To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Sierra Leonean Conflict.
Journal articles on the topic 'Sierra Leonean Conflict'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Sierra Leonean Conflict.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Kusumawardani, Damar. "Kerjasama UNICEF dan IRC dalam Penegakan Hak Anak di Sierra Leone." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 1 (May 10, 2020): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v4i1.120.
Full textAbstract:
Sierra Leone was one of the countries with the largest use of child soldiers during the civil war between 1991-2002. Girl child soldiers made up to 30 percent of the total child soldiers involved in the Sierra Leone civil war. The Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration program (DDR) which was one of the UN mandate as a post-conflict peace consolidation could only reach 506 out of a total of 6,845 child soldiers who have been disarmed. This was because the requirement for the disarmament phase was to hand in their weapon, while many girls were not equipped with weapon by their armed forces commander considering that most of them acted as cooks, house workers, and bush wives. UNICEF and IRC as international organizations then carried out further DDR projects with more gender-responsive and community-based with gender mainstreaming and inclusive citizenship policies to enforce children rights of Sierra Leonean girl soldiers who previously had not included in DDR program. This paper will discuss the enforcement of children rights of Sierra Leonean girl soldiers in the furtjer DDR projects.
2
Akiwumi, Fenda A. "Global Incorporation and Local Conflict: Sierra Leonean Mining Regions." Antipode 44, no. 3 (September 21, 2011): 581–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.2011.00945.x.
Full text
3
D'Angelo, Lorenzo. "WHO OWNS THE DIAMONDS? THE OCCULT ECO-NOMY OF DIAMOND MINING IN SIERRA LEONE." Africa 84, no. 2 (April 9, 2014): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000752.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTMuch of the literature on Sierra Leonean diamonds focuses on the role that this mineral resource played in the recent civil conflict (1991–2002). However, the political-economic perspective that is common to these analyses has lost sight of the main actors in this social reality. What do miners think of diamonds? Like their Malagasy colleagues engaged in the search for sapphires, the Sierra Leonean diamond miners often maintain that they do not know what diamonds could possibly be used for. What is specific to the diamond mining areas in this West African country is that suspicions and fantasies about the uses of diamonds go hand in hand with the idea that these precious stones belong to invisible spiritual entities known locally as djinns ordεbul dεn. Although this article aims to analyse the occult imaginary of diamond miners, it takes a different stand from the occult economies approach. By combining a historical-imaginative perspective with a historical and ecological one, this article intends to highlight the indissoluble interweaving of material and imaginative processes of artisanal diamond production in the context of Sierra Leone's mines.
4
Nkansah, Lydia Apori. "Restorative Justice in Transitional Sierra Leone." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 1, no. 1 (June 21, 2011): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v1i1.695.
Full textAbstract:
Intense debate surrounds truth commissions as to their mission, perceived roles and outcomes. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of truth commissions in post-conflict settings. It examines the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) for Sierra Leone, the first truth commission to be engaged concurrently with a retributive mechanism, the Special Court for Sierra Leone for transitional justice. The study finds that the TRC provided an opening for conversation in Sierra Leonean communities to search for the meanings of truth about the conflict. In this way the communities simultaneously created an understanding of the situation and set reconciliation directions and commitment from the process of creative conversation. This notwithstanding, the TRC did not have the needed public cooperation because the people were not sure the war was over and feared that their assailants could harm them if they disclosed the truth to the TRC. The presence of the Special Court also created tensions and fears rendering the transitional environment unfriendly to the reconciliation and truth telling endeavors of the TRC. The study has implications for future truth commissions in that the timing for post-conflict reconciliation endeavors should take into consideration the state of the peace equilibrium of the societies involved. It should also be packaged for harmonious existence in a given transitional contexts, particularly where it will coexist with a retributive mechanism.
5
Koos, Carlo. "Decay or Resilience?" World Politics 70, no. 2 (March 6, 2018): 194–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887117000351.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the long-term impact of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) on prosocial behavior in Sierra Leone. Two theoretical arguments are developed and tested. The first draws on the feminist literature and suggests the presence of a decay mechanism: victims and their families are stigmatized by their community and excluded from social networks. The second integrates new insights from social psychology, psychological trauma research, and anthropology, and argues for a resilience mechanism. It argues that CRSV-affected households have a strong incentive to remain part of their community and will invest more effort and resources into the community to avert social exclusion than unaffected households. Using data on 5,475 Sierra Leonean households, the author finds that exposure to CRSV increases prosocial behavior—cooperation, helping, and altruism—which supports the resilience hypothesis. The results are robust to an instrumental variable estimation. The ramifications of this finding go beyond the case of Sierra Leone and generate a more general question: What makes communities resilient to shocks and trauma?
6
Marong, Alhagi, and Chernor Jalloh. "Ending Impunity: The Case for War Crimes Trials in Liberia." African Journal of Legal Studies 1, no. 2 (2005): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499735986.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article argues that Liberia owes a duty under both international humanitarian and human rights law to investigate and prosecute the heinous crimes, including torture, rape and extra-judicial killings of innocent civilians, committed in that country by the warring parties in the course of fourteen years of brutal conflict. Assuming that Liberia owes a duty to punish the grave crimes committed on its territory, the article then evaluates the options for prosecution, starting with the possible use of Liberian courts. The authors argue that Liberian courts are unable, even if willing, to render credible justice that protects the due process rights of the accused given the collapse of legal institutions and the paucity of financial, human and material resources in post-conflict Liberia. The authors then examine the possibility of using international accountability mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court, an ad hoc international criminal tribunal as well as a hybrid court for Liberia. For various legal and political reasons, the authors conclude that all of these options are not viable. As an alternative, they suggest that because the Special Court for Sierra Leone has already started the accountability process for Liberia with the indictment of Charles Taylor in 2003, and given the close links between the Liberian and Sierra Leonean conflicts, the Special Court would be a more appropriate forum for international prosecutions of those who perpetrated gross humanitarian and human rights law violations in Liberia.
