the unification of Nigeria by railways. The old Hausa town of Kano flourished after the opening of the Northern Railway, for other towns a period of decline had begun. Harbour cities and interior railwayheads caused an influx of population from periphery regions, the phenomenon is called “port concentration”. Also the imperial Germany built a few railwaylines in their former colony Togo, to avoid the traffic flow off to the British railways. ifs quite remarkable that the harbours at the Gulf of Guinea-coast developed much later than the harbours of Senegal and Sierra Leone. After the First World War only a few new railways were constructed, the revenues remained very low, so the (colonial) state had to take over many lines. The competition between railways and roadtransport demonstrated the first time in Nigeria, it was the beginning of the decline of railways as the most important transportsystems in West Africa. Only multinational companies built specific railways for the export of minerals (iron, ore and bauxite) after the Second World War, and the French completed the Abidjan - Ouagadougou railway (1956). The consequences of railway construction in West Africa on economic, demographic and social sphere were not so far-reaching as in Southern Africa, but the labour migration and the first labour unions of railwaymen who organized strikes in Senegal and the Ivory Coast mentioned the changing social situation. The bibliography of the West African railways contains very useful studies about the financial policy of the railway companies and the governments, but only a few railways were already studied by economic historians.
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Cline-Cole, Reginald A. "Wartime forest energy policy and practice in British West Africa: social and economic impact on the labouring classes 1939–45." Africa 63, no. 1 (January 1993): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161298.
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AbstractThe recent resurgence of interest in the impact of World War II on African populations has, to date, neglected the theme of forest energy (firewood and charcoal) production, consumption and exchange. This needs to be rectified, for several reasons: (1) wood fuel accounted for the lion's share of wartime forestry output by volume and value, prompting (2) an unprecedented degree of intensity in, and variety of, state emergency intervention in wood fuel ‘markets’ which had (3) important equity implications, which have gone largely unreported, with the risk that (4) current and future attempts at (emergency) wood fuel resource management may be deprived of the lessons of this experience. This article is thus an essay in the dynamics and consequences of crisis management in colonial forestry. It evaluates wartime forest energy policy and practice in British West Africa, with special reference to their ‘invisible’ social consequences. The regional political, economic and military context of forest energy activity is first summarised. This is followed by detailed case studies, which assess policy impacts on the labouring classes in the Sierra Leone colony peninsula and the Jos Plateau tin mines in northern Nigeria. The main aim of these studies is to show how war-induced demands on subsistence products like firewood and charcoal weighed inordinately heavily on the poor. Even those who belonged to sectors of society which benefited from preferential treatment in the allocation of scarce supplies of consumer products were not spared. Recently, concern has increased over the equity implications of current and proposed (peacetime) domestic energy policy and practice in Africa. This suggests that the issues of distributive justice raised by this study are of wider relevance than the specific historical context within which they have been discussed.
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Bradley, Curtis A. "Attorney General Bradford’s Opinion and the Alien Tort Statute." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 3 (July 2012): 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.3.0509.
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In debates over the scope of the Alien Tort Statute (ATS), one historical document has played an especially prominent role. That document is a short opinion by U.S. Attorney General William Bradford, issued in the summer of 1795, concerning the involvement of U.S. citizens in an attack by a French fleet on a British colony in Sierra Leone. In the opinion, Bradford concluded that “[s]o far ... as the transactions complained of originated or took place in a foreign country, they are not within the cognizance of our courts; nor can the actors be legally prosecuted or punished for them by the United States.” He also expressed the view that the actors could be prosecuted for crimes on the high seas, while noting that “some doubt rests on this point” in light of the language of the relevant criminal statute. Finally, he stated—in an obvious reference to the ATS—that there can be no doubt that the company or individuals who have been injured by these acts of hostility have a remedy by a civil suit in the courts of the United States; jurisdiction being expressly given to these courts in all cases where an alien sues for a tort only, in violation of the laws of nations, or a treaty of the United States . . . .The Bradford opinion contains one of the few early historical references to the ATS, so it not surprisingly has received a lot of attention. Numerous academic articles, judicial opinions, and litigation briefs have invoked the Bradford opinion, for a variety of propositions. Reliance on the opinion has increased since the Supreme Court’s 2004 decision in Sosa v. Alvarez-Machain, in which the Court cited the opinion in support of the proposition that the ATS provides jurisdiction over certain common law causes of action derived from the law of nations. As an illustration of its perceived significance, both sides discussed the opinion in the oral argument before the Supreme Court in the first hearing in the pending ATS case, Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co.
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Cardwell, K. F. "Marasmiellus Leaf Disease on Maize in West Africa." Plant Disease 82, no. 6 (June 1998): 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis.1998.82.6.710d.
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A leaf disease of maize previously described as borde blanco (1) or horizontal banded blight (2) was recently observed for the first time in three West African countries. The symptom was white, dry lesions that grew phasically on the edge of the leaf, resulting in horizontal bands delineated by purple to brown margins. Minute basidiocarps (1 mm high) were seen in the white zone of the banded lesions, often arranged linearly. The appearance of the fungus was consistent with a report from Sierra Leone and Guinea Conakry of a basidiomycete on maize of the order Agaricales, Marasmiellus paspalli (Petch) Singer (2). Lamellae were lacking, replaced on mature basidiomes by up to four ridges, which concurred with the description of an unnamed West African variety (1). The pileus and stipe of the mushroom were consistently white when fresh, and light beige when mature. The fungus grew readily on potato dextrose agar, forming a cottony white colony with occasional dark stromatic tissue, and hyphae with abundant clamp connections. Out of over 100 fields visited in 1993 and 1994, the disease was seen in one site only in southern Cameroon in 1994. In 1997, it was found in all maize fields in four separate areas in the southern humid forest zone of that country. In Ghana in November 1996, it was prevalent in a survey of 60 fields, with leaf area losses from 30 to 40%. In August of 1997, the disease appeared in low incidence on maize in Nigeria. The appearance of the Marasmiellus disease in Cameroon, Nigeria, and Ghana in the last 3 years represents a geographic shift from where the pathogen has been previously reported (1,2). It is not known at this time if significant yield loss is being incurred. References: (1) F. M. Latterell and A. E. Rossi. Plant Dis. 68:728, 1984. (2) M. M. Payak and R. C. Sharma. Curr. Sci. 55:1135, 1986.
