Relevant bibliographies by topics / Sierra Leone; Elections; Democratic consolidation

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Sierra Leone; Elections; Democratic consolidation'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Sierra Leone; Elections; Democratic consolidation"

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Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Sierra Leone's post-conflict elections of 2002." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 2 (May 20, 2003): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004221.

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The landslide victory by the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) in the 2002 elections was due not to any ideological or policy differences with opposition parties, but to the perception among a plurality of voters that the party delivered on its promise to end the war and therefore deserved re-election. The elections were in effect a referendum on the incumbent president and his ruling SLPP, with voters overwhelmingly concluding that Ahmad Tejan Kabba, the SLPP leader, was preferable to the legion of certified scoundrels seeking to replace him. Signs of the All Peoples Congress (APC), the party that was in power from 1968–92, making a political comeback galvanised otherwise unenthusiastic voters into supporting Kabba and the SLPP. In contrast to the APC, against whom the rebel war was launched, or the Revolutionary United Front Party (RUFP), which initiated and prosecuted the insurgency, or the People's Liberation Party (PLP), whose earlier incarnation prolonged the war by colluding with rebels, Kabba and the SLPP claimed to have ended a war that was caused, launched and sustained by assorted elements of the political opposition. The SLPP, however, can ill-afford to bask in electoral triumph or ignore the festering problems of rampant official corruption and mass poverty that led to armed conflict in the 1990s. Tackling the problem of corruption and mass deprivation may hold the key to democratic consolidation, but it is doubtful whether the SLPP, as presently constituted, is capable of leading the fight against these scourges. The SLPP may be reaching out to become a national party but it still remains an unreconstructed patronage outfit that is unresponsive to popular currents and mass aspirations.
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Conteh, Felix M., and David Harris. "Swings and roundabouts: the vagaries of democratic consolidation and ‘electoral rituals’ in Sierra Leone." Critical African Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21681392.2014.889883.

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Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Rogue incumbents, donor assistance and Sierra Leone's second post-conflict elections of 2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 4 (November 11, 2008): 603–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003509.

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ABSTRACTThe removal of the governing Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) from power through the ballot box in 2007 represents a watershed moment in the growth and maturation of Sierra Leone's teething electoral democracy. This is because the peaceful alternation of political parties in power tends to strengthen democracy and nurture public confidence in elections as mechanisms of political change. In contrast to what happened in 1967, when the SLPP derailed the country's first post-independence democratic experiment by orchestrating a military coup after losing power in parliamentary elections, the SLPP in 2007 found itself isolated both internally and externally, and could rely neither on the support of a restructured army and police nor on external patrons like the United Kingdom which, among other things, suspended budgetary support for the government pending the satisfactory conclusion of the elections. The emergence of the People's Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), whose membership consists largely of disaffected former SLPP members and supporters, and the electoral alliance forged between the PMDC and the All People's Congress (APC) in the presidential run-off, doomed any chance the SLPP may have had of holding on to power. The elections were referenda on the SLPP, which lost both the presidency and the legislature because its rogue leadership squandered the goodwill of the public, misappropriated donor funds with impunity, and failed to deliver basic social goods and services.
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Badara Kabia, Dr Allieu, and Ibrahim Mansaray. "Political Tolerance, National Unity and Social Cohesion as a Tool for Democratic Consolidation in Sierra Leone." International Research Journal of Innovations in Engineering and Technology 05, no. 06 (2021): 05–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47001/irjiet/2021.506002.

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Skran, Claudena. "Unhcr’s Gender Policy for Refugees and Returnees in Sierra Leone." African and Asian Studies 14, no. 1-2 (March 27, 2015): 108–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341332.

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The challenge of ensuring the full reintegration of refugee women and returnees in post-conflict societies is an important one, yet there is gap in the literature that evaluates interventions designed to assist them. This article seeks to narrow this gap by examining the gender policy of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (unhcr) as applied to reintegration programs in Sierra Leone, particularly in Kailahun district. Using Amartya Sen’s concept of agency, the paper begins with an exploration of the pre-war status of women and girls in Sierra Leone and their marginalization in flight and exile. The paper then argues that the conceptual framework ofunhcr’s Community Empowerment Projects (ceps) created a foundation for an open, democratic process that, in theory, could lead to enhanced well-being for women as beneficiaries and greater political agency for them as decision-makers. In practice, thecepsresulted in the implementation of projects that benefited women both directly and indirectly, especially in the areas of water and sanitation and education. The lack of emphasis on health projects, however, especially when compared to the strong support for rebuilding community buildings controlled by elders, shows the impact of traditional, patriarchal decision-making on thecepprocess. The paper further argues that special women’s centers constructed or supported byunhcr, though small in number, both enhanced the well-being of and promoted political agency for women; this intervention contributed to the high levels of females elected as local officials in Kailahun district in the 2012 elections.
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Iwu, Chux Gervase. "Leadership Effectiveness, Truth Commissions and Democratization in Africa." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 2, no. 3 (September 15, 2011): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v2i3.661.

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This paper explores the significance of transformational and political leadership in strengthening the capacities of truth commissions as effective mechanisms for democratization in transitional polities. First, the paper sets out to trace some of the conflicting goals and political compromises that attend to the establishment of truth commissions in Africa as well as lack of political will on the part of political leadership. The paper then identifies and discusses major problems that confront the institutionalization of truth commissions as veritable instruments of post-conflict transformation and democratic consolidation in the continent. Drawing insights from South Africa, Sierra Leone, and Nigeria, the paper argues that national reconciliation processes in Africa are characterized by a paradigm shift from the primary concern of leadership choices to those of justice, truth-seeking, granting of amnesty and forgiveness. In conclusion, the paper stresses the role of transformative leadership as crucial to enhancing the capacities of truth commissions in consolidating democracy in post-conflict states.
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Lamin, Abdul Rahman. "Post-Conflict Elections, Peacebuilding and Democracy Consolidation in Sierra Leone." Journal of African elections 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2004/v3i1a7.