7
Redwood, Henry, and Alister Wedderburn. "A cat-and-Maus game: the politics of truth and reconciliation in post-conflict comics." Review of International Studies 45, no. 04 (May 14, 2019): 588–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000147.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSeveral scholars have raised concerns that the institutional mechanisms through which transitional justice is commonly promoted in post-conflict societies can alienate affected populations. Practitioners have looked to bridge this gap by developing ‘outreach’ programmes, in some instances commissioning comic books in order to communicate their findings to the people they seek to serve. In this article, we interrogate the ways in which post-conflict comics produce meaning about truth, reconciliation, and the possibilities of peace, focusing in particular on a comic strip published in 2005 as part of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report into the causes and crimes of the 1991–2002 Civil War. Aimed at Sierra Leonean teenagers, the Report tells the story of ‘Sierrarat’, a peaceful nation of rats whose idyllic lifestyle is disrupted by an invasion of cats. Although the Report displays striking formal similarities with Art Spiegelman's Maus (a text also intimately concerned with reconciliation, in its own way), it does so to very different ends. The article brings these two texts into dialogue in order to explore the aesthetic politics of truth and reconciliation, and to ask what role popular visual media like comics can play in their practice and (re)conceptualisation.
8
Cusato, Eliana. "Back to the Future? Confronting the Role(s) of Natural Resources in Armed Conflict Through the Lenses of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions." International Community Law Review 19, no. 4-5 (September 26, 2017): 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12340030.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Natural resources are critical factors in the transition from conflict to peace. Whether they contributed to, financed or fuelled armed conflict, failure to integrate natural resources into post-conflict strategies may endanger the chances of a long-lasting and sustainable peace. This article explores how Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (trcs), as transitional justice institutions, can contribute to addressing the multifaceted role of natural resources in armed conflict. Drawing insights from the practice of the Sierra Leonean and Liberian trcs in this area, the article identifies several ways in which truth-seeking bodies may reinforce post-conflict accountability and avoid the future reoccurrence of abuses and conflict by actively engaging with the natural resource-conflict link. As it is often the case with other transitional justice initiatives, trcs’ engagement with the role of natural resources in armed conflict brings along opportunities and challenges, which are contextual and influenced by domestic and international factors.
9
Smet, Stijn. "A window of opportunity – improving gender relations in post-conflict societies: the Sierra Leonean experience." Journal of Gender Studies 18, no. 2 (June 2009): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09589230902812455.
Full text
10
Betancourt, Theresa S., Ryan McBain, Elizabeth A. Newnham, and Robert T. Brennan. "Trajectories of Internalizing Problems in War-Affected Sierra Leonean Youth: Examining Conflict and Postconflict Factors." Child Development 84, no. 2 (September 24, 2012): 455–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2012.01861.x.
Full text
11
Mitton, Kieran. "Irrational Actors and the Process of Brutalisation: Understanding Atrocity in the Sierra Leonean Conflict (1991–2002)." Civil Wars 14, no. 1 (March 2012): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2012.654691.
Full text
12
Oosterveld, Valerie. "Forced Marriage and the Special Court for Sierra Leone: Legal Advances and Conceptual Difficulties." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 2, no. 1 (2011): 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187815211x587727.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractForced marriage was endemic during the Sierra Leonean conflict. Girls and women forced to serve as 'wives' to rebel soldiers were usually expected to submit to ongoing rape and to provide domestic labour to their 'husbands'. Many of these 'wives' suffer from continuing stigmatization. The Prosecutor of the Special Court for Sierra Leone brought forced marriage charges as a crime against humanity through the category of inhumane acts against Brima, Kamara and Kanu, affiliated with the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC), and Sesay, Kallon and Gbao, affiliated with the Revolutionary United Front (RUF). This article considers two benefits stemming from the resulting jurisprudence: the naming of forced marriage as an inhumane act and the acknowledgement of forced marriage as a violation not captured by other legal terms. However, conceptual difficulties remain: how should forced marriage be defined so as to fulfil the principle of nullum crimen sine lege? Is forced marriage more accurately labelled as enslavement? And, is conjugality accurately captured as a defining feature of forced marriage? If forced marriage is to be successfully prosecuted in other contexts – for example, in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia – then more attention must be paid to resolving these questions.
13
Bigi, Giulia. "The Decision of the Special Court for Sierra Leone to Conduct the Charles Taylor Trial in The Hague." Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 6, no. 2 (2007): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156918507x217576.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractOn 29 March 2006 former Liberian President Charles Taylor was surrendered to the Special Court for Sierra Leone, where he was charged of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed during the Sierra Leonean conflict since 1996. The same day, invoking concerns about stability and security in the West African sub-region if the trial were to be held in Freetown, the President of the Special Court submitted a request to the Government of the Netherlands and to the International Criminal Court to facilitate that the trial be conducted in e Hague. Accordingly, on 20 June 2006, Mr. Taylor was transferred to the premises of the International Criminal Court where the trial commenced almost one year later.The change of venue of the Taylor trial from Freetown to Europe has several implications, which the present contribution aims to discuss, given that the Special Court is the first international(ized) criminal tribunal faced with such a relocation. This paper firstly reviews the necessary procedural steps taken for the transfer; then, it focuses on the compatibility of this change in location with the spirit and purposes of the Statute of the Special Court; finally, it considers the matter in relation to the fundamental aspects of transparency and of the due process guarantees of the accused.