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Isaac Land and Andrew M. Schocket. "New Approaches to the Founding of the Sierra Leone Colony, 1786–1808." Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 9, no. 3 (2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cch.0.0021.
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Palma, Hélène. "Movement(s) in Elizabeth Helen Callender Melville’s travel letters from Sierra Leone." Le Monde français du dix-huitième siècle 5, no. 1 (November 10, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/mfds-ecfw.v5i1.11147.
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Bought by British activists of the abolitionist cause in the late 18th century to shelter Black survivors of the slave trade, Sierra Leone as a territory was marked by the political movement of abolitionism, and by the import of colonial settlers, including Melville. When Sierra Leone became a British colony, it was populated by freed slaves and poor Blacks from Britain. In the nineteenth century, settlers such as Melville and her husband had to discover the history of the place they were colonizing. The feeling of superiority subsided, they acclimated and eventually adopted a hybrid identity. Melville’s travel letters and diary reveal that she first appreciated the fauna and flora, then the local food, and confronted with slavery, she became aware of the European brand of savagery, far mor noxious than errant drumming and funny gaits or laziness. Melville also experienced prejudice upon returning home, when she felt and was made to feel like an African, rather than a British or Scottish subject.
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GALLI, STEFANIA, and KLAS RÖNNBÄCK. "Land distribution and inequality in a black settler colony: the case of Sierra Leone, 1792–1831 †." Economic History Review, July 31, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.13020.
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Misevich, Philip. "The Temne of Sierra Leone: African Agency in the Making of a British Colony, by Joseph J. Bangura." English Historical Review, July 30, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab183.
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Van Criekinge, Jan. "Historical Survey of the Railway Development in West-Africa." Afrika Focus 5, no. 3-4 (September 22, 1989). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v5i3-4.6477.
Full textAbstract:
The present day railway system in West Africa is the result of the transportpolicy developed by the colonial powers (France, Great Britain and Germany) at the end of the 19th century. lt is remarkable that no network of railways, like in Southern Africa, was brought about. The colonial railways in West Africa were built by the State or by a joint-stock company within the borders of one colony to export the raw materials from the production centres to the harbours. Nevertheless railways were built for more than economical grounds only, in West Africa they had to accomplish a strategic and military role by "opening Africa for the European civilization". Hargreaves calls railways the "heralds of new imperialism" and Baumgart speaks of the own dynamics of the railways, to push the European colonial powers further into Africa... The construction of a railway needed a very high capital investment and the European capitalists wouldn't like to take risks in areas that were not yet "pacified". It is remarkable how many projects to build a Transcontinental railway right across the Sahara desert largely remained on paper. Precisely because such plans did not materialize, however, the motive force they provided to such imperialist actions as political-territorial annexations can be traced all the more clearly.The French built the first railway in West Africa, the Dakar - St-Louis line (Senegal), between 1879 and 1885. This line stimulated the production of ground-nuts, although the French colonial-military lobby has had other motives. The real motivation became very clear at the construction of the Kayes - Bamako railway. Great difficulties needed the military occupation of the region and the violent recruitment of thousands of black labourers, all over the region. The same problems transformed the building of the Kayes-Dakar line into a real hell. Afterwards the Sine Saloum region has been through a "agricultural revolution", when the local ground-nuts-producers have been able toproduce forforeign markets. The first British railways were built in Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast-colony (Ghana). In Nigeria railway construction stimulated the growth of Lagos as an harbour and administrative centre. Lugard had plans for the unification of Nigeria by railways. The old Hausa town of Kano flourished after the opening of the Northern Railway, for other towns a period of decline had begun. Harbour cities and interior railwayheads caused an influx of population from periphery regions, the phenomenon is called "port concentration". Also the imperial Germany built a few railwaylines in theirformer colony Togo, to avoid the traffic flow off to the British railways. If s quite remarkable that the harbours at the Gulf of Guinea-coast developed much later than the harbours of Senegal and Sierra Leone.After the First World War only a few new railways were constructed, the revenues remained very low, so the (colonial) state had to take over many lines. The competition between railways and roadtransport demonstrated the first time in Nigeria, it was the beginning of the decline of railways as the most important transportsystems in West Africa. Only multinational companies built specific railways for the export of minerals (iron, ore and bauxite) after the Second World War, and the French completed the Abidjan - Ouaga-dougou railway (1956).The consequences of railway construction in West Africa on economic, demographic and social sphere were not so far-reaching as in Southern Africa, but the labour migration and the first labour unions of railwaymen organized strikes in Senegal and the Ivory Coast mentioned the changing social situation.The bibliography of the West African railways contains very useful studies about the financial policy of the railway companies and the governments, but only afew railways were already studied by economic historians. KEY WORDS : bibliographical survey, colonial history, economic and demographic consequences, railway development, West Africa