Journal articles on the topic 'Sigismund of Luxemburg'

On some aspects of the diplomatic traffic between the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order and Emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg The diplomatic traffic between the Grand Master of the Teutnic Order and Emperor Sigismund of Luxembourg was carried out according to the common practices of diplomacy in late medieval Europe. Nevertheless, this topic deserves further exploration due to Sigismund’s efforts to impose suzerainty upon the Grand Master and the Teutonic Knights. This issue influenced their mutual relations after Sigismund’s election as Roman-German King in 1410/1411. There are numerous surviving sources, especially in the archive of the Teutonic Order in Berlin (GStA PK), such as legation’s instruction, dispatches and, last but not least, the political correspondence between the Grand Master and Emperor Sigismund. These sources can shed light not only on the complicated diplomatic relation between above-mentioned two entities, but also, due to richness of their content, on late medieval diplomacy in general. Based upon the research findings by Klaus Neitmann, who explored the Order’s legation exclusively, this paper tries to expand the field of research by including the legations of Sigismund. From this perspective only several selected aspects of the topic are examined in the study: 1) defining a legation (foreign mission) and its characteristic features; 2) the diplomatic traffic between the Grand Master and Sigismund of Luxembourg from a prosopographical perspective; and 3) the personal composition and communication at the court of Sigismund. The richness of sources makes new questions possible concerning not only this specific diplomatic traffic, but also late medieval diplomacy in general as well. However, the definite answers might be delivered after compiling a thorough list of all legations from both sides, which in light of the large number of primary sources must be reserved for another study.

Nicolaus von Redewitz – the Teutonic Order’s diplomat and informant in the court of Sigismund of Luxembourg At the end of 1422, Sigismund of Luxembourg, King of Hungary and Holy Roman Emperor, allowed the Teutonic Order to have a permanent diplomatic representation in his court, in the person of Nicolaus von Redewitz. This was related to the fact that from the beginning of the 1420s, the Ottoman Empire posed an increasingly serious threat to the southern borders of Hungary again, and Sigismund wanted to win over the Order for the fight against the Turks. Arriving in the court of the king, von Redewitz kept the Grand Master of the order informed of Sigismund’s political plans, decisions, negotiations, military actions against the Turks, and all-important events. A recurring theme in his letters was the king’s urge that the Order take on the defence of the southern borders of the Hungarian Kingdom. In return, he first offered the Grand Master the Burzenland in Southern Transylvania, from where Andrew II, King of Hungary, expelled the Order in 1225, then the Banate of Severin by the lower Danube. Following long negotiations, at the end of July 1429, a few Teutonic Knights arrived in Hungary. These knights did not undertake the armed protection of the southern borders, only its organisation. Sigismund entrusted the management of twenty-one fortresses and military watch-posts to the Knights, who envisioned the reinforcement of the defence with the involvement of mercenaries. However, the Hungarian Treasury was unable to provide the expenses for this plan. When, at the end of the summer of 1432, the Turks launched an attack at the lower Danube, they managed to occupy three fortresses under the control of the Order. Recognising that the Order’s idea of the protection of the borders is impossible to finance, at the end of 1434, Sigismund agreed to the gradual return of the Teutonic Knights who had arrived in Hungary in 1429 to Prussia.

In 1433, Sigismund of Luxemburg, King of Hungary founded a new monastery for the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit. The monastery was consecrated to the title of the king’s dynastic saint: St Sigismund, the Burgundian king. The newly founded monastery became filia of the Monastery of St Michael of Toronyalja. After the death of King Sigismund (1437) the church depopulated soon. Although John Hunyadi attempted to populate the monastery with Carmelites, but the monks did not arrive. By the 16th century, the monastery was ruined, the only monument of it was a mill near to Verőce. According to the most recent literature and a so-called diploma of Agaune, the location of the monastery marked in the centres of the settlements of Kisoroszi or Verőce, however the ruin of it have not been identified yet. Thus, the present study aims to analyse the precedes of the foundation, and seeks to answer the following question: what role played the monastery of St Sigismund in the reorganisation process of the churches of Visegrád? At the same time, the paper analyses the sources of the history of the monastery and its accessories as well as to focus on other possible area of location, Hévkúterdeje, which neighbouring the Monasteries of Nosztra and Toronyalja.