14
Cusato, Eliana. "International law, the paradox of plenty and the making of resource-driven conflict." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 649–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000266.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAccess to and distribution of natural resources have been since immemorable time at the root of violent conflict. Over the last few decades, international institutions, legal scholars and civil society started to pay attention to the dangerous liaison between resource commodities and wars. Current debates emphasize how, through sanctions, global regulatory initiatives, and legal accountability, the governance of natural resources in conflict and post-conflict countries has improved, although international law should play a greater role to support the transition to a durable peace. The aim of this article is to illuminate the biases and limitations of dominant accounts by exploring the influence of the resource curse thesis, and its hidden propositions, upon legal developments. Using the Sierra Leonean and Liberian Truth Commissions as a case study, it shows how legal practices and discourses have contributed to a narrow understanding of resource-driven wars as started by voracious rebel groups or caused by weak/authoritarian/corrupt governments. What is obscured by the current focus on greed and ineffective resource governance? What responsibilities and forms of violence are displaced? Engaging with these questions allows us to see the dynamics through which structural injustices and distributive concerns are marginalized in existing responses to these conflicts, how the status quo is perpetuated, and the more subtle ways in which external interventions in the political economy of the Global South take place.
15
Mama, Amina, and Margo Okazawa-Rey. "Militarism, Conflict and Women's Activism in the Global Era: Challenges and Prospects for Women in Three West African Contexts." Feminist Review 101, no. 1 (July 2012): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2011.57.
Full textAbstract:
This article develops a feminist perspective on militarism in Africa, drawing examples from the Nigerian, Sierra Leonean and Liberian civil wars spanning several decades to examine women's participation in the conflict, their survival and livelihood strategies, and their activism. We argue that postcolonial conflicts epitomise some of the worst excesses of militarism in the era of neoliberal globalisation, and that the economic, organisational and ideological features of militarism undermine the prospects for democratisation, social justice and genuine security, especially for women, in post-war societies. Theorisations of ‘new wars’ and the war economy are taken as entry points to a discussion of the conceptual and policy challenges posed by the enduring and systemic cultural and material aspects of militarism. These include the contradictory ways in which women are affected by the complex relationship between gendered capitalist processes and militarism, and the manner in which women negotiate their lives through both. Finally, we highlight the potential of transnational feminist theorising and activism for strengthening intellectual and political solidarities and argue that the globalised military security system can be our ‘common context for struggle' 1 as contemporary feminist activist scholars. 1 Mohanty, 2003.
16
Newnham, Elizabeth A., Rebecca M. Pearson, Alan Stein, and Theresa S. Betancourt. "Youth mental health after civil war: The importance of daily stressors." British Journal of Psychiatry 206, no. 2 (February 2015): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.114.146324.
Full textAbstract:
BackgroundRecent evidence suggests that post-conflict stressors in addition to war trauma play an important role in the development of psychopathology.AimsTo investigate whether daily stressors mediate the association between war exposure and symptoms of posttraumatic stress and depression among war-affected youth.MethodStandardised assessments were conducted with 363 Sierra Leonean youth (26.7% female, mean age 20.9, s.d. = 3.38) 6 years post-war.ResultsThe extent of war exposures was significantly associated with post-traumatic stress symptoms (P<0.05) and a significant proportion was explained by indirect pathways through daily stressors (0.089, 95% CI 0.04–0.138, P<0.001). In contrast, there was little evidence for an association from war exposure to depression scores (P = 0.127); rather any association was explained via indirect pathways through daily stressors (0.103, 95% CI 0.048–0.158, P<0.001).ConclusionsAmong war-affected youth, the association between war exposure and psychological distress was largely mediated by daily stressors, which have potential for modification with evidence-based intervention.
17
Ménard, Anaïs. "Interpreting conflict and integration through the reciprocity lens: mobility and settlement in a historical perspective on the Sierra Leonean coast." Social Identities 23, no. 4 (February 2017): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2017.1281459.
Full text
18
Albrecht, Peter, and Cathy Haenlein. "Sierra Leone's Post-Conflict Peacekeepers." RUSI Journal 160, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2015.1020706.
Full text
19
Park, Augustine S. J. "Global Governance, Therapeutic Intervention, and War-Affected Girls." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 34, no. 2 (April 2009): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540903400203.
Full textAbstract:
The victimization of girls in armed conflict has garnered increased attention, yet recent scholarship shows that postconflict measures fail to meet girls' unique needs. This article examines gendered discourses employed in programming designed to assist girls following Sierra Leone's decade-long civil war, drawing on fieldwork conducted as part of a continuing program of study on peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. Specifically, the article presents a case study examining discourse relating to war-affected girls in one Freetown-based NGO, Connecting for Peace, which delivered programming to boys and girls affected by the war.
20
Sawyer, Amos. "Violent conflicts and governance challenges in West Africa: the case of the Mano River basin area." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 3 (August 3, 2004): 437–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000266.
Full textAbstract:
The Mano River basin area has become a conflict zone, in which state failure and violence in Liberia has spread to Sierra Leone and the forest region of Guinea. This article traces the origins of the conflicts to governance failures in all three states, and analyses their incorporation into a single conflict system, orchestrated especially through the entrepreneurial abilities and ambitions of Charles Taylor. Peace settlements negotiated to end the violence in Liberia and Sierra Leone failed, both because of the misconceived power-sharing formula that they embodied, and because they failed to take account of the complex linkages between conflicts across the basin area. The way forward lies in a multilevel basin-wide approach, which seeks to move beyond the failed formula of attempting to reconstitute state power, in favour of constructing institutions of accountable democratic governance at multiple levels from the local level to the regional level and beyond.
