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Journal articles on the topic 'Sierra Leone - Politics and government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Fanthorpe, Richard. "Locating the politics of a Sierra Leonean chiefdom." Africa 68, no. 4 (1998): 558–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161166.

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The chiefdoms of Sierra Leone are institutions of colonial origin but nevertheless continue to serve as local government units in the post-colonial state. The prevailing view among scholars is that these institutions have little basis in indigenous political culture, and have furthermore become breeding grounds of political corruption. This view has tended to elide anthropological analysis of internal chiefdom politics. However, it is argued in this article that such conclusions are premature. With reference to the Biriwa Limba chiefdom of northern Sierra Leone, it is shown that historical pre

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FYFE, CHRISTOPHER. "Tributors, Supporters and Merchant Capital: Mining and Underdevelopment in Sierra Leone. By ALFRED ZACK-WILLIAMS. Aldershot: Avebury, 1995. Pp. vii + 239. £40 (ISBN 1-85628-466-2)." Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (1997): 123–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853796526903.

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Diamonds were discovered in Sierra Leone in 1930, and in 1934 sole mining rights were granted to the Sierra Leone Selection Trust (SLST), a subsidiary of the London-based Consolidated African Selection Trust, part of De Beers empire. In 1956, partly to restrict the increasingly prevalent illicit mining, and partly for political reasons, SLST opened part of its lease to mining by licensed miners under the Alluvial Diamond Mining Scheme (ADMS). The Sierra Leone government took over 51 per cent of the SLST shares in 1970, and a new company, the National Diamond Mining Company (NDMC), was formed.

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3

Mphepo, Tiyanjana. "The Residual Special Court for Sierra Leone. Rationale and Challenges." International Criminal Law Review 14, no. 1 (2014): 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01402006.

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This article provides an insight into the Residual Special Court for Sierra Leone (RSCSL), which was established by an agreement between the United Nations and the Government of Sierra Leone, to carry out the essential residual functions of the Special Court for Sierra Leone when it closes. The RSCSL epitomizes the commitment of the UN, the Sierra Leone Government, and the international community to ensure the continued protection of witnesses, the proper enforcement of the sentences of persons convicted by the SCSL, the continued respect of the rights of such persons by providing them with a

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4

Reno, William. "The Failure of Peacekeeping in Sierra Leone." Current History 100, no. 646 (2001): 219–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.646.219.

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RUF commanders have fought the government with guns bought with diamonds, brought from Liberia, or captured from their enemies. They do not have to rely on the goodwill of local inhabitants. … The RUF bases its political power on control over diamonds.

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KAMARA, JOSEPH F. "Preserving the Legacy of the Special Court for Sierra Leone: Challenges and Lessons Learned in Prosecuting Grave Crimes in Sierra Leone." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 4 (2009): 761–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990215.

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AbstractSierra Leone experienced particularly heinous and widespread crimes against humanity and war crimes during its eleven years of civil war from 1991 to 2002. During the war, the civilian population was targeted by all the fighting factions. Civilians were captured, abducted, and held as slaves used for forced labour. The Special Court for Sierra Leone was established by the government of Sierra Leone and the United Nations in 2002, through Security Council Resolution 1315. It is mandated to try those who bear the greatest responsibility for serious violations of international humanitaria

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Bolten, Catherine E. "SobelRumors and Tribal Truths: Narrative and Politics in Sierra Leone, 1994." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 1 (2013): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000662.

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AbstractThis article examines a case study from war-torn Sierra Leone in 1994, in which a rumor galvanized violent public action and only dissipated when a seemingly unrelated issue was resolved. I argue that the circulation of rumors can foment the emergence of political narratives focused on topics that are otherwise taboo, and creates the space to act on them without overtly disturbing the status quo. I analyze the content of interview material with residents of the town of Makeni and eight months of articles printed in national newspapers to illustrate the subtle emergence of tribal accusa

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Svärd, Proscovia. "Freedom of information laws and information access." Information Development 33, no. 2 (2016): 190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666916642829.

