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Books on the topic 'SiGe, Segregation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Clotfelter, Charles T. Public school segregation in metropolitan areas. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1998.

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2

Poston, Ted. The dark side of Hopkinsville: Stories. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1991.

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3

Ananat, Elizabeth Oltmans. The wrong side(s) of the tracks: Estimating the causal effects of racial segregation on city outcomes. Cambridge, Mass: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.

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4

Ananat, Elizabeth Oltmans. The wrong side(s) of the tracks estimating the causal effects of racial segregation on city outcomes. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.

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5

Moore, Natalie Y. South Side: A Portrait of Chicago and American Segregation. St. Martin's Press, 2016.

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6

Moore, Natalie Y., and Allyson Johnson. The South Side: A Portrait of Chicago and American Segregation. Tantor Audio, 2016.

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7

The South Side: A Portrait of Chicago and American Segregation. Picador, 2017.

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8

The South Side: A portrait of Chicago and American segregation. St. Martin's Press, 2016.

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9

Geographies of Difference: The Social Production of the East Side, West Side, and Central City School (Intersections in Communications and Culture: Global ... and Transdisciplinary Perspectives). Peter Lang Publishing, 2006.

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10

Bronstein, Daniel. Segregation, Exclusion, and the Chinese Communities in Georgia, 1880s-1940. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037832.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the impact of various state apparatuses, including exclusion laws, on the little remarked but fascinating Chinese American merchant communities in Atlanta, Augusta, and Savannah, Georgia. Federal Chinese Exclusion laws established a highly selective exemption system designed to prevent most Chinese from entering and reentering the United States. The law explicitly barred the first-time entry of laborers but allowed Chinese to come over as merchants, students, government officials, teachers, and U.S.-born citizens. Since most Chinese in Augusta were in the grocery business, they were allowed to travel under the exempted merchant category and their wives and children as merchant dependents. As such, Augusta's Chinese community grew in size and became one of the largest Chinese communities in the South before 1965.

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11

Knapp, Courtney Elizabeth. Constructing the Dynamo of Dixie. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469637273.001.0001.

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What can local histories of interracial conflict and collaboration teach us about the potential for urban equity and social justice in the future? Courtney Elizabeth Knapp chronicles the politics of gentrification and culture-based development in Chattanooga, Tennessee, by tracing the roots of racism, spatial segregation, and mainstream “cosmopolitanism” back to the earliest encounters between the Cherokee, African Americans, and white settlers. For more than three centuries, Chattanooga has been a site for multiracial interaction and community building; yet today public leaders have simultaneously restricted and appropriated many contributions of working-class communities of color within the city, exacerbating inequality and distrust between neighbors and public officials. Knapp suggests that “diasporic placemaking”—defined as the everyday practices through which uprooted people create new communities of security and belonging—is a useful analytical frame for understanding how multiracial interactions drive planning and urban development in diverse cities over time. By weaving together archival, ethnographic, and participatory action research techniques, she reveals the political complexities of a city characterized by centuries of ordinary resistance to racial segregation and uneven geographic development.

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12

Hawkins, J. Russell. The Bible Told Them So. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197571064.001.0001.

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The Bible Told Them So explains why southern white evangelical Christians in South Carolina resisted the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. Simply put, they believed the Bible told them so. Interpreting the Bible in such a way, these white Christians entered the battle against the civil rights movement certain that God was on their side. Ultimately, the civil rights movement triumphed in the 1960s and, with its success, fundamentally transformed American society. But such a victory did little to change southern white evangelicals’ theological commitment to segregation and white supremacy. Rather than abandoning their segregationist theology in the second half of the 1960s, white evangelicals turned their focus on institutions they still controlled—churches, homes, denominations, and private colleges and secondary schools—and fought on. Despite suffering defeat in the public sphere, white evangelicals continued to battle for their own institutions, preaching and practicing a segregationist Christianity they continued to believe reflected God’s will. Increasingly caught in the tension between their sincere beliefs that God desired segregation and their reticence to vocalize such ideas for fear of seeming bigoted or intolerant by the late 1960s, southern white evangelicals eventually embraced rhetoric of colorblindness and protection of the family as measures to maintain both segregation and respectable social standing. Such a strategy spread throughout the evangelical subculture and set southern white evangelicals on a detrimental path for race relations in the decades ahead.