AbstractBy the beginning of the fifteenth century, European commercial centers had already been filled with trading colonies founded by Florentine merchants. A few of them settled down for life in their host country, developing economic and social ties with local families. During Sigismund of Luxemburg’s reign (r. 1387-1437) as King of Hungary only a handful of these merchants achieved political positions. Undoubtedly the most fortunate among these Florentine citizens was Filippo di Stefano Scolari, known as Pippo Spano (c. 1369-1426), who was granted the significant honor of becoming a member of a small inner circle in the royal court. This article argues that the special status attained by Florentines in Hungarian politics and economy during the first three decades of the fifteenth century can be attributed largely to Pippo Spano’s influence. As cultural mediators, Pippo Spano and his family helped to facilitate relations between their native Florence and their adopted home. This case study focuses on the Scolari family’s migration to the Hungarian Kingdom in order to explore on a small scale the possible push-pull factors of migration flow and its impact on the relationship between the Florentine Republic and the Hungarian Kingdom.

Sigismund of Luxemburg, King of Hungary spent much time journeying abroad. His “itinerant” court visited diverse places from Istria to Wallachia. The members of his entourage, mainly a new generation of homo novus lords, escorted him from the Aachen (1414) to the Rome (1433) coronations and were active in foreign service. This article reconstructs the itinerant entourage mostly during the Council of Constance (1414–18). It also aims to explore which “core” members of the retinue accompanied the king most of the time and show that there emerged an inner circle commissioned with special tasks. As an evidentiary control sample, the article uses Sigismund’s second period of journeys (1430–1434). There will be two further pieces of corresponding evidence examined, a list enumerated by Eberhard Windecke (1422) and a 1430 Nuremberg register. In order to give a descriptive list, the range of the available sources undergo a methodological analysis (direct and indirect evidence: royal letters and commissions; safe conducts; charters issued in personis and in praesentibus; armales and ius gladii donations; prorogatio and papal supplicatio documents; chancery writs signing someone’s relatio; narrative and iconographic sources). A possible reconstruction of Sigismund’s retinue is given in an appendix, on the grounds of which one may conclude that the king had a special company by his side. The presence of “a Constance group” was constant in the 1420s–30s. There are some “permanently” serving families. A nucleus was being formulated, remaining together from Aachen to Rome.

Abstract In late spring 1398, the noble judges of the Inner Szolnok County rejected John Toth as the legal representative of Stephen I, voivode of Moldavia. Toth (i.e. the Slav/ Slovak, chiefly in later centuries) was in fact merely the procurator of Stephen’s appointed procurator (representative), a certain John, the son of Costea. Mircea I the Elder, the voivode of Wallachia, was experiencing similar legal problems at the time in the Voivodate of Tran-sylvania. In January 1399, his procurator, Nicholas Dobokai of Luduş, the son of Ladislas Dobokai (the relative of Mircea’s step-uncle, Wladislaw I Vlaicu), had to admit he did not know the exact boundaries of the estate of the Hunyad castle, recently granted by Sigismund of Luxemburg to Mircea. The two documents, almost trivial in essence, point towards two neglected issues: the first Transylvanian estates granted by a king of Hungary to a voivode of Moldavia and to the transalpine origins of the Hunyadi family. Placed in the context of other edited and unedited sources (charters and chronicles), the documents in question provide new perspectives on the beginnings and actions of famed Wallachian personalities of the next century.