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Sierra Leone was engulfed in a destructive civil war between 1991 and 2002. The civil war was partly caused by the non-accountability of the government, endemic corruption, misrule and the mismanagement of the country’s resources. Efforts have been made by the country, with the help of the international community, to embrace a democratic dispensation. To demonstrate its commitment to the democratization agenda, Sierra Leone passed the Right to Access Information (RAI) Act in 2013. The Act guarantees access to government information and also imposes a penalty on failure to make information avai

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8

CUBITT, CHRISTINE. "Responsible reconstruction after war: meeting local needs for building peace." Review of International Studies 39, no. 1 (2012): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000046.

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AbstractContemporary peacebuilding operations are often mandated to rebuild ‘collapsed’ or weak states and provide unique opportunities for internationals to exert far reaching influence in their reconstruction. The responsibility to help secure peaceful transformations and longer term stability is profound. This article explores the issue of efficacy and propriety in reconstruction programming and draws from field work in Sierra Leone – a rare example of ‘success’ for international partners in peacebuilding missions. The assertion is made that, despite the euphoria over the mission in Sierra

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9

Raleigh, Clionadh, and Kars De Bruijne. "Where Rebels Dare to Tread." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 6 (2015): 1230–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603767.

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This analysis illustrates how violence patterns are shaped by local power concentrations. Disaggregated conflict analysis has led to major advances into understanding conflict trends, agents, and dynamics of violence but has not been matched by studies of disaggregated politics, in particular on the subnational level. This analysis details how conflict event location, frequency, and intensity is largely determined by levels of customary authority and development; while armed group bases and control networks are established in areas characterized by weak, co-opted local authorities, wealth gene

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10

Jackson, Paul. "Reshuffling an Old Deck of Cards? The politics of local government reform in Sierra Leone." African Affairs 106, no. 422 (2006): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adl038.

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11

Batty, Fodei, and Fredline M’Cormack-Hale. "“Do not Disturb the Peace!” Identities, Livelihoods and the Politics of Post-War Discontent in Sierra Leone." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 4 (2019): 533–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618825355.

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Although the collective memory of war is frequently invoked in post-war societies, who chooses to invoke it and to what effect has been less studied relative to other aspects of such societies. In this article we employ a case study of Sierra Leone to address this deficit in the post-conflict scholarship by illustrating how the collective memory of that country’s civil war is appropriated by diverse actors in the post-war society. Drawing from field interviews, we present evidence showing how, and why, several societal groups constituted as distinct post-war identities such as victims-rights g

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12

Binningsbø, Helga Malmin, and Kendra Dupuy. "Using Power-Sharing to Win a War: The Implementation of the Lomé Agreement in Sierra Leone." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 3 (2009): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400305.

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To end the civil war in Sierra Leone the government and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) signed a peace agreement guaranteeing power-sharing in July 1999. Such power-sharing is a widely used, often recommended political arrangement to overcome deep divisions between groups. However, scholars disagree on whether power-sharing causes peace, or, on the contrary, causes continuing violence. One reason for this is the literature's tendency to neglect how power-sharing is actually put into place. But post-agreement implementation is essential if we are to judge the performance of power-sharing.

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Rodman, Kenneth A. "Justice is Interventionist: The Political Sources of the Judicial Reach of the Special Court for Sierra Leone." International Criminal Law Review 13, no. 1 (2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01301002.

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The Special Court for Sierra Leone’s conviction of former Liberian President Charles Taylor and its prosecution of perpetrators regardless of their political alignment have been hailed as milestones in the diffusion of international criminal justice norms. Yet what made these achievements possible were interventionist strategies by Western governments and international and regional institutions to defeat the rebellion in Sierra Leone and bring about regime change in Liberia. The broader lesson that should be drawn from this is that the prospects for prosecution in the aftermath of armed confli

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SOLOMOU, ALEXIA. "Comparing the Impact of the Interpretation of Peace Agreements by International Courts and Tribunals on Legal Accountability and Legal Certainty in Post-Conflict Societies." Leiden Journal of International Law 27, no. 2 (2014): 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156514000119.

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AbstractThis article compares and contrasts the interpretation of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement 1999 by the International Court of Justice, the Peace Agreement between the Government of Sierra Leone and the Revolutionary United Front of Sierra Leone by the Special Court for Sierra Leone, and the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina by the European Court of Human Rights. In doing so, it critically analyses the approach of the three different tribunals and attempts to explain the differences identified on the basis of the jurisdictional scope of each tribunal and the

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15

Mabey, Prince T., Wei Li, Abu J. Sundufu, and Akhtar H. Lashari. "The Potential of Strategic Environmental Assessment to Improve Urban Planning in Sierra Leone." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 18 (2021): 9454. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18189454.

