Journal articles: 'Sierra Leonean Civil War'

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Kusumawardani, Damar. "Kerjasama UNICEF dan IRC dalam Penegakan Hak Anak di Sierra Leone." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 1 (May 10, 2020): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v4i1.120.

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Sierra Leone was one of the countries with the largest use of child soldiers during the civil war between 1991-2002. Girl child soldiers made up to 30 percent of the total child soldiers involved in the Sierra Leone civil war. The Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration program (DDR) which was one of the UN mandate as a post-conflict peace consolidation could only reach 506 out of a total of 6,845 child soldiers who have been disarmed. This was because the requirement for the disarmament phase was to hand in their weapon, while many girls were not equipped with weapon by their armed forces commander considering that most of them acted as cooks, house workers, and bush wives. UNICEF and IRC as international organizations then carried out further DDR projects with more gender-responsive and community-based with gender mainstreaming and inclusive citizenship policies to enforce children rights of Sierra Leonean girl soldiers who previously had not included in DDR program. This paper will discuss the enforcement of children rights of Sierra Leonean girl soldiers in the furtjer DDR projects.

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KAMARA, JOSEPH F. "Preserving the Legacy of the Special Court for Sierra Leone: Challenges and Lessons Learned in Prosecuting Grave Crimes in Sierra Leone." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 4 (October 28, 2009): 761–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990215.

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AbstractSierra Leone experienced particularly heinous and widespread crimes against humanity and war crimes during its eleven years of civil war from 1991 to 2002. During the war, the civilian population was targeted by all the fighting factions. Civilians were captured, abducted, and held as slaves used for forced labour. The Special Court for Sierra Leone was established by the government of Sierra Leone and the United Nations in 2002, through Security Council Resolution 1315. It is mandated to try those who bear the greatest responsibility for serious violations of international humanitarian law and Sierra Leonean law committed in Sierra Leone since 30 November 1996. The aim of this paper is to sketch out the extent to which the jurisprudence of the Special Court can serve as a model for efficient and effective administration of criminal justice nationally through the preservation of its legacy.

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Beresford, Stuart, and A. S. Muller. "The Special Court for Sierra Leone: An Initial Comment." Leiden Journal of International Law 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 635–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000310.

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The proposed establishment of the Special Court for Sierra Leone is a valiant effort to end impunity for the egregious crimes that were committed during the Sierra Leonean civil war. Nonetheless, the Special Court – which will have jurisdiction over crimes against humanity, war crimes, and various offences under Sierra Leonean national law – will have a number of major hurdles to cross in order to fulfill its mandate. Most notably the Court as currently empowered lacks the ability to induce the authorities of third states to comply with its orders and has limited temporal jurisdiction: thereby allowing a number of accused to escape justice. More alarmingly the on-going discussions within United Nations Headquarters concerning the financing of the organisation has substantially eroded the credibility of the institution, especially as large numbers of potential accused have been languishing in jail for significant periods without being formally charged.

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Utas, Mats, and Magnus Jörgel. "The West Side Boys: military navigation in the Sierra Leone civil war." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 487–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003388.

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ABSTRACTThe West Side Boys were one of several military actors in the Sierra Leonean civil war (1991–2002). A splinter group of the army, the WSB emerged as a key player in 1999–2000. In most Western media accounts, the WSB appeared as nothing more than renegade, anarchistic bandits, devoid of any trace of long-term goals. By contrast, this article aims to explain how the WSB used well-devised military techniques in the field; how their history and military training within the Sierra Leone army shaped their notion of themselves and their view of what they were trying to accomplish; and, finally, how military commanders and politicians employed the WSB as a tactical instrument in a larger map of military and political strategies. It is in the politics of a military economy that this article is grounded.

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Das, Shruti, and Deepshikha Routray. "Climate Change and Ecocide in Sierra Leone: Representations in Aminatta Forna’s Ancestor Stones and The Memory of Love." eTropic: electronic journal of studies in the Tropics 20, no. 2 (September 10, 2021): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/etropic.20.2.2021.3812.