On Christmas Eve 1402, Hungarian noblemen gathered in the Cathedral of Nagyvárad, where St. Ladislas’ tomb was located, and swore an oath on the holy king’s relics. They proclaimed thus their allegiance to King Ladislas of Naples and conspired against the ruling King Sigis mund of Luxemburg. By swearing an oath on St. Ladislas’ relics, the conspirators united their minds and forces around the ideal figure of the holy king and knight who became the symbol of a political cause and the embodiment of the kingdom which King Sigismund was no longer suited to represent. The symbolic gesture of oath-swearing on St. Ladislas’ relics took place in the midst of a three-year political crisis (1401–1403) that seized the Kingdom of Hungary as a consequence of the barons’ dissatisfaction with King Sigismund’s measures, which jeopardized their wealth and political influence. By relying on both written accounts and visual sources, the present paper examines the utilizing by Hungarian noblemen during this political crisis of important political and spiritual symbols associated with the Kingdom of Hungary. These included: the cults, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas, the Hungarian Holy Crown, or the kingdom’s heraldry. The propagandistic usage of these spiritual and political symbols was reinforced by their insertion into elaborated rituals and symbolic actions, such as coronations or oath-swearing on relics. By activating the link between secular and religious spheres through these rituals and symbolic actions, their performers hoped to attract the divine approval. By discussing such instances, the present paper seeks to illustrate how the ideal figure of St. Ladislas became the catalyzing force behind a political cause.

During the 1401–1403 political crisis in the Kingdom of Hungary, the magnates who were hostile to the ruling King Sigismund of Luxemburg and supported instead the Angevin King Ladislas of Naples deployed a wide range of propaganda tools for proving the legitimacy of their political cause. In a previous study published in this journal (Vestnik of SPbSU. History, 2021, vol. 66, issue 1, рp. 179–192), I have focused on the Hungarian noblemen’s anti-royal propaganda through the utilizing of political and spiritual symbols (i. e., the Holy Crown of Hungary and the cult, relics, and visual representations of St. Ladislas), symbolic actions (coronations and oath-swearing on holy relics), and heraldic self-representation (the Árpádian double cross). The present study approaches the same topic of anti-royal propaganda in the troubled political context of the early 15th century, but from the perspective of the elites’ self-representation strategies via the cult of Hungarian royal saints, artistic patronage, and heraldic self-representation. The two leaders of the anti-royal movement, Archbishop of Esztergom John Kanizsai and Palatine of Hungary Detre Bebek, repeatedly commissioned works of art (i.e., seals, stained-glass windows, and wall paintings) which featured prominently the images of the three Holy Kings of Hungary (Sts Stephen, Emeric, and Ladislas) or displayed the realm’s coat of arms (the Árpádian two-barred cross). The reliance of John Kanizsai and Detre Bebek on the cults and images of the patron saints of the country blended harmoniously the commissioners’ personal piety with their political ambitions. In the context of the early-15th century political crisis, the appropriation of the ideal figures of the sancti reges Hungariae became the driving force behind the Hungarian noblemen’s political cause.

It is a well-known fact in research that medieval German rulers also used river routes during their travels. In recent years, however, there has been an increasingly in-depth and comprehensive investigation of the actual rivers to which and the periods of time from which the imperial river cruises can be traced. The question of whether the waterway or land route was preferred when approaching the riverbankshas also been raised by a more recent researchers. Obviously, late medieval source materials provide more information on this issue, thus the reign of Sigismund of Luxembourg can also be covered by this field of research. By examining King Sigismund's travels on the Rhine it can be stated that the monarch took a boat wherever he could on the middle and upper reaches of the Rhineland, regardless of the direction of the river, unless his governmental policy required him to leave the Rhine. On the Constance-Basel route, however, he did not necessarily take advantage of the opportunities for navigation, and it seems that he sometimes opted for land travel. However, the characteristics of sources from the Sigismund period does not allow us to perform quantitative studies that would allow us to show the percentage difference between the frequency of land and water transport. The meeting of the royal couple in 1414 - following the realisation of Sigismund's political intentions - was also organised in the Rhine region, and instead of the monarch waiting for the arrival of his wife from the Kingdom of Hungary in Nuremberg, they started to travel together only from the Middle Rhine region. Furthermore, it appears that their 'joint' journeys were often combined with parallel journeys, and that the royal couple might have been further apart from one another for a certain period of time as they opted for different transport arrangements. It is assumed that in such cases the queen remained on the water for as long as possible. The meeting place could then either be the end of the river cruise or, as in the case of Frankfurt, a station of major importance from the poin of view of the representation of the monarch.