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Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) is a proactive and collaborative method for environmental management designed to integrate environmental considerations into decision-making; and it is good for Sierra Leone. To understand whether SEA would be useful in the context of Sierra Leone, the authors interviewed 64 out of 78 experts face to face from March to July 2019. In addition, government policies and regulatory documents on environmental management and sustainable development, published articles served as secondary sources of data. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. These S

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Guibert, Nolwenn, and Tilman Blumenstock. "The First Judgement of the Special Court for Sierra Leone: A Missed Opportunity?" Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 6, no. 3 (2007): 367–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156918507x268075.

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AbstractOn 29 June 2007, the Special Court for Sierra Leone – a criminal tribunal created by an agreement between the United Nations and Sierra Leone – rendered its first judgement. The three accused, all senior members of a military junta which had ousted the elected government, were amongst other things found guilty of "new" international crimes, such as using child soldiers and collectively punishing the civilian population. This note critically analyses the achievements and shortcomings of what can be seen as a landmark ruling in international criminal law. It discusses the court's rejecti

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Harris, David, and Felix Marco Conteh. "Government–donor relations in Sierra Leone: who is in the driving seat?" Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 1 (2020): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000569.

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AbstractSince the cessation of conflict in 2002, Sierra Leone has experienced extraordinary levels of involvement from Western donors. Paradoxically, while relationships are often portrayed on the ground as strong with significant donor influence, our research shows considerable fluidity in individual and institutional relationships. The article disaggregates donor–government relations at various levels over a short but crucial period, 2010–16, asking in each case who occupies the driving seat. In so doing, the article interrogates the concept of ‘extraversion’, investigating to what extent go

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18

Bolten, Catherine. "The agricultural impasse: creating "normal" post-war development in Northern Sierra Leone." Journal of Political Ecology 16, no. 1 (2009): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v16i1.21692.

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This article analyzes the notion of "normal" post-war development in Makeni, northern Sierra Leone in light of the fact that local people, the national government, and NGOs appear to be at an impasse concerning agricultural practices. I argue that fundamentally different perspectives on what construes desirable post-war development are causing this deadlock. The government adopted the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) to make the country more attractive donors (and more resistant to donor fatigue), thus making primary education compulsory and removing important child labor from farms

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19

Tejan-Cole, Abdul. "The complementary and conflicting relationship between the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 5 (December 2002): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001100.

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Societies emerging from political turmoil and civil unrest associated with gross violations of human rights and humanitarian law face the crucial question of how to deal with these atrocities and put the past in its place. Since the 1980s, this problem has been a major preoccupation of international law and scholarship. The traditional responses include outside intervention in such states pursuant to Chapter VII powers under the United Nations Charter, grants of conditional amnesty to perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity, grants of some form of unconditional amnesty, and pros

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20

Sawaneh, Ibrahim Abdulai. "The Effects of Social Media on Public Emergency Response Mechanisms in Sierra Leone." Asian Journal of Interdisciplinary Research 3, no. 3 (2020): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/ajir20232.

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The use of social media in a public emergency is dated back to the terrorist attacks (2001) in the United States. Since then, it is has been used to effectively manage critical happenings in public emergency or disaster events and also for managing future public emergencies. Unfortunately, the underdeveloped countries are far behind in the race to enhance infrastructures that would mitigate or avert critical events from happening. The effects of social media are keyed to public emergencies as it allows the instant flow of communication to a broader population, helps government or organizations

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Denisova, T. S., and S. V. Kostelyanets. "Warlords to Politicians: The Transformation of Rebel Leaders in Africa (on the Example of Sierra Leone)." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (2020): 214–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-12.

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The paper analyzes the processes of transformation of leaders of rebel movements and tribal militias (warlords) into leaders of political parties and senior government officials after the end of the Civil War (1991‑2002) in Sierra Leone. It is argued that the opportunities for an anti‑government (or, on the contrary, pro‑government) armed group to become an officially recognized political organization, and for erstwhile field commanders to become its leaders, emerge either in the event of a rebel victory or after the signing of a peace agreement (as it happened in Sierra Leone) and the beginni

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22

Esser, Daniel E. "‘When we launched the government's agenda…’: aid agencies and local politics in urban Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 3 (2012): 397–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000171.

