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5
Congress, Library of, ed. Temple of Liberty: Building the Capitol for a new nation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.
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Sang-in, Chŏn, ed. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Kyŏnggi-do Pʻaju-si: Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.
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Dierenfield, Bruce J., and David A. Gerber. Disability Rights and Religious Liberty in Education. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043208.001.0001.
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In 1988, Sandi and Larry Zobrest became agents in the struggle for disability rights when they sued a suburban Tucson, Arizona, school district to obtain public funding for the signed language interpreter their deaf son Jim needed in high school. Such funding would have been unproblematic under the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (later retitled the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act) if Jim went to a public high school, but they were intent on his attending a Roman Catholic school. The law was unclear on the legality of public money assisting students with disabilities to attend religiously affiliated schools, but it had long been a general principle of interpretation of the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment in the U.S. Supreme Court that governments must be cautious about dispensing public resources to religious institutions. Their successful lawsuit represents a classic American clash of rights. This history of the Zobrests’ lawsuit begins well before they went to court. The narrative extends back to Jim’s birth in 1974, a pediatrician’s diagnosis of deafness, and the efforts of his parents, who are not deaf, to seek resources for their son’s education prior to high school. It analyzes their desire to mainstream Jim for preparation for life in the hearing world, not in the Deaf community, and the succession of choices they made to that end.
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Harris, Nancy. La Campana De La Libertad/ the Liberty Bell (Símbolos Patrioticos/ Patriotic Symbols). Heinemann, 2007.
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17
Hieronimus, Robert, and Laura E. Cortner. Secret Life of Lady Liberty: Goddess in the New World. Inner Traditions International, Limited, 2016.
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18
La Estatua De La Libertad/ the Statue of Liberty (Sfmbolos Patrioticos/ Patriotic Symbols). Heinemann, 2008.
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19
Rex, Ahdar, and Leigh Ian. Part III, 12 Religious Expression. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606474.003.0012.
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This chapter begins with discussions of the importance of the freedom of religious expression and how religious liberty can conflict with free speech. It then considers protections for religious speech, restrictions on anti-religious speech, and limitations on religious expression. It argues that free speech is the best defence for a tolerant open society in which diversity of religious expression flourishes. There are clear signs, however, that these values are under threat, both for reasons concerned ostensibly with protecting public order, non-discrimination and, paradoxically, religious liberty itself.
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Vincent, Emmanuel, Arie Yeredor, Zbyněk Koldovský, and Petr Tichavský. Latent Variable Analysis and Signal Separation: 12th International Conference, LVA/ICA 2015, Liberec, Czech Republic, August 25-28, 2015, Proceedings. Springer, 2015.
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21
Scott, Pamela. Temple of liberty: Building the capitol for a new nation. Oxford University Press, 1995.
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22
Berger, Jason. Xenocitizens. Fordham University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823287758.001.0001.
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Sociality under the sign of liberalism has seemingly come to an end—or, at least, is in dire crisis. Xenocitizens returns to the antebellum United States in order to intervene in a wide field of responses to our present economic and existential precarity. In this incisive study, Berger challenges a shaken but still standing scholarly tradition based on liberal-humanist perspectives. Through the concept of xenocitizen, a synthesis of the terms “xeno,” which connotes alien or stranger, and “citizen,” which signals a naturalized subject of a state, the book uncovers realities and possibilities that have been foreclosed by dominant paradigms. Xenocitizens glimpses how antebellum writers formulated, in response to varying forms of oppression and crisis, startlingly unique ontological and social models for thinking about personhood and sociality as well as unfamiliar ways to exist and to leverage change. Today, the old liberal-national model of citizen is not only problematic, but also tactically anachronistic. And yet, standard liberal assumptions that undergird the fading realities of humanist and democratic traditions often linger within emerging scholarly work that seeks to move past them. Innovatively reorienting our thinking about traditional nineteenth-century figures such as Ralph Waldo Emerson, Margaret Fuller, and Henry David Thoreau as well as formative writers such as Harriet Beecher Stowe, William Wells Brown, and Martin Delany, Xenocitizens offers us a new nineteenth century—pushing our imaginative and critical thinking toward new terrain.
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Laski, Gregory. Pauline E. Hopkins’s Untimely Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190642792.003.0006.
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This chapter reveals how Pauline E. Hopkins transforms the boundary between slavery and freedom into the source of a paradoxical political hope—indeed, as the best chance for realizing democracy. Announcing in Contending Forces that problems such as rape and lynching constitute “duplications” of the past of bondage, Hopkins calls for a neo-abolitionist crusade. For Thomas Jefferson or W. E. B. Du Bois, such a declaration would signal democracy’s arrested development. In the recursive narrative structures and scenes of temporal arrest that characterize her fictional and journalistic oeuvre, however, Hopkins constructs a critical resource for the campaign to redress democracy’s failings. Interrogating the limits of liberal agency, she redefines scenes of slavery’s recurrence as a starting point for a politics that might realize progress because it engenders an uncertainty about what has changed. From her democratic vista, progress results not by breaking with the past but by embracing its persistence.