This research suggests an interpretation of the reasons behind the Byzantine attack on the Turkish fort of Gallipoli in spring 1410. The citadel that controlled Dardanelles was attacked by a squadron of eight ships. This operation is considered not successful. However, there are reasons to consider that initially Greeks did not plan to take the town. The search for the proofs should be in the sphere of international relations. In the period in question, the Byzantine policy was influenced by contradictions between Venice and Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxembourg concerning Dalmatia. Their interests were also connected with Gallipoli, so the question of the status of the fort could only aggravate their relations. The incipient conflict was dangerous for Byzantium. The Turkish factor was also important in this conflict: one more time, it turned against Byzantium and did not allow it to maintain the peace with the Ottomans concluded in 1403. The Byzantine emperor’s reaction to the crisis can be considered as an attempt of meditation by renewal of the treaty with the Turks, with participation of Western states. The main problem was king Sigismund’s position: a contact with him became necessary. In spring 1410, Byzantine diplomats along with the Pope prepared conditions for the meeting with the Hungarian ambassador in Italy. However, Sigismund’s desirable reaction followed just after the Byzantine attack on Gallipoli. From the analysis of the facts and chronology, there are reasons to conclude that the military operation in question was planned specifically to provoke the king to negotiations, which took place in Bologna in June of the same year.

This paper examines the connections of the Byzantine Empire and the Latin West on the eve of the Council of Constance. This Council has been analysed in the context of the conflict of King Sigismund of Luxembourg and the Republic of Venice. The project of the church council appeared in order to solve the conflict with the Roman pope as the mediator. Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos had the same interest as the European conflict was accompanied with Sigismund’s attempt of arranging an anti-Ottoman crusade. However, the King’s idea of an anti-Turk alliance contradicts to the interests of Byzantium which tried to keep neutrality under the current conditions. The author suggests that the Byzantine Emperor’s real aim was to assist the pope’s intermediary mission. Their contact was possible as negotiations concerning the church union. Byzantine diplomatist Manuel Chrysoloras’ visit to Constance has been analysed from the said standpoint. The situation was complicated by the fact that the prerequisites for solving the conflict of Western powers did not develop before the Council started. Therefore, the discussion of the Latin schism became topical at the Council of Constance, and the deposition of the Antipope John XXIII became inevitable. Thus, the solution of the problem facing the Greeks was postponed until the election of a new Roman pontiff.

During the rule of Sigismund I of Luxembourg, relatively stable gold coins (ducats) and several types of silver coins of different denominations were produced in Hungary. In the entire period, three basic types of deniers were struck in the following time spans: 1387–1389 (H 575), 1390–1427 (H 576) and 1427–1437 (H 578). The second type was very quickly affected by inflation, and possibly because of this process, the third type has replaced it. Besides deniers, also other small denominations have been produced, e.g. parvi struck in 1387–1427 with silver content of some 35.3 %. The ducats struck in 1427–1430 represent other small coins of low quality (18.1 % of silver). After the moment when their production had stopped, Sigismund I started to produce the coins of the lowest quality – quartings – in 1430–1437. Their content of silver was 12.5 % only. The quartings were also affected by inflation soon, which was reflected by their rate in relation to the ducats.

Up to these days, there has only been minor inves-tigation on the grounds of the late castle next to Kereki. Dur-ing the excavations, a small amount of stove tile fragments was found, but the pieces are, however, rather significant. Most of the stove tiles can be traced back to the time of Si-gismund of Luxembourg, but stoves were built here in the second half of the 15th century, and even in the 16th century. Based on the findings, a theoretical reconstruction of the tiled stove from the time of Sigismund is also possible.