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ABSTRACTPolitical realities in the capital cities of impoverished countries emerging from violent conflict illustrate how local actors can be hindered in conducting political affairs independently from the interests and influence of national governments as well as international agencies. This experience problematises the argument that the main cause of political impasse in African cities governed by opposition parties is incomplete decentralisation, whereby a devolution of responsibilities is not matched by a downward reallocation of resources. Although resulting competition constrains local g

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Decosas, Josef. "Planning for Primary Health Care: The Case of the Sierra Leone National Action Plan." International Journal of Health Services 20, no. 1 (1990): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/y5pr-a1bq-lmrq-plgk.

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The National Action Plan for Primary Health Care, a planning document of the Sierra Leonean Ministry of Health for the restructuring of the country's rural health services, is analyzed in its social, economic, and historical context. It appears to be an attempt of the national government to gain control over the highly devolved health care delivery system, but the state has neither the political will nor the power to achieve this goal. The utility of the document is therefore in doubt, which raises two important questions: Whose interests does this plan serve, and at whose cost?

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Oswald, Christian, Melanie Sauter, Sigrid Weber, and Rob Williams. "Under the Roof of Rebels: Civilian Targeting After Territorial Takeover in Sierra Leone." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 2 (2020): 295–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa009.

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Abstract Do rebels target civilians as part of the process of establishing control in their territories? This research note shows that transition periods after rebels gain territorial control are remarkably violent for civilians. Speaking to the civilian victimization and rebel governance literature, we investigate the immediate time period after rebels successfully capture and hold territory. We argue that rebels use violence to gain compliance in newly captured territories until they are able to build up local capacities and institutions for peaceful governance. To test this argument, we dra

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Maconachie, Roy, and Elizabeth Fortin. "‘New agriculture’ for sustainable development? Biofuels and agrarian change in post-war Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 2 (2013): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000189.

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ABSTRACTIn sub-Saharan Africa, commercial bioenergy production has been hailed as a new form of ‘green capitalism’ that will deliver ‘win-win’ outcomes and ‘pro poor’ development. Yet in an era of global economic recession and soaring food prices, biofuel ‘sustainability’ has been at the centre of controversy. This paper focuses on the case of post-war Sierra Leone, a country that has over the last decade been consistently ranked as one of the poorest in the world, facing food insecurity, high unemployment and entrenched poverty. Following a recent government strategy to secure foreign direct

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Abdulai, Emmanuel Saffa. "Constitutional Theories, International Legal Doctrines and Jurisprudential Foundation for State of Emergency." IALS Student Law Review 8, no. 1 (2021): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14296/islr.v8i1.5266.

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The conceptualisation of a state of emergency has emerged in the discourse of politics, international human rights and constitutional law as the most potent threat to the full realisation and implementation of constitutional and international human rights. During the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, state of emergency has become a tool for the violation of fundamental human rights not only in the West African region, but globally. This article seeks to examine the concept of state of emergency in international law and constitutional jurisprudence in order to understand whether recent claims of many

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Arieff, Alexis. "Still standing: neighbourhood wars and political stability in Guinea." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (2009): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004108.

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ABSTRACTThe Republic of Guinea is located in a particularly turbulent region. However, while several conflicts in neighbouring countries – Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Sierra Leone – have spilled over Guinea's borders, the country's central government has displayed a seemingly unlikely stability. Until a bloodless coup in December 2008 brought a military junta to power, the country had had only two presidents since independence, both of whom died of natural causes while still in office. Ahmed Sékou Touré, Guinea's first leader, deftly used the anti-colonial insurgency in neighbouring Guinea-Biss

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Maconachie, Roy. "New agricultural frontiers in post-conflict Sierra Leone? Exploring institutional challenges for wetland management in the Eastern Province." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (2008): 235–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003212.

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ABSTRACTSierra Leone has recently emerged from a long period of political instability and civil war, and is ranked among the world's poorest countries. Thousands of displaced people are in the process of returning to their villages to rebuild their mainly farming-based livelihoods, and many are growing food crops for the first time in a decade. With pressure on food production increasing in rural areas, the inland valley swamps have been identified by the government as a vital resource for sustaining rural livelihoods and achieving food security through the production of rice and other commodi

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Bigi, Giulia. "The Decision of the Special Court for Sierra Leone to Conduct the Charles Taylor Trial in The Hague." Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 6, no. 2 (2007): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156918507x217576.