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War has been instrumental in destroying land and forests and thus is a major contributor to climate change. Degradation due to war has been especially significant in Africa. The African continent, once green, is now almost denuded of its rich forests and pillaged of its precious natural resources due to the brutality of colonisation and more recent postcolonial civil wars. In Sierra Leone the civil war continued for over eleven years from 1991 to 2002 and wrought havoc on the land and forests. Thus the anxiety and trauma suffered by the people not only includes the more visible aspects of human brutality, but also the long lasting effects of ecocide which relate to climate change. Underlying narratives that address traumatic ecological disasters is a sense of anxiety and depression resulting from the existential threat of climate change. This paper demonstrates how narratives can metaphorically represent both ecocide and climate change and argues that such stories help people in tackling the real life stresses of anxiety and trauma. To establish the argument this paper has drawn on scientific and sociological data and placed these vis-à-vis narrative episodes in Aminatta Forna’s novels Ancestor Stones (2006) and The Memory of Love (2010). In these novels Forna depicts the ecological crisis that colonisation and civil war have wrought on Sierra Leone. The anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder – of war and ecocide – suffered by the fictional Sierra Leonean characters are explained through Cathy Caruth’s trauma theory.

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Newnham, Elizabeth A., Rebecca M. Pearson, Alan Stein, and Theresa S. Betancourt. "Youth mental health after civil war: The importance of daily stressors." British Journal of Psychiatry 206, no. 2 (February 2015): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.114.146324.

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BackgroundRecent evidence suggests that post-conflict stressors in addition to war trauma play an important role in the development of psychopathology.AimsTo investigate whether daily stressors mediate the association between war exposure and symptoms of posttraumatic stress and depression among war-affected youth.MethodStandardised assessments were conducted with 363 Sierra Leonean youth (26.7% female, mean age 20.9, s.d. = 3.38) 6 years post-war.ResultsThe extent of war exposures was significantly associated with post-traumatic stress symptoms (P<0.05) and a significant proportion was explained by indirect pathways through daily stressors (0.089, 95% CI 0.04–0.138, P<0.001). In contrast, there was little evidence for an association from war exposure to depression scores (P = 0.127); rather any association was explained via indirect pathways through daily stressors (0.103, 95% CI 0.048–0.158, P<0.001).ConclusionsAmong war-affected youth, the association between war exposure and psychological distress was largely mediated by daily stressors, which have potential for modification with evidence-based intervention.

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Fitzsimmons, Scott. "When Few Stood against Many:Explaining Executive Outcomes’ Victory in the Sierra Leonean Civil War." Defence Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2013): 245–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2012.745967.

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Launay, Robert. "An Imagined Geography." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1624.

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The civil war in Sierra Leone broke out just as JoAnn D’Alisera arrived withthe intention of studying a rural Islamic community. Instead, she eventuallydecided to study Sierra Leonean Muslims in Washington, DC. Based on herethnographic research, An Imagined Geography is a sensitive depiction ofimmigrants who must negotiate their accommodation and allegiance to threeseparate imagined loci: the United States, in which they live; their SierraLeonean homeland; and the ummah, the global Islamic community of whichthey are a part.Much of the book centers on the experiences of five individuals, twomen and three women, through whose eyes the author explores the tensionsinvolved in being Muslim and African in the United States. Such a closegrainedfocus allows her to provide a very visceral depiction of how theylive out their religious commitments in their everyday interactions witheach other, with other Sierra Leoneans, and with Anglo-Americans. Themen, for instance, are particularly apt to choose driving taxis as a career, even though some of them are highly educated and qualified for more prestigiousand more remunerative jobs. However, their taxis allow them to constructa religious space that they can decorate with Islamic paraphernalia orkeep a supply of religious pamphlets to hand out to interested passengers,and to align themselves with religious time so that they can take prayerbreaks and even drive to the mosque to pray. The many women-run hotdogstands provide women with a similar freedom, if admittedly less mobility ...

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Park, Augustine S. J. "Global Governance, Therapeutic Intervention, and War-Affected Girls." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 34, no. 2 (April 2009): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540903400203.

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The victimization of girls in armed conflict has garnered increased attention, yet recent scholarship shows that postconflict measures fail to meet girls' unique needs. This article examines gendered discourses employed in programming designed to assist girls following Sierra Leone's decade-long civil war, drawing on fieldwork conducted as part of a continuing program of study on peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. Specifically, the article presents a case study examining discourse relating to war-affected girls in one Freetown-based NGO, Connecting for Peace, which delivered programming to boys and girls affected by the war.

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Bindi, Idrissa Tamba, and Ozgur Tufekci. "Liberal Peacebuilding in Sierra Leone: A Critical Exploration." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 8 (May 29, 2018): 1158–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618776427.