Introduction. The article is aimed at studying the negotiations on the Greek-Latin Church Union at the Church Councils in Constance (1414–1418) and Basel (1431–1449), which were the predecessors of the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438–1439) in this matter. Since they were generated by internal processes in the Latin West, they originally had not direct relationship to Byzantium. Methods and materials. The reason for the appeal of Councils to the problem of the Church Union should be sought in the field of Western international policy. It acted here as a tool for solving political problems by different actors. Analysis. At the Council of Constance the discussion of the Greek-Latin Union was initiated by Poland and Lithuania, who used it as a means of political propaganda against the Teutonic Order. The Council of Basel subsequently entered into direct negotiations with Byzantium. The reason for this was at first internecine strife in the Duchy of Lithuania, which interfered with Poland, the Teutonic Order and King Sigismund. The Council initiated consideration of the Church Union in order to support the Lithuanian Duke Švitrigaila in the struggle for the throne. As a result Byzantium was included also in the negotiations with the Council of Basel. But in 1435 Švitrigaila was defeated in the clash with Poland and its ally Duke Sigismund Kęstutaitis. This defeat undermined the influence of Sigismund of Luxembourg at the Council of Basel. The King began his rapprochement with the Pope and Venice, and the Council of Basel was influenced by their political rivals, such as Milan and France. The theme of the Church Union at the Council became an instrument of struggle for political interests between these groups of political subjects. As a result, the struggle led to sharp disputes over the choice of the place for the Greek-Latin Council. The main options were Italy and French Avignon. The Byzantines chose the first option. But Byzantium was not the subject of the policy that created the situation of this choice. In the West this policy has led to significant changes. Results. The results of the negotiations on the Church Union at the Council of Basel displayed the fall of the role of imperial policy in the Latin West, which was represented by the King and Emperor Sigismund Luxembourg. The Empire was losing control of Italy. The result was the withdrawal of the papacy from its influence and the strengthening of Venice. Their union stood behind the Council of Ferrara-Florence. Outside Italy this Council has not received recognition.

In process of preparation of publication focused on the Hungarian medieval ducats from the collection of the National Museum, information about unknown and unpublished finds appeared in the archive documents of the Numismatic Department. Documentation talks about three Hungarian ducats struck under Sigismud I of Luxembourg (1387–1437) found at the following locations: 1) Nice (France, found before 1870 – one ducat produced in Buda in 1411); 2) Hronov (Náchod distr., found in bulwark of the local hillfort in spring 1899 – one ducat of the same type as the previous coin); 3) unknown Bohemian locality (possibly a part of a larger dispersed hoard – one ducat struck in Kremnitz in 1436–1437 and one ducat from Holland struck in 1747).

The article covers international and diplomatic aspects of the conflict of Sigismund of Luxembourg, the King of Hungary and the Romans, and the Republic of Venice in 1411—1413. Venetian claims to Dalmatia that nominally belonged to the Hungarian Crown were the formal reason of the conflict. The article notices that the main battleground was in Italia, not Dalmatia. The author thereupon concludes that the actual factor of the events was the competition between Italian states. But contrary to the traditional opinion the researcher assigns the part of the main power that competed with Venice to Florence, not Genoa. In the early fifteenth century it entered into the struggle for the outlet to the sea and sought the extension of its influence for account of new trade lines that connected the Mediterranean with Central and North Europe. Meanwhile, the head-on clash of the republics was ruled out because their relations guaranteed them both the safety of the political balance of Italy and the defence of the peninsula from external actions. But Florence could force Venice by the manipulation by the Italian policy of the King Sigismund. The instrument of the pressure was the potential union of the King and the Pope John XXIII. It was the interests of Florence that made it possible to explain the reason that kept them from direct official contacts. The investigation of the nature of the conflict reveals also its indirect connection with historical events related to West European states, Poland, the Teutonic Order, the Byzantine Empire, the Ottomans and the Golden Horde.

Abstract The hoard was discovered before Christmas in 1928 during additional demolition of the foundations of the Jewish hospital, under its foundations, very close to the Jewish cemetery in Prague-Josefov. It used to consist of at least 33 gold coins in a clay bowl. Thirty two coins are represented by the Hungarian ducats struck under Sigismund I of Luxembourg (1387–1437) in Buda (18 pcs), Kremnice (Kremnitz, 7 pcs), Košice (Cassovia, 6 pcs) and Velká Baňa (Nagybánya, 1 pc) before 1430, and one coin is English noble struck under Edward III (1327–1377) in Calais. The hoard is one of three known hoards from Prague with gold issues dating back to the pre-Jagiellon period. It was hidden under the wall of the building in place where the Jewish settlement expanded. The owners of the house – of various origins – changed quickly, and since 1440, the building has been owned continuously by the Jewish community. In time of the burial of the hoard, the house was very likely owned by the Prague brewmaster called Hanuško from Prague (1418–1429/1431, 1440) or by the saddler called Václav Paznehtík (1429/1431–before 1433). The hoard was not reported by the finders, the police detected them soon, and they were brought to the court and sentenced to jail. The National Museum bought the part of the hoard for the numismatic collection in 1930.