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AbstractOn 29 March 2006 former Liberian President Charles Taylor was surrendered to the Special Court for Sierra Leone, where he was charged of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed during the Sierra Leonean conflict since 1996. The same day, invoking concerns about stability and security in the West African sub-region if the trial were to be held in Freetown, the President of the Special Court submitted a request to the Government of the Netherlands and to the International Criminal Court to facilitate that the trial be c

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Francis, David J. "‘Paper protection’ mechanisms: child soldiers and the international protection of children in Africa's conflict zones." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 2 (2007): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002510.

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The arrest and prosecution in March 2006 of the former Liberian warlord-President Charles Taylor by the UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone, for war crimes including the recruitment and use of child soldiers, and the arrest and prosecution of the Congolese warlord, Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, by the International Criminal Court, accused of enlisting child soldiers in the DRC war, have raised expectations that finally international conventions and customary international laws protecting children in conflict zones will now have enforcement powers. But why has it taken so long to protect children

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Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Rogue incumbents, donor assistance and Sierra Leone's second post-conflict elections of 2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 4 (2008): 603–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003509.

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ABSTRACTThe removal of the governing Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) from power through the ballot box in 2007 represents a watershed moment in the growth and maturation of Sierra Leone's teething electoral democracy. This is because the peaceful alternation of political parties in power tends to strengthen democracy and nurture public confidence in elections as mechanisms of political change. In contrast to what happened in 1967, when the SLPP derailed the country's first post-independence democratic experiment by orchestrating a military coup after losing power in parliamentary elections,

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Mbaku, John Mukum. "Constitutions, Citizenship and the Challenge of National Integration and Nation-Building in Africa." International and Comparative Law Review 18, no. 1 (2018): 7–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0025.

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Summary Most countries in Africa are both “multination” and “polyethnic” states. This is due partly to the forced amalgamation, by the European colonialists, of the continent’s “ethnocultural nations” into single economic and political units that were called “colonies.” These colonies eventually evolved into what are today’s independent African countries. Today, many of these ethnocultural groups want to secede and form their own independent polities in order to have more autonomy over policies that affect their well-being, including especially their cultural and traditional values. The strugg

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Witter, Sophie, Alex Jones, and Tim Ensor. "How to (or not to) … measure performance against the Abuja target for public health expenditure." Health Policy and Planning 29, no. 4 (2013): 450–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czt031.

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Abstract In 2001, African heads of state committed ‘to set a target of allocating at least 15% of our annual budget to the improvement of the health sector’. This target has since been used as a benchmark to hold governments accountable. However, it was never followed by a set of guidelines as to how it should be measured in practice. This article sets out some of the areas of ambiguity and argues for an interpretation which focuses on actual expenditure, rather than budgets (which are theoretical), and which captures areas of spending that are subject to government discretion. These are large

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Ajulo, Sunday Babalola. "The Economic Community of West African States and International Law." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (1989): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000046x.

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The Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established by the Treaty signed in Lagos on 25 May 1975 by the Heads of State and Government (or their representatives) from Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. They were joined a few months later by Cape Verde, thereby increasing the number of member-states to 16. Following the post-World War II convention whereby international organisations formally insert in their constitutive instruments a declaratory statement con

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Adegoke, Adewosi, O., Manu Donga, Adamu Idi, and Buba Abdullahi. "An Examination of Drivers of Financial development: Evidence in West African Countries." Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (2018): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/pjhss.2018.0601.0038.

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Financial development has been considered to play a vital role in promoting rapid growth and development of the developing economies. This paper examined the drivers of financial development in West African Countries. Benin Republic, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo over the period of 2000 to 2015, with the proper utilization of panel data estimation technique on the annual country data obtained from World Development Indicators (WDI) 2016 and Worldwide Governance Indicators (W

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Saul, Matthew. "From Haiti to Somalia: The Assistance Model and the Paradox of State Reconstruction in International Law." International Community Law Review 11, no. 1 (2009): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197309x401433.