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There is increasing awareness and international support for rebuilding states that have gone through conflict. Third-party interventions in bringing peace to countries that have emerged from civil wars have been channeled through a fundamental concept known as liberal peacebuilding. Liberal peacebuilding, even though it faces much criticism, has been a prominent strategy for third-party intervention in post-war countries since the end of the Cold War. This paper deals with the liberal peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone, after its decade-long brutal civil war. The focus lies on Dr Roland Paris’ institutionalization before liberalization (IBL) peacebuilding strategy, its strengths and shortcomings, and its contributions to sustaining peace in Sierra Leone since the end of the war in 2002. Arguing that the IBL strategy has helped to maintain peace in Sierra Leone after ten years of civil war, the paper analyzes how peacebuilding has been implemented in post-war Sierra Leone under the six different pillars of the IBL strategy.

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Richards, Paul. "Rebels and Intellectuals in Sierra Leone's Civil War." African Studies Review 49, no. 1 (April 2006): 119–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0088.

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Voors, Maarten, Peter Van Der Windt, Kostadis J. Papaioannou, and Erwin Bulte. "Resources and Governance in Sierra Leone’s Civil War." Journal of Development Studies 53, no. 2 (May 11, 2016): 278–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2016.1160068.

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Kieh, George Klay. "State-building in Post-Civil War Sierra Leone." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 1-2 (2005): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209054547337.

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Stepakoff, Shanee. "Telling and Showing: Witnesses Represent Sierra Leone's War Atrocities in Court and Onstage." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 1 (March 2008): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.17.

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After a brutal civil war in Sierra Leone, a young prosecution witness in a war crimes tribunal in Freetown created, directed, and performed a drama that graphically portrays the trauma she and her fellow survivors experienced during the war. Stepakoff was the psychologist for the Special Court for Sierra Leone—working with victims of severe human rights violations—and an invited guest at the young woman's performance.

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Harris, Dawn, Tarik Endale, Unn Hege Lind, Stephen Sevalie, Abdulai Jawo Bah, Abdul Jalloh, and Florence Baingana. "Mental health in Sierra Leone." BJPsych International 17, no. 1 (July 22, 2019): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bji.2019.17.

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Sierra Leone is a West African country with a population of just over 7 million. Many Sierra Leoneans lived through the psychologically distressing events of the civil war (1991–2002), the 2014 Ebola outbreak and frequent floods. Traditionally, mental health services have been delivered at the oldest mental health hospital in sub-Saharan Africa, with no services available anywhere else in the country. Mental illness remains highly stigmatised. Recent advances include revision of the Mental Health Policy and Strategic Plan and the strengthening of mental health governance and district services. Many challenges lie ahead, with the crucial next steps including securing a national budget line for mental health, reviewing mental health legislation, systematising training of mental health specialists and prioritising the procurement of psychotropic medications. National and international commitment must be made to reduce the treatment gap and provide quality care for people with mental illness in Sierra Leone.

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Redwood, Henry, and Alister Wedderburn. "A cat-and-Maus game: the politics of truth and reconciliation in post-conflict comics." Review of International Studies 45, no. 04 (May 14, 2019): 588–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000147.

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AbstractSeveral scholars have raised concerns that the institutional mechanisms through which transitional justice is commonly promoted in post-conflict societies can alienate affected populations. Practitioners have looked to bridge this gap by developing ‘outreach’ programmes, in some instances commissioning comic books in order to communicate their findings to the people they seek to serve. In this article, we interrogate the ways in which post-conflict comics produce meaning about truth, reconciliation, and the possibilities of peace, focusing in particular on a comic strip published in 2005 as part of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report into the causes and crimes of the 1991–2002 Civil War. Aimed at Sierra Leonean teenagers, the Report tells the story of ‘Sierrarat’, a peaceful nation of rats whose idyllic lifestyle is disrupted by an invasion of cats. Although the Report displays striking formal similarities with Art Spiegelman's Maus (a text also intimately concerned with reconciliation, in its own way), it does so to very different ends. The article brings these two texts into dialogue in order to explore the aesthetic politics of truth and reconciliation, and to ask what role popular visual media like comics can play in their practice and (re)conceptualisation.

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Zack‐Williams, A. B. "Child soldiers in the civil war in Sierra Leone." Review of African Political Economy 28, no. 87 (March 2001): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240108704504.