21
Rodman, Kenneth A. "Justice is Interventionist: The Political Sources of the Judicial Reach of the Special Court for Sierra Leone." International Criminal Law Review 13, no. 1 (2013): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01301002.
Full textAbstract:
The Special Court for Sierra Leone’s conviction of former Liberian President Charles Taylor and its prosecution of perpetrators regardless of their political alignment have been hailed as milestones in the diffusion of international criminal justice norms. Yet what made these achievements possible were interventionist strategies by Western governments and international and regional institutions to defeat the rebellion in Sierra Leone and bring about regime change in Liberia. The broader lesson that should be drawn from this is that the prospects for prosecution in the aftermath of armed conflict are likely to be determined by the political strategies adopted by the international community to end the violence and that international criminal justice presumes an interventionist form of politics.
22
Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Sierra Leone's post-conflict elections of 2002." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 2 (May 20, 2003): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x03004221.
Full textAbstract:
The landslide victory by the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) in the 2002 elections was due not to any ideological or policy differences with opposition parties, but to the perception among a plurality of voters that the party delivered on its promise to end the war and therefore deserved re-election. The elections were in effect a referendum on the incumbent president and his ruling SLPP, with voters overwhelmingly concluding that Ahmad Tejan Kabba, the SLPP leader, was preferable to the legion of certified scoundrels seeking to replace him. Signs of the All Peoples Congress (APC), the party that was in power from 1968–92, making a political comeback galvanised otherwise unenthusiastic voters into supporting Kabba and the SLPP. In contrast to the APC, against whom the rebel war was launched, or the Revolutionary United Front Party (RUFP), which initiated and prosecuted the insurgency, or the People's Liberation Party (PLP), whose earlier incarnation prolonged the war by colluding with rebels, Kabba and the SLPP claimed to have ended a war that was caused, launched and sustained by assorted elements of the political opposition. The SLPP, however, can ill-afford to bask in electoral triumph or ignore the festering problems of rampant official corruption and mass poverty that led to armed conflict in the 1990s. Tackling the problem of corruption and mass deprivation may hold the key to democratic consolidation, but it is doubtful whether the SLPP, as presently constituted, is capable of leading the fight against these scourges. The SLPP may be reaching out to become a national party but it still remains an unreconstructed patronage outfit that is unresponsive to popular currents and mass aspirations.
23
Penfold, Peter. "Faith in resolving Sierra Leone's bloody conflict." Round Table 94, no. 382 (October 2005): 549–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530500303601.
Full text
24
Unruh, Jon. "Land Policy Reform, Customary Rule of Law and the Peace Process in Sierra Leone." African Journal of Legal Studies 2, no. 2 (2008): 94–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736507.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractArmed conflict is particularly destructive to socio-legal relations regarding land and property. Reconstruction priorities increasingly include the reform of property legislation as part of efforts to address the causes and reasons for continuation of conflicts. However, a pervasive problem is that postwar laws are extremely difficult to connect with informal on-the-ground developments regarding perceptions of spatially-based rights as populations pursue livelihoods, grievances and aspirations. Left unattended, the problem constitutes a potential flashpoint for a return to conflict. This article examines this connection for postwar Sierra Leone, in order to highlight issues and questions of potential utility. The stakes are high for successfully connecting postwar land tenure laws with informal socio-legal realities. For Sierra Leone, a primary issue is the presence of a large population without access to land, tenure insecurity discouraging investment, large-scale food insecurity and rural unemployment while significant swathes of arable and previously cultivated land stands idle.
25
van der Niet, Anneke G. "Football in post-Conflict Sierra Leone." African Historical Review 42, no. 2 (November 2010): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2010.517396.
Full text
26
Rizky, Ulfah Fatmala. "Peran Pendidikan dalam Proses Peacebuilding di Sierra Leone." Indonesian Journal of Public Administration (IJPA) 6, no. 2 (January 24, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.52447/ijpa.v6i2.4383.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract, This paper intends to describe the conflict that occurred in Sierra Leone which resulted in the Complex Political Emergency (CPE) condition and the role of education in the peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone. This condition has reduced the Human Development Index in the country. In order to raise the Human Development Index in Sierra Leone, the conflict must end immediately. One of the ways to end the conflict is by doing peacebuilding. The peacebuilding process can be done through education. In addition, by increasing access to education or rebuilding the education system. The five roles of education in the peacebuilding process, namely: first, skills training that offers a new way of life apart from violence. Second, education protects children. Quality education will provide physical, psychosocial, and cognitive protection for children. Third, education helps rebuild 'normality' and self-confidence. Fourth, education helps restore social capital that has been lost and damaged by prolonged conflict. Fifth, education contributes to social transformation. Through the literature study method, this paper found that educational interventions in Sierra Leone have a positive impact on the peacebuilding process. Keywords: conflict, role of education, peacebuilding Abstrak, Tulisan ini bermaksud untuk menggambarkan konflik yang terjadi di Sierra Leone yang melahirkan kondisi Complex Political Emergencies (CPE) dan bagaimana peran pendidikan dalam proses peacebuilding di Sierra Leone. Di mana kondisi ini telah menurunkan Indeks Pembangunan Manusia di Negara tersebut. Untuk dapat meningkatkan Indeks Pembangunana Manusia di Sierra Leone maka konflik harus segera diakhir. Salah satu cara untuk mengakhiri konflik adalah dengan melakukan peacebuilding. Proses peacebuilding dapat dilakukan melalui pendidikan. Selain itu, dengan meningkatkan akses pendidikan atau membangun kembali sistem pendidikan. Lima peran pendidikan dalam proses peacebuilding, yaitu: pertama, pelatihan ketrampilan yang menawarkan jalan kehidupan baru selain kekerasan. Kedua, pendidikan melindungi anak-anak. kualitas pendidikan akan memberikan perlindungan fisikal, psikososial, dan juga kognitif bagi anak-anak. Ketiga, pendidikan membantu membangun kembali ‘normalitas’ dan kepercayaan diri. Keempat, pendidikan membantu untuk memperbaiki modal sosial yang hilang dan rusak akibat konflik yang berkepanjangan. Kelima, pendidikan berkontribusi pada transformasi sosial. Melalui metode studi kepustakaan, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa intervensi pendidikan di Sierra Leone memberikan dampak positif terhadap proses peacebuilding. Kata kunci: konflik, peran pendidikan, pembangunan perdamaian
27
ten Bensel, Tusty, and Lisa L. Sample. "Collective Sexual Violence in Bosnia and Sierra Leone: A Comparative Case Study Analysis." International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 61, no. 10 (October 8, 2015): 1075–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306624x15609704.