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Abdulai, Emmanuel Saffa. "The Questioned Legality of Foreign Military Intervention in Members’ state in the Economic Community of West African States!" IALS Student Law Review, October 20, 2020, 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14296/islr.v7i2.5200.

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A military coup in the Republic of Mali, a West African nation, leading to the resignation, arrest and detention of the democratically elected sitting president in August, 2020. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) sent an envoy demanding for restoration of constitutionally order and democracy. It was in the same direction that, on the 19th January 2017, ECOWAS, launched operation ‘Restore Democracy in Gambia’ and mobilized a standby force - from six nations - to militarily intervene in a member state, if diplomacy failed to persuade former President Yayah Jammeh to step down and accept presidential elections result. This is not the first time that ECOWAS has intervened in a member country to restore democracy and provide humanitarian protection for civilians. In 1999, led by Nigeria, ECOWAS restored the democratically elected government of ex-President Tejan Kabbah of Sierra Leone, who had been illegally toppled by his military. This article looks at whether there is any legal basis in international law for such military intervention. Is ECOWAS acting in accordance with the African Union (AU) Treaty and its Peace and Security Protocol to restore peace and avoid grave consequences? If not, is then ECOWAS undertaking pre-emptive self-defense to avoid a spill of conflict in the region? Or yet, is ECOWAS tired of waiting for the United Nations’ (UN) permission and intervention, taking its own business seriously by enforcing democratic change of government? This article points out the very convoluted maize of international law on military intervention, rights to self-defense, humanitarian interventions and the principles of sovereignty in the wake of enforcement of the rules of jus cogens.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sierra Leone; Elections; Democratic consolidation"

1

Conteh, F. M., and David Harris. "Swings and roundabouts: the vagaries of democratic consolidation and ‘electoral rituals’ in Sierra Leone." 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/10382.

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Yes
The history of the electoral process in Sierra Leone is at the same time tortuous and substantial. From relatively open competitive multi-party politics in the 1960s, which led to the first turnover of power at the ballot box, through the de facto and de jure one-party era, which nonetheless had elements of electoral competition, and finally to contemporary post-conflict times, which has seen three elections and a second electoral turnover in 2007, one can discern evolving patterns. Evidence from the latest local and national elections in 2012 suggests that there is some democratic consolidation, at least in an electoral sense. However, one might also see simultaneous steps forward and backward – What you gain on the swings, you may lose on the roundabouts. This is particularly so in terms of institutional capacities, fraud and violence, and one would need to enquire of the precise ingredients – in terms of political culture or in other words the attitudes and motivations of electors and the elected – of this evolving Sierra Leonean, rather than specifically liberal type, of democracy. Equally, the development of ‘electoral rituals’, whether peculiar to Sierra Leone or not and whether deemed consolidatory or not, has something to say as part of an investigation into the electoral element of democratic consolidation.1 The literature on elections in Africa most often depicts a number of broad features, such as patronage, ethno-regionalism, fraud and violence, and it is the intention of this article to locate contemporary Sierra Leone, as precisely as possible, within the various strands of this discourse.
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Harris, David, and T. Lewis. "Liberia in 2011: Still Ploughing its own Democratic Furrow?" 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5641.

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The momentous 2005 Liberian elections followed a devastating civil war. Remarkably, the winner of the presidential race was a woman, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, and the second-placed was a footballer, George Weah. In addition, in stark contrast to many African elections in particular those in neighbouring Sierra Leone, voting patterns were fragmented: voters often chose President, Senators and Representatives from different parties or independents. Much can be explained by a remarkably level playing-field delivered by an interim coalition government providing no incumbent. In 2011, the Johnson-Sirleaf incumbency stood to significantly change the dynamics. This article seeks to discern whether Liberian elections maintain their unusual patterns, whether Liberia has joined the ranks of African patron-clientelist, dominant-party or two-party systems, in particular compared to that of Sierra Leone, or whether there are new twists in its democratic development.
Full text of the article was made available on the 1st March 2015 at the end of the publisher's embargo.
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Book chapters on the topic "Sierra Leone; Elections; Democratic consolidation"

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Mustapha, Marda. "The 2012 General Elections in Sierra Leone: Democratic Consolidation or Semi-authoritarian Regime." In Democratization and Human Security in Postwar Sierra Leone, 107–30. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137486745_6.

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Wai, Zubairu. "Elections and the Challenges of Democratization in Sierra Leone." In National Democratic Reforms in Africa, 219–65. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137518828_8.

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3

Caplan, Richard. "Factors of Post-Conflict Peace Stabilization." In Measuring Peace, 77–103. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198810360.003.0004.

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This chapter (co-written with Anke Hoeffler) seeks to identify factors that contribute to post-conflict peace stabilization based on a quantitative analysis using duration (survival) analysis and a qualitative analysis examining the peace consolidation process in six conflict-affected countries. Duration analysis, a statistical method, allows us to analyse the duration of peace. The hazard rate—the rate at which peace ends—can be modelled as a function of various co-variates, such as economic growth, aid, elections, military personnel and expenditure, regional autonomy, etc. The country case studies provide more detailed information on how some countries achieved lasting peace while others failed. The country cases that are included in this analysis are: Burundi, El Salvador, Liberia, Nepal, Sierra Leone, and Timor-Leste (East Timor).
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