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Ganson, Brian, and Herbert M’cleod. "Private sector development and the persistence of fragility in Sierra Leone." Business and Politics 21, no. 4 (November 29, 2019): 602–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2019.10.

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AbstractRhetoric from both domestic and international policy actors equated foreign direct investment and robust business growth in Sierra Leone with an exit from fragility. To the contrary, the trajectory of private sector development experienced from 2002 to 2014 contributed to Sierra Leone's socio-political challenges, replicating in the contemporary period dynamics of grievance and exclusion that were root causes of the country's endemic instability and then civil war. This study challenges the practices and refines the ideas underlying the prevailing vision for business-led development in Sierra Leone and other fragile states. It links extensive documentation of the role of business in Sierra Leone with peacebuilding and statebuilding frameworks to present a novel perspective on the mechanisms of action of private sector development in contexts of persistent fragility. In doing so, it provides a foundation on which further theoretical propositions for the ordering of business-state relations in support of transitions from fragility to peaceful development can be developed and tested.

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Albrecht, Peter. "The Chiefs of Community Policing in Rural Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 4 (November 4, 2015): 611–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000774.

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ABSTRACTThis paper argues that when police reform in Sierra Leone was instituted to consolidate a state system after the country's civil war ended in 2002, it reproduced a hybrid order instead that is embodied by Sierra Leone's primary local leaders: paramount and lesser chiefs. In this sense, policing has a distinctly political quality to it because those who enforce order also define what order is and determine access to resources. The hybrid authority of Sierra Leone's chiefs emanates from multiple state-based and localised sources simultaneously and comes into play as policing takes place and police reform moves forward. This argument is substantiated by an ethnographic exploration of how and with what implications community policing has been introduced in Peyima, a small town in Kono District, and focuses on one of its primary institutional expressions, Local Policing Partnership Boards.

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Lambourne, Wendy. "Towards Sustainable Peace and Development in Sierra Leone: Civil Society and the Peacebuilding Commission." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 4, no. 2 (September 2008): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2008.630221763481.

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The Sierra Leone civil war that ended in January 2002 was particularly brutal and left the country economically devastated. Four-and-a-half years later, Sierra Leone was selected as one of two countries to receive focussed attention from the newly created United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). The PBC is mandated to support post-conflict recovery and sustainable development with the participation of all relevant stakeholders, including civil society. Drawing on field research and theories of sustainable peacebuilding and the role of civil society, this paper assesses the PBC's performance in Sierra Leone in its first year of operation. The article concludes that the PBC needs to clarify its priorities in relation to civil society participation in order to fulfil its potential to assist governments in promoting sustainable peace and development.

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Batty, Fodei, and Fredline M’Cormack-Hale. "“Do not Disturb the Peace!” Identities, Livelihoods and the Politics of Post-War Discontent in Sierra Leone." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 4 (February 10, 2019): 533–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618825355.

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Although the collective memory of war is frequently invoked in post-war societies, who chooses to invoke it and to what effect has been less studied relative to other aspects of such societies. In this article we employ a case study of Sierra Leone to address this deficit in the post-conflict scholarship by illustrating how the collective memory of that country’s civil war is appropriated by diverse actors in the post-war society. Drawing from field interviews, we present evidence showing how, and why, several societal groups constituted as distinct post-war identities such as victims-rights groups, former defenders of the state, or perpetrators of the violence during the Sierra Leone civil war articulate dissatisfactions with their livelihoods and the reactions of state officials to their demands. The article explains why, and how, successive governments have selectively suppressed the discontent of some groups over livelihood insecurities that are construed as threats to public order while ignoring violent protests from other groups over similar issues, in spite of a 1965 public order act restricting protests. Thus, the article argues that state officials in Sierra Leone have not demonstrated superior commitment to peacebuilding than societal groups that make demands on the state.

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M’Cormack-Hale, Fredline A. O., and Josephine Beoku-Betts. "General Introduction." African and Asian Studies 14, no. 1-2 (March 27, 2015): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341327.