Full textAbstract:
Social scientists have long studied the patterns, motivations, and recidivism rates of sexual offenders; however, the majority of prior research has examined rape, where victims are assaulted by a single offender in isolated events. Often overlooked are sexually violent assaults committed during armed conflicts, which often exhibit group-level sexual offending. This oversight could be a result of perceived notions that sexual violence during conflict is a rare or regrettable event; however, it has been documented consistently throughout history. The purpose of this study was to improve our understanding of sexual violence during war by comparing and contrasting preconflict characteristics, conflict framing, and justifications for sexual violence in the Bosnian and Sierra Leone armed conflicts. This greater understanding can then be used to identify factors that may contribute to the collectivization of sexual violence during war.
28
Johnson, Mckenzie F. "Fighting for black stone: extractive conflict, institutional change and peacebuilding in Sierra Leone." International Affairs 97, no. 1 (January 2021): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa056.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Environmental governance reform—especially in the minerals sector—has featured prominently in Sierra Leone's peacebuilding agenda. While reform has enhanced environmental governance capacity in ways that foster peace, it has also exacerbated conflict over the redistribution of extractive rights. This article examines one such conflict over tantalite in northern Sierra Leone. In the chiefdom of Sella Limba, violence erupted as local landowners and a multinational company utilized institutional hybridity—or the blending of informal–indigenous institutions with liberal reforms—to construct competing claims over mineral rights. The resulting uncertainty over the extractive ‘rules of the game’ accelerated conflict as stakeholders attempted to (re)negotiate the distributional consequences of institutional change in real time. International and national actors ultimately rejected hybrid institutional arrangements on the grounds that they distorted post-conflict reforms and undermined peace. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork, I retrace the conflict to provide an alternative perspective. I contend that institutional hybridity served as a necessary component of, rather than barrier to, peacebuilding because it 1) opened space for diverse political participation in post-conflict environmental governance and 2) promoted greater political accountability and integration. These outcomes have been theorized as ways in which environmental reform can facilitate post-conflict peace. This argument aims to advance environmental peacebuilding theory by examining the conditions under which environmental governance reform contributes to post-conflict peacebuilding.
29
Mouser, Bruce L. "The 1805 Forékariah Conference: A Case of Political Intrigue, Economic Advantage, Network Building." History in Africa 25 (1998): 219–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172189.
Full textAbstract:
Palavers, great meetings, grand conferences, “tribal” meetings— these are terms used to describe meetings among peoples in and near Sierra Leone, meetings in which political, diplomatic, and economic questions are discussed and sometimes resolved at the village, intervillage, and occasionally, national levels. These conferences vary in size and importance, depending on dimensions of conflicts or questions to be resolved. This paper focuses on one such conference that convened at Forékariah, the capital of Moria, in 1805 and on circumstances leading to it. It is based largely upon a lengthy first-hand report deposited at the University Library, University of Illinois at Chicago. This paper is presented in two parts: a description of the conference and its placement in Sierra Leone and Morian histories, and the text of the report produced by Sierra Leone observers.From the earliest records of British officials at Sierra Leone, there are citations to specific “indigenous” meetings and allusions to others that supposedly occurred (indeed they would have had to occur for certain events to follow). One of the earliest large conferences described in detail in these records is one that convened at Forékariah from 24 March to 6 April 1805. The extant contemporary written record of this conference was produced by Alexander Smith, the Sierra Leone Company's and Governor William Day's principal representative at the conference. Other observers from Freetown included William Francis, Andrew Moore, Captain Smith, and Charles Shaw. Alexander Smith did not identify a specific interpreter nor describe what method he used to record the detailed arguments presented by participants. Certainly the filter of language and inter pretation must have influenced the record's content. If one places the conference within the framework of Company and Sierra Leone history, however, and accepts the premise that the Freetown observers were relatively unbiased since they were not principal parties to the palavers resolved, the report can be seen as one of a very few in which Sierra Leone's officials presented themselves in such uninvolved fashion.
30
Denov, Myriam. "Coping with the trauma of war: Former child soldiers in post-conflict Sierra Leone." International Social Work 53, no. 6 (June 24, 2010): 791–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872809358400.