In the middle and second half of the 14th century, significant territorial changes took place in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The old political structures, which by that time had outlived their usefulness, were replaced by new ones: the revived Kingdom of Poland, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and the Moldavian principality. These changes took place in a fierce struggle, with confrontations on the battlefield giving way to confrontations on the diplomatic front. In addition to the above-mentioned political formations, the Hungarian king also had an important place in this struggle. Louis the Great of Anjou at one time united the Hungarian and Polish crown into his own hands, after the death of Casimir the Great Polish king who had no male offspring. The Moldovan rulers took advantage of the international political conjuncture in this space, who skillfully conducted their foreign policy based on the principle of the balance of power. First, the problem of heredity in Poland and then in the Hungarian kingdom itself undoubtedly contributed to the strengthening of a still very young state that appeared in the middle of the 14th century, first as a Hungarian march, and which was tasked with moving eastward, and then as an independent state. However, at that time, every political entity had a suzerain, which gave him the right to exist. Vasal addiction varied from case to case. In turn, when such an opportunity arose, the Moldovan rulers could change their overlords based on political interest. In this, they used the strength and power of the Lithuanian princes. At first, being in allied relations with the Koriatovichs, the Moldovan rulers strengthened their state, and then, by the will of fate, they developed friendly relations with Vitovt / Alexander and tried not to spoil relations with him, participating in those planned through the Grand Duke of Lithuania. A special test for the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was the war with the Teutonic Order, which broke out in 1409. The Moldavian soldiers again took part in the Battle of Grunwald in 1410. However, the problem was that the Teutons were supported by the Hungarian king, Sigismund of Luxembourg, who wanted to return the Hungarian influence in Moldova. Thus, the Moldavian principality was drawn into the tangle of international relations in this area where the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was of great importance.

The medieval settlement on the Rudnik Mountain was established, most probably, in the final decades of the 13th century. Soon it evolved into one of the best known mining and commercial centres in the Serbian state and reached its peak during the 14th and in the first half of the 15th century. The importance of Rudnik in the medieval period is confirmed by numerous material traces in the field. The most important discoveries in the course of archaeological investigations carried out since 2009 have been encountered in the area called Drenje, not far from the centre of the town of Rudnik (figs. 1, 2).Three churches (two Orthodox and one Roman Catholic), as well as many profane structures dated to the time of a thriving medieval Rudnik have so far been discovered. It indicates that in that area are the remains of the main settlement and the medieval market place of Rudnik, known from written sources. Among other structures at the site of Drenje, in the garden of S. Markovi}, the remains of rather a large building consisting, according to present data, of at least two rooms, have been investigated during the past three years (fig. 3). Important for dating the structure is a coin of the Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxembourg (1387-1437), discovered on the floor. Traces of an earlier phase of life were encountered under the structure (fig. 5). Coins have been found in two earlier pits. In the soil inside pit 11 a coin of the Hungarian king Charles Robert (1308-1342) was found, while in the top level of pit 2 a coin attributed to Prince Lazar (around 1370-1389) was found. Also from pit 2 came a, so far, unique archaeological find in our territory. It has been explained as a seal-die used for producing seals (fig, 7, 8). The representation in the central field and the contents of the inscription bear witness to the fact that the seal-die belonged to Prince Lazar. A helmet with bull horns engraved on the front side is understood to be the coat of arms of Prince Lazar, also used by his successors. The central field is surrounded by two concentric circles and between them is a circular inscription (fig. 9): + SI ? HARB GDNA KNEZA LAZARA SVE SRBSKE ZEMLE Translation of the inscription: + this is the grace of Lord Prince Lazar of the whole Serbian lands A seal stamped using the seal-die from Rudnik has not yet been found. The content of the inscription on the Rudnik sealdie is also quite unusual and unique. The word har? is translated to mean grace, a word that has not been recorded on any other stamp to date. On the other hand, the word grace has a distinct meaning in Serbian charters, denoting the legal activity of specific contents by which the ruler awarded nobles, the Church, market-towns, etc. The ruler?s grace as a legal act of distinct content must have been apparent and public and, as evidence of this grace, there would have been a distinct document. The very word grace is used in the documents as the name for a legal public document by which rulers ?created grace?, ?made grace? or allowed something by their grace. Taking this into account, it could be concluded that any seal stamped with the Rudnik sealdie as a means of notarisation of the document confirmed that the document represented the ruler?s grace in the sense of a valid legal public document. Considering the shape and size of the seal-die, it could be ascribed to the seal-die group for which it is characteristic that the seal was obtained not by impressing the seal-die in wax but by pressing the wax onto the seal-die, disregarding whether it was an applied or hanging seal. Supporting this assumption is the existence of small notches in the bottom corners of the Rudnik seal-die that were most probably used for connecting to the top part, making possible a better stamping of the seal, possibly even allowing the seal to have representations on both sides. The seal-die is dated from the time of Lazar?s rule over Rudnik, between 1373 and 1389. Mentioned in the inscription is the rule of Prince Lazar over all Serbian lands, suggesting that the date of the seal-die could be fixed in the final decade of Lazar?s life. It was most probably buried in 1390, during the time of King Sigismund?s attack on Serbia. One of the most important theatres of war in that campaign was the Rudnik region.