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Although much has been written on many different aspects of post-conflict reconstruction, democracy building, and the role of the international community in Sierra Leone, there is no definitive publication that focuses on exploring the ways in which various interventions targeted at women in Sierra Leone have resulted in socio-economic and political change, following the Sierra Leone civil war. This special issue explores the multi-faceted subject of women’s empowerment in post-war Sierra Leone. Employing a variety of theoretical frameworks, the papers examine a broad range of themes addressing women’s socio-economic and political development, ranging from health to political participation, from paramount chiefs and parliamentarians to traditional birth attendants and refugees. An underlying argument is that post-war contexts provide the space to advance policies and practices that contribute to women’s empowerment. To this end, the papers examine the varied ways in which women have individually and collectively responded to, shaped, negotiated, and been affected by national and international initiatives and processes.

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Zack-Williams, Alfred B. "Sierra Leone: The political economy of civil war, 1991-98." Third World Quarterly 20, no. 1 (February 1999): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599913965.

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Christensen, Matthew J. "Enslaving Globalization: Slavery, Civil War, and Modernity in Sierra Leone." Global South 2, no. 2 (October 2008): 54–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/gso.2008.2.2.54.

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Baker, Bruce. "How Civil War Altered Policing in Sierra Leone and Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 45, no. 3 (July 2007): 367–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040701516938.

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Svärd, Proscovia. "Freedom of information laws and information access." Information Development 33, no. 2 (July 9, 2016): 190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666916642829.

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Sierra Leone was engulfed in a destructive civil war between 1991 and 2002. The civil war was partly caused by the non-accountability of the government, endemic corruption, misrule and the mismanagement of the country’s resources. Efforts have been made by the country, with the help of the international community, to embrace a democratic dispensation. To demonstrate its commitment to the democratization agenda, Sierra Leone passed the Right to Access Information (RAI) Act in 2013. The Act guarantees access to government information and also imposes a penalty on failure to make information available. However, Sierra Leone’s state institutions are still weak due to mismanagement and lack of transparency and accountability. Freedom of expression and access to information are cornerstones of modern democracies. Public information/records are a means of power that governments and other political institutions use to exercise control over citizens, but are also a means of citizens’ empowerment. Through access to government information/records, media can play their watchdog role and people can assess the performance of governments and hold them accountable. The purpose of the paper is to demonstrate the fact that it is not enough to enact freedom of information laws (FOIs) if there is no political will to make government information accessible, an information management infrastructure to facilitate the creation, capture, management, dissemination, preservation and re-use of government information and investments in civil education to promote an information culture that appreciates information as a resource that underpins accountability and transparency.

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Binningsbø, Helga Malmin, and Kendra Dupuy. "Using Power-Sharing to Win a War: The Implementation of the Lomé Agreement in Sierra Leone." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 3 (December 2009): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400305.

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To end the civil war in Sierra Leone the government and the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) signed a peace agreement guaranteeing power-sharing in July 1999. Such power-sharing is a widely used, often recommended political arrangement to overcome deep divisions between groups. However, scholars disagree on whether power-sharing causes peace, or, on the contrary, causes continuing violence. One reason for this is the literature's tendency to neglect how power-sharing is actually put into place. But post-agreement implementation is essential if we are to judge the performance of power-sharing. Therefore, we investigate the role played by power-sharing in terminating the civil war in Sierra Leone. We argue that the government was able to use the peace agreement to pursue its goal of ending the war through marginalising the RUF.

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Marks, Z. "Sexual violence in Sierra Leone's civil war: 'Virgination', rape, and marriage." African Affairs 113, no. 450 (December 16, 2013): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adt070.

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Vincent, James Bibi Maiah. "A Village-Up View of Sierra Leone's Civil War and Reconstruction." IDS Bulletin 44, no. 1 (January 2013): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1759-5436.12005.

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Stovel, Laura. "‘There's no bad bush to throw away a bad child’: ‘tradition’-inspired reintegration in post-war Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (May 14, 2008): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003248.

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ABSTRACTGovernment and civil society leaders in African transitional states often use rituals and expressions inspired by tradition to facilitate the integration of ex-combatants and displaced people. In Sierra Leone, the expression ‘There's no bad bush to throw away a bad child’, conveys a vision of African society as inherently forgiving and inclusive, and of Africans as needing to be amongst their own people. This ideal was perfectly suited for the needs of an impoverished state seeking to ease the strain on cities, and relying on communities' organic capacities to absorb their own people. This research draws on interviews with diverse Sierra Leoneans to examine the assumptions behind this communitarian ideal. It argues that while ‘There is no bad bush … ’ promotes a form of reconciliation defined as peaceful coexistence, it lacks the elements of justice required for deep reconciliation to occur.