Full textAbstract:
Children across the globe have been implicated in armed conflict as both victims and participants. During Sierra Leone’s decade-long civil war, thousands of children, both boys and girls, participated directly in armed conflict or were recruited for labour or sexual exploitation in armed groups. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with 80 children formerly associated with Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front, this paper explores children’s experiences of violence during the armed conflict, traces the realities that children faced in the aftermath of the war, and examines the ways in which participants attempted to cope with the war’s profound after-effects. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for social work.
31
Barrios-Tao, Hernando, José María Siciliani-Barraza, and Bibiana Bonilla-Barrios. "Education Programs in Post-Conflict Environments: a Review from Liberia, Sierra Leone, and South Africa." Revista Electrónica Educare 21, no. 1 (December 11, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/ree.21-1.11.
Full textAbstract:
Education should be considered as one of the mechanisms for governments and nations to succeed in a post-conflict process. The purpose of this Review Article is twofold: to explain the importance of education in a post-conflict setting, and to describe a few strategies that post-conflict societies have implemented. In terms of research design, a multiple case study approach has been implemented. The paper reviews a unique topic with specific reference to education plans implemented in post-conflict societies such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, and South Africa. Each of them has experienced violent conflicts and has used education as a tool to succeed in their post-conflict process. In sum, there are several educational programs that involve children, young people, survivors, parents, teachers, and local communities as well as curriculums focused on teaching of cultural values and technical skills to improve the quality of life in a post-conflict setting.
32
Shaffer, Jeffrey G., Donald S. Grant, John S. Schieffelin, Matt L. Boisen, Augustine Goba, Jessica N. Hartnett, Danielle C. Levy, et al. "Lassa Fever in Post-Conflict Sierra Leone." PLoS Neglected Tropical Diseases 8, no. 3 (March 20, 2014): e2748. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0002748.
Full text
33
Naso, Pedro, Erwin Bulte, and Tim Swanson. "Legal pluralism in post-conflict Sierra Leone." European Journal of Political Economy 61 (January 2020): 101819. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2019.101819.
Full text
34
OKOLIE-OSEMENE, James. "SIERRA LEONE: MAPPING THE DISARMAMENT, DEMOBILISATION-REMOBILISATION AND REINTEGRATION OF EX-COMBATANTS. PROSPECTS FOR SUSTAINABLE PEACE." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 34 (January 5, 2021): 20–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.34.2.
Full textAbstract:
Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programmes are necessary in states that experience armed conflict. Several post-conflict societies are usually characterised by the activities of individuals who undermine state-building efforts and prefer to work against joint problem solving aimed at sustaining peace. The study explores the change and continuity in the DDR programme and prospects for sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. With primary and secondary sources, including key informant interview with a former Minister, the paper responds to these questions: To what extent did remobilisation undermine peace agreements? How were the weapons and ex-combatants controlled by the government? What were the lessons and challenges of the DDR programme? How are the stakeholders sustaining post-DDR peace at the community level? The success of the state-building was occasioned by the joint problem-solving approach adopted by the National Committee for Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (NCDDR), ECOMOG troops, the UN Observer Mission in Sierra Leon, and other stakeholders at the community level. This paper stresses that the remobilisation of ex-combatants increased the intensity of the war which necessitated more external intervention to create enabling environment for state-building and security sector reforms. Sustaining peace in Sierra Leone demands continuous empowerment of youths and their active involvement in informal peace education. Post-DDR peacebuilding should be more youth-focused and development-oriented to prevent the resurgence of armed conflicts. Keywords:DDR, Ex-combatants, Peace agreement, Remobilisation, State building.
35
Knowles, Phoebe. "The Power to Prosecute: the Special Court for Sierra Leone from a Defence Perspective." International Criminal Law Review 6, no. 3 (2006): 387–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181206778553860.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) is a unique attempt by the international community to respond to conflict via a hybrid, in situ tribunal. In the Court's creation and operation key policy, judicial and institutional decisions- innovative elements of the SCSL structure, have impacted adversely on the rights of the accused and the broader social and justice-oriented obligations towards Sierra Leone and the international community. This paper considers the Court's hybridity, and questions the resulting opportunity afforded for participation by Sierra Leone in the post-conflict process; the Court's in situ nature and witness protection measures that may act to unnecessarily restrict the accused's right to a fair and public trial; the Court's interpretation of its jurisdiction over "those bearing greatest responsibility"; the noveland perhaps premature inclusion of the crime of child combatants; and finally, institutional decisions over the Defence Office and the capacity for equality of arms.
36
Cohen, Dara Kay. "Female Combatants and the Perpetration of Violence: Wartime Rape in the Sierra Leone Civil War." World Politics 65, no. 3 (July 2013): 383–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887113000105.
Full textAbstract:
Much of the current scholarship on wartime violence, including studies of the combatants themselves, assumes that women are victims and men are perpetrators. However, there is an increasing awareness that women in armed groups may be active fighters who function as more than just cooks, cleaners, and sexual slaves. In this article, the author focuses on the involvement of female fighters in a form of violence that is commonly thought to be perpetrated only by men: the wartime rape of noncombatants. Using original interviews with ex-combatants and newly available survey data, she finds that in the Sierra Leone civil war, female combatants were participants in the widespread conflict-related violence, including gang rape. A growing body of evidence from other conflicts suggests that Sierra Leone is not an anomaly and that women likely engage in conflict-related violence, including sexual violence, more often than is currently believed. Many standard interpretations of wartime rape are undermined by the participation of female perpetrators. To explain the involvement of women in wartime rape, the author argues that women in armed group units face similar pressure to that faced by their male counterparts to participate in gang rape. The study has broad implications for future avenues of research on wartime violence, as well as for policy.