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13

Dodge, Mary. Women. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935383.013.108.

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Women appear as white-collar offenders with far less frequency than do men, despite a contemporary workplace that offers more opportunities for female crime. High-level corporate positions for women that are conducive to elite deviance, however, remain relatively rare. Research on whether women are committing more white-collar crimes is inconclusive. On the victimization side of the equation, evidence is less equivocal. Both women and men are victimized by white-collar crime, but the nature of victimization is gendered. For some types of fraud, particularly reproductive medicine, women are more likely to be targets for illegal or unethical behavior. Occupational segregation increases the relative victimization risks for men and women in unique ways. This essay provides an in-depth exploration of female offending and victimization in occupational and corporate crime.

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14

Hanson, Annette L. Clinical and legal implications of gangs. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780199360574.003.0058.

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Gangs are a fact of life in jails and prisons. The extent and impact of gang activity on a facility will depend upon the size and geographic location of the facility. Smaller jails and prisons, or facilities in rural areas, are more likely to be involved with local or regional groups, also known as street gangs, while large facilities in urban areas will be affected more by nationally known or connected gangs. One survey of Florida prisoners found that inmates who were suspected or confirmed gang members were 35% more likely to commit violent acts than non-members. In a study of 2,158 male inmates in the Arizona Department of Corrections, gang-affiliated inmates were more than twice as likely as nonaffiliated inmates to commit an assault during the first three years of confinement Since institutional management often involves restriction of privileges, placement on long-term segregation, or transfer to a control unit prison, advocacy groups and individual inmates have filed suit against these policies based on First and Eighth Amendment, religious freedom, and anti-discrimination claims. Gang validation procedures themselves have been challenged as arbitrary and inaccurate, leading to inappropriate segregation or restrictions on prisoners who have exhibited no institutional violence. Psychiatrists need to be aware of the dynamics of gang leadership, membership or involvement when working with any gang member, as that will affect their ability and interest in collaborative treatment. These issues and best practices for intervention will be presented in this chapter.

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15

McRae, Elizabeth Gillespie. Citizenship Education for a Segregated Nation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190271718.003.0003.

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In the 1920s from Athens, Georgia, Mildred Lewis Rutherford called on white southerners to ensure that the public school maintained racial segregation and the curriculum provided a white supremacist citizenship education. She encouraged white women, the United Daughters of the Confederacy, and the United Confederate Veterans to monitor public education and to make public schools a site for the reproduction of white supremacy. If Jim Crow represented the wisdom of the age, then educators were the political nurturers of the system, and children were the repositories of their efforts. White women did their job. They censored textbooks, promoted Confederate-friendly interpretations of the Civil War, conducted essay contests, offered programs to public schoolteachers, and lobbied state textbook selection committees. They also joined Margaret Robinson and other anti-radical women across the nation to promote Americanization. White segregationist women guaranteed that white children learned the lessons of Jim Crow citizenship.

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16

Schwartz, Alex. Public Housing and Vouchers. Edited by Daniel Béland, Kimberly J. Morgan, and Christopher Howard. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199838509.013.005.

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Public housing and rental vouchers constitute two distinct forms of housing subsidy in the United States. Public housing, the nation’s oldest housing program for low-income renters provides affordable housing to about 1.2 million households in developments ranging in size from a single unit to multibuilding complexes with hundreds of apartments. The Housing Choice Voucher Program, founded more than 35 years after the start of public housing is now the nation’s largest rental subsidy program. It enables around 2 million low-income households to rent privately owned housing anywhere in the country. Although both programs provide low-income households with “deep” subsidies that ensure they spend no more than 30 percent of their adjusted income on rent, and both are operated by local public housing authorities, they offer distinct advantages and disadvantages. This chapter reviews and compares the two programs, examining their design, evolution, and strengths and weaknesses, including issues of racial segregation and concentrated poverty.

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