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Denov, Myriam. "Coping with the trauma of war: Former child soldiers in post-conflict Sierra Leone." International Social Work 53, no. 6 (June 24, 2010): 791–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872809358400.

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Children across the globe have been implicated in armed conflict as both victims and participants. During Sierra Leone’s decade-long civil war, thousands of children, both boys and girls, participated directly in armed conflict or were recruited for labour or sexual exploitation in armed groups. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with 80 children formerly associated with Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front, this paper explores children’s experiences of violence during the armed conflict, traces the realities that children faced in the aftermath of the war, and examines the ways in which participants attempted to cope with the war’s profound after-effects. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for social work.

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Marks, Zoe. "Rebel resource strategies in civil war: Revisiting diamonds in Sierra Leone." Political Geography 75 (November 2019): 102059. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.102059.

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Aning, Emmanuel Kwesi. "Gender and civil war: The cases of Liberia and Sierra Leone." Civil Wars 1, no. 4 (December 1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249808402388.

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Mama, Amina, and Margo Okazawa-Rey. "Militarism, Conflict and Women's Activism in the Global Era: Challenges and Prospects for Women in Three West African Contexts." Feminist Review 101, no. 1 (July 2012): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2011.57.

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This article develops a feminist perspective on militarism in Africa, drawing examples from the Nigerian, Sierra Leonean and Liberian civil wars spanning several decades to examine women's participation in the conflict, their survival and livelihood strategies, and their activism. We argue that postcolonial conflicts epitomise some of the worst excesses of militarism in the era of neoliberal globalisation, and that the economic, organisational and ideological features of militarism undermine the prospects for democratisation, social justice and genuine security, especially for women, in post-war societies. Theorisations of ‘new wars’ and the war economy are taken as entry points to a discussion of the conceptual and policy challenges posed by the enduring and systemic cultural and material aspects of militarism. These include the contradictory ways in which women are affected by the complex relationship between gendered capitalist processes and militarism, and the manner in which women negotiate their lives through both. Finally, we highlight the potential of transnational feminist theorising and activism for strengthening intellectual and political solidarities and argue that the globalised military security system can be our ‘common context for struggle' 1 as contemporary feminist activist scholars. 1 Mohanty, 2003.

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Spencer. "The Use of Pop Songs by Sierra Leonean Youths in Enjoying the Space Created for Freedom of Expression after the Civil War." Africa Today 59, no. 1 (2012): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.59.1.71.

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Shepler, Susan. "Youth music and politics in post-war Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 4 (November 4, 2010): 627–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000509.

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ABSTRACTThe brutal, eleven-year long civil war in Sierra Leone has been understood by many scholarly observers as ‘a crisis of youth’. The national elections of 2007 were notable for an explosion of popular music by young people directly addressing some of the central issues of the election: corruption of the ruling party and lack of opportunities for youth advancement. Though produced by youth and understood locally as youth music, the sounds were inescapable in public transport, markets, and parties. The musical style is a combination of local idioms and West African hip-hop. The lyrics present a young people's moral universe in stark contrast to that of their elders. This paper addresses the themes of these election-focused songs as well as the emerging subaltern youth identity discernible in supposedly less political songs.

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Tejan-Cole, Abdul. "The complementary and conflicting relationship between the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 5 (December 2002): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001100.

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Societies emerging from political turmoil and civil unrest associated with gross violations of human rights and humanitarian law face the crucial question of how to deal with these atrocities and put the past in its place. Since the 1980s, this problem has been a major preoccupation of international law and scholarship. The traditional responses include outside intervention in such states pursuant to Chapter VII powers under the United Nations Charter, grants of conditional amnesty to perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity, grants of some form of unconditional amnesty, and prosecution of perpetrators.Nowhere is this question more pressing than in Sierra Leone, which recently emerged from a ten-year civil war characterized by systematic, serious and widespread violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. The Government of Sierra Leone had to make a choice between these four traditional strategies for dealing with these pervasive human rights violations.

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Nesbitt, Michael. "Lessons from the Sam Hinga Norman Decision of the Special Court for Sierra Leone: How trials and truth commissions can co-exist." German Law Journal 8, no. 10 (October 1, 2007): 977–1014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220000612x.