37
Forna, Aminatta. "On Happiness." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 6, no. 03 (September 2019): 418–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2019.18.
Full textAbstract:
The publication of Happiness in 2019 marked a near twenty-year immersion in narratives that dealt with notions of war and trauma, an inquiry that began with a memoir The Devil that Danced on the Water (2002), written at the time of the civil conflict in Sierra Leone, and continuing through four novels, culminating in Happiness. In The Memory of Love and through the character of British psychologist Adrian Lockheart, a trauma specialist who arrives in Sierra Leone in the wake of the conflict, I engaged most directly with conceptual notions of trauma. It is in this novel that Attila Asare, a Ghanaian psychiatrist who runs a mental health facility in postwar Sierra Leone, makes his first appearance. Some years later, following publication of the Croatian-set novel The Hired Man, I found myself compelled to return to the character of Asare and the subject of trauma in my most recent novel, Happiness.
38
Dupuy, Kendra. "Book Note: Conflict & Collusion in Sierra Leone." Journal of Peace Research 43, no. 4 (July 2006): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234330604300417.
Full text
39
Davies, Victor A. B. "Development co-operation and conflict in Sierra Leone." Conflict, Security & Development 10, no. 1 (March 2010): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800903553886.
Full text
40
Zuilkowski, Stephanie Simmons, Elyse Joan Thulin, Kristen McLean, Tia McGill Rogers, Adeyinka M. Akinsulure-Smith, and Theresa S. Betancourt. "Parenting and discipline in post-conflict Sierra Leone." Child Abuse & Neglect 97 (November 2019): 104138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2019.104138.
Full text
41
Kandeh, Jimmy D. "Rogue incumbents, donor assistance and Sierra Leone's second post-conflict elections of 2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 4 (November 11, 2008): 603–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003509.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe removal of the governing Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) from power through the ballot box in 2007 represents a watershed moment in the growth and maturation of Sierra Leone's teething electoral democracy. This is because the peaceful alternation of political parties in power tends to strengthen democracy and nurture public confidence in elections as mechanisms of political change. In contrast to what happened in 1967, when the SLPP derailed the country's first post-independence democratic experiment by orchestrating a military coup after losing power in parliamentary elections, the SLPP in 2007 found itself isolated both internally and externally, and could rely neither on the support of a restructured army and police nor on external patrons like the United Kingdom which, among other things, suspended budgetary support for the government pending the satisfactory conclusion of the elections. The emergence of the People's Movement for Democratic Change (PMDC), whose membership consists largely of disaffected former SLPP members and supporters, and the electoral alliance forged between the PMDC and the All People's Congress (APC) in the presidential run-off, doomed any chance the SLPP may have had of holding on to power. The elections were referenda on the SLPP, which lost both the presidency and the legislature because its rogue leadership squandered the goodwill of the public, misappropriated donor funds with impunity, and failed to deliver basic social goods and services.
42
Cryer, Robert. "A “Special Court” for Sierra Leone?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2001): 435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.2.435.
Full textAbstract:
The conflict in Sierra Leone began in 1991 and still continues. It has led to over 50,000 deaths. The fighting has been characterised by the use of child combatants and widespread mutilation of civilians by amputation. When the conflict began, it would have seemed improbable that any UN response would include a forum for the trial of international crimes. After all, even the high tide of international enforcement of international criminal law, the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, had begun to be excised from mainstream treatments of international law.1 The possibility of a permanent international criminal court had recently been revived, and sent to the International Law Commission for consideration, but the record of the ILC with controversial projects would not have led to an expectation of quick progress.2 Yet, nearly 10 years on, the UN is now involved in setting up a fourth criminal court,3 the “Special Court” for Sierra Leone. Despite the selectivity inherent in ad hoc reactions, and the continuing opposition to the Rome Statute in some quarters, it is now difficult to deny that progress is being made towards a new form of international criminal order where the improbability of prosecution for international crimes can ne longer be presumed.
43
Bindi, Idrissa Tamba, and Ozgur Tufekci. "Liberal Peacebuilding in Sierra Leone: A Critical Exploration." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 8 (May 29, 2018): 1158–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618776427.
Full textAbstract:
There is increasing awareness and international support for rebuilding states that have gone through conflict. Third-party interventions in bringing peace to countries that have emerged from civil wars have been channeled through a fundamental concept known as liberal peacebuilding. Liberal peacebuilding, even though it faces much criticism, has been a prominent strategy for third-party intervention in post-war countries since the end of the Cold War. This paper deals with the liberal peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone, after its decade-long brutal civil war. The focus lies on Dr Roland Paris’ institutionalization before liberalization (IBL) peacebuilding strategy, its strengths and shortcomings, and its contributions to sustaining peace in Sierra Leone since the end of the war in 2002. Arguing that the IBL strategy has helped to maintain peace in Sierra Leone after ten years of civil war, the paper analyzes how peacebuilding has been implemented in post-war Sierra Leone under the six different pillars of the IBL strategy.
44
M’Cormack-Hale, Fredline A. O., and Josephine Beoku-Betts. "General Introduction." African and Asian Studies 14, no. 1-2 (March 27, 2015): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341327.