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AbstractThis article is an attempt to draw attention to the nature of the assistance model of state reconstruction and its significance for the UN system. Traditional international legal doctrine identifies valid state consent with an effective domestic government. Moreover, effective control remains the means for applying the legal right of self-determination for the population of a state as a whole. Nonetheless, a frequently adopted paradigm for large-scale international involvement in the reconstruction of an ineffective state operates through the consent of an ineffective government. The a

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Poncian, Japhace, and Henry Michael Kigodi. "Natural Resource Conflicts as a Struggle for Space: The Case of Mining in Tanzania." International and Multidisciplinary Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (2015): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/rimcis.2015.1773.

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<p><em>Natural resource extraction in Africa has been characterised by conflicts between large scale and small scale miners on the one hand and large scale miners and the communities on the other. In some countries such as Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and Liberia, natural resources have bred political instability and civil wars. A great deal of academic discourse on resource conflicts in Africa focuses on greed, corruption, political struggles for state capture and control over resources, economic liberalisation policies for attracting forei

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Crowder, Michael. "World War II and Africa: Introduction." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (1985): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028747.

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Until the late 1970s the impact of the two world wars on Africa was a comparatively neglected area of its colonial history. In 1977 the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London drew attention to this neglect by organizing a symposium on the first of these two wars. A selection of the papers presented at that symposium was published in a special issue of this Journal in 1978. This proved to be a landmark in the study of the history of the First World War in Africa, which has since received much scholarly attention. By contrast, a survey written a few years ago of the S

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Nworgu, K. O. "The press and Nigeria's isolationist foreign policy (1993-1998)." Revista Brasileira de Gestão Ambiental e Sustentabilidade 8, no. 19 (2021): 1009–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21438/rbgas(2021)081926.

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Gen. Sani Abacha took over from Chief Ernest Shonekan's interim government which was formed when Gen Ibrahim Babangida "stepped aside". On assumption of office, Abacha was faced with the imminent disintegration of the country caused by the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election, widely believed to have been won by the late businessman, Chief M. K. O. Abiola. Also, threatening the administration was the activities of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) both at home and abroad. The main objective of this study was to find out how the press covered Nigeria's foreign policy within 1993-199

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40

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Sierra Leone." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 23, no. 3 (2017): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2017.23.3.154.

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Denisova, Tatyana, and Sergey Kostelyanets. "Female Combatants in African Wars and Conflicts." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-55-2-5-18.

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In most Russian and international studies, including African ones, their authors portray African women that reside in areas affected by civil wars and conflicts as victims of violence, robbery, forced labor, etc. At the same time, it is rarely taken into account that in most national liberation movements and rebel groups the number of women fighters constituted and still constitutes 10-30% of their rank and file. Moreover, many women became field commanders, chiefs of intelligence, or were responsible for the supply of weapons and ammunition. The present authors provide a new interpretation of

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Bah, M. Alpha, and William Reno. "Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221585.

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Jalloh, Alusine. "Informal Credit and Politics in Sierra Leone." African Economic History, no. 31 (2003): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601948.

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Reno, William. "Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 31, no. 1 (1998): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-1998-1-103.

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Herbst, Jeffrey, and William Reno. "Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 3 (1997): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205961.

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Francis, David J., and Mohamed C. Kamanda. "Politics and Language Planning in Sierra Leone." African Studies 60, no. 2 (2001): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180120100320.

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Reno, William. "Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone." Trends in Organized Crime 2, no. 4 (1997): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-997-1096-x.

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48

Mansary, Mohammed L. "Information technology in government: The Sierra Leone experience." Information Technology for Development 3, no. 4 (1988): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02681102.1988.9627133.

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Luke, David Fashole, and Stephen P. Riley. "The Politics of Economic Decline in Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 1 (1989): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015676.

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The fact that Sierra Leone is one of Africa's little-known states is an acknowledgement of its marginalisation and reversal of fortunes since independence from Britain in 1961. But this observation is also a reminder that under colonial rule, Sierra Leone had received considerable notoriety for several reasons: an important naval base, commercial centre, and seaport; a hot-bed of political agitation and perennial challenge to British authority; and a centre of education – the so-called ‘Athens of West Africa’.1 In more recent times, however, Sierra Leone jas not caught the attention of interna

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MCINTYRE, ANGELA, EMMANUEL KWESI ANING, and PROSPER NII NORTEY ADDO. "POLITICS, WAR AND YOUTH CULTURE IN SIERRA LEONE." African Security Review 11, no. 3 (2002): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2002.9627964.

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