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Sierra Leone is a poor nation in the midst of a laudable campaign to bring justice and reconciliation to a people desperately in need of it. Having suffered through the scourge of a decade long civil war, the nation employed two distinct yet related institutions to take a leading role in this campaign. Uniquely, the Government of Sierra Leone (GoSL) sought the assistance of the United Nations (UN) in setting up the world's first “hybrid tribunal”, named the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), to work alongside the already conceived of Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). These two institutions were to employ different procedures and, to an extent, different objectives in the hopes of achieving peace, justice and reconciliation.

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Marcantonio, Richard, and Agustin Fuentes. "A Clear Past and a Murky Future: Life in the Anthropocene on the Pampana River, Sierra Leone." Land 9, no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land9030072.

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The impacts of human activities on ecosystems are significantly increasing the rate of environmental change in the earth system, reshaping the global landscape. The rapid rate of environmental change is disrupting the ability of millions of people around the globe to live their everyday lives and maintain their human niche. Evidence suggests that we have entered (or created) a new epoch, the Anthropocene, which is defined as the period in which humans and human activities are the primary drivers of planetary change. The Anthropocene denotes a global shift, but it is the collective of local processes. This is our frame for investigating local accounts of human-caused disruptive environmental change in the Pampana River in Tonkolili District, Northern Province, Sierra Leone. Since the end of the Sierra Leonean civil war in 2002, the country has experienced a rapid increase in extractive industries, namely mining. We explored the effects of this development by working with communities along the Pampana River in Tonkolili, with a specific focus given to engaging local fishermen through ethnographic interviews (N = 21 fishermen and 33 non-fishermen), focus group discussions (N = 21 fishermen), and participant observation. We deployed theoretical and methodological frameworks from human niche construction theory, complex adaptive systems, and ethnography to track disruptive environmental change in and on the Pampana from upstream activities and the concomitant shifts in the local human niche. We highlight the value of integrating ethnographic methods with human evolutionary theory, produce important insights about local human coping processes with disruptive environmental change, and help to further account for and understand the ongoing global process of human modification of the earth system in the Anthropocene.

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Khan, Amadu Wurie. "Journalism & armed conflict in Africa: the civil war in Sierra Leone." Review of African Political Economy 25, no. 78 (December 1998): 585–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249808704345.

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MUTSUJI, Shoji. "The Process and Prospects of Civil War in Sierra Leone, 1991-2001." Journal of African Studies 2002, no. 60 (2002): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.2002.139.

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Bakarr Bah, Abu. "State Decay and Civil War: A Discourse on Power in Sierra Leone." Critical Sociology 37, no. 2 (February 28, 2011): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920510379438.

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HUMPHREYS, MACARTAN, and JEREMY M. WEINSTEIN. "Handling and Manhandling Civilians in Civil War." American Political Science Review 100, no. 3 (August 2006): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062289.

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The toll of civil conflict is largely borne by civilian populations, as warring factions target non-combatants through campaigns of violence. But significant variation exists in the extent to which warring groups abuse the civilian population: across conflicts, across groups, and within countries geographically and over time. Using a new dataset on fighting groups in Sierra Leone, this article analyzes the determinants of the tactics, strategies, and behaviors that warring factions employ in their relationships with noncombatants. We first describe a simple logic of extraction which we use to generate hypotheses about variation in levels of abuse across fighting units. We then show that the most important determinants of civilian abuse are internal to the structure of the faction. High levels of abuse are exhibited by warring factions that are unable to police the behavior of their members because they are more ethnically fragmented, rely on material incentives to recruit participants, and lack mechanisms for punishing indiscipline. Explanations that emphasize the importance of local community ties and contestation do not find strong support in the data.

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Mariniello, Triestino. "Prosecutor v. Taylor." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 2 (April 2013): 424–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.2.0424.

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On April 26, 2012, Trial Chamber II (Chamber) of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Special Court or Court) in The Hague convicted former Liberian president Charles Ghankay Taylor of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed from November 30, 1996, to January 18, 2002, in the territory of Sierra Leone during its civil war. Specifically, Taylor was found guilty of the crimes against humanity of murder, rape, sexual slavery, enslavement and other inhumane acts, and the war crimes of committing acts of terror, murder, outrages upon personal dignity, cruel treatment, pillage, and conscripting or enlisting children under the age of fifteen years into armed forces or groups or using them to participate actively in hostilities. In a separate judgment rendered on May 30, 2012, the Chamber sentenced Taylor to a single term of fifty years for all the counts on which the accused had been convicted.