The topic of this paper is one aspect of the relationship between Serbia and Byzantium at the beginning of the 15th Century, during the so-called "despot period" of the reign of Stefan Lazarevic (1402-1427), namely the fate of the Byzantine title of Despots' in Serbia against the background of the political situation in the Balkans at the time of Turkish domination. Knez Stefan (1377-1427), Knez Lazar's son, received the title of Despotes according to the procedure long ago established at the Byzantine Court. In Byzantium, this title, which was second in rank only to the title of the Emperor, used to be endowed to the relatives of the imperial dynasty, it was not hereditary and did not depend on the territory ruled by the bearer of the title. It was a personal court title of the highest rank in Byzantium. This honor was bestowed upon the young Knez Stefan in summer of 1402 after his return from the battlefield of Angora (Ankara), where Sultan Beyazid I suffered a disastrous defeat from the hands of the Tatars. The Serbian Knez was solemnly received in Constantinople, a marriage between himself and a sister of the Byzantine Empress was arranged and John VII Palaeologus, the co-regent of the then-absent Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, endowed him with the title of Despotes. Knez Stefan carried this title till the end of his life. It was held in great honors in Serbia and was broadened in meaning to designate a ruler's title in general, remaining alive among the Serbs even after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Stefan Lazarevic received the dignity of a Despotes once more, in 1410 in Constantinople. All this notwithstanding, the political situation in the South-East of Europe at the beginning of the 15th Century was all but favorable. Some Christian states were conquered by the Turks (Bulgaria), some were vassals of the Sultan (Byzantium, Serbia). Everything depended on the Ottomans. At the time of dynastic conflicts in the Turkish Empire (1403-1413) as well as afterwards, the political interests of Byzantium and Serbia were different, even at times contrary. What they had in common was the attempt to find allies in the West, especially among the countries which had an interest to fight against the Turks, so an initiative was raised to form a Christian League to that effect. Despot Stefan, in his capacity as a vassal of the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg, took part in the negotiations the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaelogus held in Buda with his host (1424). This was the last meeting of the Serbian Despotes with the Byzantine Emperor. The title of Despotes had changed with respect to the Byzantine norms. Despot Stefan became the Despotes of the Kingdom of Rascia (Raska), as the Kingdom of Serbia was called in the West. The personal title of the Byzantine Imperial Court was thus transformed in accordance with the non-Byzantine traditions of the Serbian political ideology. .