Full textAbstract:
Although much has been written on many different aspects of post-conflict reconstruction, democracy building, and the role of the international community in Sierra Leone, there is no definitive publication that focuses on exploring the ways in which various interventions targeted at women in Sierra Leone have resulted in socio-economic and political change, following the Sierra Leone civil war. This special issue explores the multi-faceted subject of women’s empowerment in post-war Sierra Leone. Employing a variety of theoretical frameworks, the papers examine a broad range of themes addressing women’s socio-economic and political development, ranging from health to political participation, from paramount chiefs and parliamentarians to traditional birth attendants and refugees. An underlying argument is that post-war contexts provide the space to advance policies and practices that contribute to women’s empowerment. To this end, the papers examine the varied ways in which women have individually and collectively responded to, shaped, negotiated, and been affected by national and international initiatives and processes.
45
Albrecht, Peter. "The Hybrid Authority of Sierra Leone’s Chiefs." African Studies Review 60, no. 3 (August 22, 2017): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.87.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:On the basis of a historical and ethnographic analysis, this article shows how the concept of hybridity can be used analytically to explore the emergence of paramount and lesser chiefs in Sierra Leone and their role as figures of authority at the local level and in national politics. At the same time, it critiques the ahistorical applications of the concept that are prevalent in peace and conflict studies. The article offers insight into the processes of hybridization that chiefs constitute, and are constituted by, as they draw on multiple sources of authority, including what one scholar calls their “extremely localized” sense of belonging, as well as the legislation of a centrally governed bureaucracy.
46
Raleigh, Clionadh, and Kars De Bruijne. "Where Rebels Dare to Tread." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 6 (September 11, 2015): 1230–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603767.
Full textAbstract:
This analysis illustrates how violence patterns are shaped by local power concentrations. Disaggregated conflict analysis has led to major advances into understanding conflict trends, agents, and dynamics of violence but has not been matched by studies of disaggregated politics, in particular on the subnational level. This analysis details how conflict event location, frequency, and intensity is largely determined by levels of customary authority and development; while armed group bases and control networks are established in areas characterized by weak, co-opted local authorities, wealth generation possibilities, and proximity to other network nodes. This demonstrates that dominant opposition groups co-opt local elites and target those who cannot be easily co-opted or belong to alternative networks. Manifestations of conflict are therefore not well explained by the typically static resource, poverty, or state capacity measures. Local politics and customary authority determine where government, rebels, and militias dare to tread. Sierra Leone Local–Location Event Dataset—a new disaggregated data set on the Sierra Leone war and local source feature of Armed Conflict Location and Event Data—provides substantial evidence for our subnational conflict explanations.
47
Howarth, Kathryn. "The Special Court for Sierra Leone – Fair Trials and Justice for the Accused and Victims." International Criminal Law Review 8, no. 3 (2008): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181208x308745.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the issues of a "fair trial" and "justice" at the Special Court for Sierra Leone. It considers these issues in a broad sense, from both the perspective of the accused and the victims, through the exploration of three specific topics: first, the idea of prosecuting "those bearing greatest responsibility" for crimes committed during the conflict in Sierra Leone, second, the first prosecution of the crime of recruiting child soldiers, and third, the first prosecution of forced marriage.
48
Richards, Paul. "Against ethnicity." Focaal 2009, no. 54 (June 1, 2009): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.540101.
Full textAbstract:
Ethnicity—once the preserve of anthropologists and folklorists studying disappearing tribal and peasant cultures—has become an important element in the models and explanations of a broader community of social scientists seeking to comprehend post-Cold War social disorder. But is ethnicity equivalent to variables such as resource competition or poverty? Ethnicity can be viewed as an epiphenomenon. The argument has major consequences for the way ethnic conflicts are analyzed and resolved. The article considers neo-Durkheimian conceptual tools for uncovering mechanisms generative of ethnic epiphenomena, and explores a neo-Durkheimian approach to conflict resolution. Specifically, Mary Douglas's ideas on ring composition are extended to include the ethnomusicological project of the Hungarian composer Béla Bartók, and then applied to epiphenomena emerging from the protracted civil conflict in the West African country of Sierra Leone.
49
Koyame, Mungbalemwe. "United Nations Resolutions and the Struggle to Curb the Illicit Trade in Conflict Diamonds in Sub-Saharan Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 1, no. 2 (2005): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736020.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the extent to which revenues from the trade in rough diamonds have funded civil war in African countries and the difficulties encountered by the United Nations in putting an end to it. As case studies, the article considers the conflicts in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sierra Leone where the illicit trade in rough diamonds, also referred to as “conflict diamonds” or “blood diamonds,” provided most of the funds used by rebel groups in their war efforts. The article further examines the role played by the diamond industry, the international community and diamond importing countries such as the United States and Belgium in the trade of conflict diamonds. The article concludes that several resolutions passed by the United Nations Security Council concerning “conflict diamonds” were at times not successful because of indifference on the part of the international community.
50
Lambourne, Wendy. "Towards Sustainable Peace and Development in Sierra Leone: Civil Society and the Peacebuilding Commission." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 4, no. 2 (September 2008): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2008.630221763481.
Full textAbstract:
The Sierra Leone civil war that ended in January 2002 was particularly brutal and left the country economically devastated. Four-and-a-half years later, Sierra Leone was selected as one of two countries to receive focussed attention from the newly created United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). The PBC is mandated to support post-conflict recovery and sustainable development with the participation of all relevant stakeholders, including civil society. Drawing on field research and theories of sustainable peacebuilding and the role of civil society, this paper assesses the PBC's performance in Sierra Leone in its first year of operation. The article concludes that the PBC needs to clarify its priorities in relation to civil society participation in order to fulfil its potential to assist governments in promoting sustainable peace and development.