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Palmer, Erin Louise. "Prosecutor v. Charles Ghankay Taylor (SCSL)." International Legal Materials 53, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.53.1.0001.

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On September 26, 2013, the Appeals Chamber for the Special Court for Sierra Leone (Special Court) unanimously upheld the Trial Chamber’s conviction of Charles Ghankay Taylor, the former President of Liberia, and affirmed his fifty-year sentence for aiding and abetting rebel forces in Sierra Leone that perpetrated brutal crimes during the civil war in Sierra Leone. The Appeals Chamber’s judgment followed an almost four-year trial that included testimony from 115 witnesses, including Taylor himself—who testified in his defense for seven months—and celebrities such as British model Naomi Campbell and U.S. actress Mia Farrow, who the Prosecution called to show that Taylor knowingly handled blood diamonds. Taylor is the first head of state that an international or hybrid tribunal has convicted since the Nuremberg trials.

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Smith, Dane F. "US–Guinea relations during the rise and fall of Charles Taylor." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 3 (August 3, 2006): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001832.

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The Liberian civil war was the major issue in US–Guinea relations between 1990 and 2003. During the first half of this period, the US sought with limited success to secure Guinea's cooperation in finding a diplomatic solution. President Conté viewed Charles Taylor as Guinea's implacable enemy and authorised arms support for anti-Taylor factions, while the US pressed for a negotiated peace. The Guinean leader's negative reaction to US criticism of the flawed 1993 presidential elections halted most dialogue on Liberia for the next two years. When Taylor continued supporting civil war in Sierra Leone after 1997, and fighters allied to him assaulted Guinea border posts in 1999, the US strengthened its engagement with Guinea. Providing military training and non-lethal equipment, it sought to counter the threat that Guinea would succumb to the destabilisation which had afflicted Liberia and Sierra Leone. The US appears positioned to play a positive role in Guinea's political and economic transition after the departure from the scene of the seriously ill Guinean president.

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Leao, Isabela, and Albert Kim Cowan. "The role of civil societies on youth empowerment in post-war Sierra Leone." Freedom from Fear 2010, no. 8 (March 12, 2010): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/c4863cdb-en.

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COHEN, DARA KAY. "Explaining Rape during Civil War: Cross-National Evidence (1980–2009)." American Political Science Review 107, no. 3 (August 2013): 461–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000221.

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Why do some armed groups commit massive wartime rape, whereas others never do? Using an original dataset, I describe the substantial variation in rape by armed actors during recent civil wars and test a series of competing causal explanations. I find evidence that the recruitment mechanism is associated with the occurrence of wartime rape. Specifically, the findings support an argument about wartime rape as a method of socialization, in which armed groups that recruit by force—through abduction or pressganging—use rape to create unit cohesion. State weakness and insurgent contraband funding are also associated with increased wartime rape by rebel groups. I examine observable implications of the argument in a brief case study of the Sierra Leone civil war. The results challenge common explanations for wartime rape, with important implications for scholars and policy makers.

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Cohen, Dara Kay. "Female Combatants and the Perpetration of Violence: Wartime Rape in the Sierra Leone Civil War." World Politics 65, no. 3 (July 2013): 383–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000105.

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Much of the current scholarship on wartime violence, including studies of the combatants themselves, assumes that women are victims and men are perpetrators. However, there is an increasing awareness that women in armed groups may be active fighters who function as more than just cooks, cleaners, and sexual slaves. In this article, the author focuses on the involvement of female fighters in a form of violence that is commonly thought to be perpetrated only by men: the wartime rape of noncombatants. Using original interviews with ex-combatants and newly available survey data, she finds that in the Sierra Leone civil war, female combatants were participants in the widespread conflict-related violence, including gang rape. A growing body of evidence from other conflicts suggests that Sierra Leone is not an anomaly and that women likely engage in conflict-related violence, including sexual violence, more often than is currently believed. Many standard interpretations of wartime rape are undermined by the participation of female perpetrators. To explain the involvement of women in wartime rape, the author argues that women in armed group units face similar pressure to that faced by their male counterparts to participate in gang rape. The study has broad implications for future avenues of research on wartime violence, as well as for policy.

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Shipilov, A. Yu. "Charles Taylor’s interference in the Sierra Leone civil war (based on the documents of the residual special Court for Sierra Leone)." Kunstkamera 6, no. 4 (2019): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/2618-8619-2019-4(6)-99-106.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Sierra Leonean Civil War'

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