# e age of Sigismund of Luxembourg was one of the most representatives in the history of medieval Hungary, including in terms of ecclesiastical realities. If there is only little information for the Orthodox Church history, theCatholicism sources areenough to allow detailed analysis. A series of documentary information allowed survey therealities of the lowest tier of Catholic Church structures: parishes. Only for period 1387–1437 sources mentioned62 localities that had at least one Catholic parish. In urban areas, Cenad or Timisoara, the same sources indicatethe presence of several parish churches. Very important was how those parishes worked and how they interacted with society. As in many cases of medieval Hungary in Banat most of catholic churches are patronized by the elitenobility. Various members of the elite build or help to build the community church; they are involved in church maintenance and because of this right of patronage (ius patronatus) may lead the appointment of a priest whom they propose. # is analysis revealed that Catholic priests were involved in various aspect of social life. Most of the documentary mentions present the priests in confl ict situations with noblemen especially with Himfy family. # e study is followed by four documentary appendices, largely unpublished, which complete the information alreadyknown about the Catholic world of Banat.

The paper discussed four episodes from the medieval Serbian past when personal unions’ concept formed the basis for resolving complex regional diplomatic relations. The first two dates in King Milutin’s (1282–1321) and Stephen Dečanski`s (1321–1331) reigns. In both instances, the unification proposals came from Bulgaria. Furthermore, Sigismund von Luxembourg (1387–1437) acquired in 1394 the right to receive the Bosnian royal crown. With the decline of Hungarian influence in Bosnia, the prospects of realizing this bold plan lost momentum. The last case examines the prevailing circumstances that led to establishing a short-lived personal union between Bosnia and the Serbian Despotate 1458/1459.

This article presents the consequences of the establishment of the Crown of the Kingdom of Bohemia in 1348, which entailed the incorporation of Silesia with its rich and ambitious city of Wrocław. Initially, Wrocław posed many challenges for Prague, but over time, it became its competitor. The growing position of Wrocław in the Bohemian Crown stemmed from the legitimization of its rights to the Bohemian throne. Hence, Wrocław’s art and architecture of that time reveal many political undertones. In the winter of 1358/1359, the emperor chose Wrocław to ensure the succession of the Luxembourg secundogeniture. The birth of Wenceslaus IV in 1361 simplified the matter of succession. But when Charles IV’s younger son, Sigismund, was not accepted in Prague after his brother’s death in 1419, he took the Bohemian throne via Wrocław, calling it in 1420 “the second capital of his Rule and the source of law”.

Due to the small number of written documents available, the destiny of the Vaida family has not been researched comprehensively. Based on testimonies, various aspects can be reconstructed: the origin and names of the family members, family connections, real estate properties, dignities and functions and religion. Yet, it is more difficult to find information about their culture.For over a century and a half only 13 men and one woman are mentioned. e genealogy of the family can be traced back through 5 – 6 generations. e fortune of the family consists of 20 possessions scattered in Arad and Timiș counties. ey were sufficient to ensure the noble rank and living of the former family of Romanian voivodes.e social-political evolution of Banat in the the 15th century showed a complex nobility pattern, in a continuous dynamics and adaptation. Documents illustrate a rare example of successful transformation of a family belonging to the traditional Romanian elite into a noble lineage, fully integrated into the feudal/ medieval structure of the Hungarian Kingdom. e voivodes of Giarmath, as the other inhabitants of Banat and Transylvania, used all the opportunities and chances offered by the epoch in order to obtain a privileged status, the recognition of the inherited possessions or their multiplication using diverse methods.e factors which led to social ascension of the family were their military talent and administrative positions. e limited information from the chancellery acts from the middle of the 15th century firmly suggested that the loyalty and military courage gestures were rewarded by the royalty. e documents issued by the royal chancellery during Sigismund of Luxemburg’s rule and of his successors recognized courage, bloodshed and loyalty of Vaida nobles from Banat who had been participants, beside the king and other high officials, in the fights within the frontier area in the first half of the 15th century.e honour of these military, administrative, judicial privileges brought them material benefits and the increasing of the social prestige in the aristocracy’s ranges, but especially at the level of the Temes county where they came from. Participation in the general assemblies of the nobles is an example of the influence enjoyed by the family.After the Ottoman conquest of the Banat plain in the summer of 1552, the family lost their estates and left the province forever.

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