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Fearon, James, and Macartan Humphreys. Why Do Women Co-Operate More in Women’s Groups? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829591.003.0010.
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A substantial amount of development programming assumes that women have preferences or aptitudes that are more conducive to economic development. For example, conditional cash transfer programmes commonly deliver funding to female household heads, and many microcredit schemes focus on women’s savings groups. This chapter examines a public goods game in northern Liberia. Women contributed substantially more to a small-scale development project when playing with other women than in mixed-gender groups, where they contributed at about the same levels as men. We try to explain this composition effect using a structural model, survey responses, and a second manipulation. Results suggest women in the all-women group put more weight on co-operation regardless of the value of the public good, the fear of discovery, or the desire to match others’ behaviour. We conjecture that players have stronger motivation to signal public-spiritedness when primed to consider themselves representatives of the women of the community.
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Gold, Roberta. “A Time of Struggle”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038181.003.0002.
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This chapter examines the unprecedented housing crisis that erupted in New York City at the end of World War II. At the end of the war, New Yorkers faced their worst housing shortage ever. The housing supply that had already been inadequate for the city's population and contained many substandard tenements had fallen even further behind, as construction virtually ceased during the Great Depression and the war. Meanwhile, demand was rising. Even the worst slum apartments found a market among African Americans who were moving north and discovering that de facto segregation confined them to a few crowded neighborhoods. By 1950, census figures showed that the city required an additional 430,000 dwelling units to properly house its population. This chapter looks at the rise of tenant activists and how they addressed the housing crisis via grassroots mobilizations in concert with leftist and liberal organizations, allowing them not only to retain, but also to institutionalize, the signal achievements of rent control and public housing.
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Leck, Ralph M. Inventing Sexual Liberalism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040009.003.0002.
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This chapter explores the invention of new nomenclatures for sexual minorities in the works of Ulrichs and Karl Kertbeny (1824–1882). Due to a personal tragedy—a close friend, who was a homosexual, committed suicide—Kertbeny decided to join Ulrichs' fight for homosexual rights. Kertbeny embraced Ulrichs' contention that, in order for sexual minorities to gain equal rights and social acceptance, dominant stigmatizing classificatory idioms must be replaced by new scientific terminology. Before they appeared in Kertbeny's anti-Prussian essays of 1869, the words heterosexuality and homosexuality did not exist. These words are used today in the absence of the knowledge that their invention signaled a post-Prussian liberal sexual politics of inclusion and equal rights.
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Hardacker, Doris M. Hypoglycemia. Edited by Matthew D. McEvoy and Cory M. Furse. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190226459.003.0032.
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The detrimental effects of hyperglycemia have been enumerated in critically ill patients, and more rigid control of glucose during the perioperative period has been advocated. The more liberal use of intraoperative continuous insulin infusions, however, has unfortunately led to an increased incidence of hypoglycemia. Anesthetized patients exhibit few, if any, signs of severe hypoglycemia. Because the brain is dependent on glucose as a primary energy source, the most devastating result of unrecognized hypoglycemia may be permanent neurologic injury or death. Therefore, it is imperative that the anesthesiologist recognize patients who are at risk for this complication and frequently measure glucose levels to avoid inadvertent hypoglycemia.
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Ince, Onur Ulas. In the Beginning, All the World Was America. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190637293.003.0003.
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This chapter offers an analysis of John Locke’s theory of property in the context of Atlantic colonial capitalism. Breaking with interpretations that center on Locke’s theory of labor, the chapter identifies Locke’s theory of money as the linchpin of his liberal justification of English colonization in America. It brings into conversation the colonial interpretations of Locke with the earlier economic debates on the place of natural law, morality, and accumulation of capital in Locke’s theory of property. It argues that by predicating property and improvement on monetization, Locke construes the absence of monetization in America as the sign that the continent remains in the state of “natural common” open to nonconsensual appropriation. By invoking a fictive “universal tacit consent of mankind” as the origin of money, Locke bridges the gap between his liberal theory of private property and the illiberality of extralegal colonial expansion in the New World.
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Lichtman, Robert M. Defining the McCarthy Era. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037009.003.0001.
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This chapter considers the combination of circumstances and events following World War II that held the seeds of political repression during the McCarthy era. These developments signaled unmistakably that the Soviet Union and its allies threatened America’s security on the international scene. On the domestic front, McCarthy-era repression targeted the Communist Party USA and alleged “Communist front” organizations. Whether a significant internal Communist threat existed in the postwar years was open to question. However, the widespread belief that such a threat did exist, and the related claim that liberal Democrats—New Dealers and their political successors—bore responsibility and could not be trusted to respond adequately, would soon become a reality in American politics. McCarthyism was energized not by opposition to communism but by the linkage of Marxism with liberalism. It was also energized by bare-knuckle partisan political tactics.
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du Toit, Fanie. Dealing with a Violent Past. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881856.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on whether the TRC maintained momentum toward inclusivity and fairness built up during the early 1990s, or if it embodied the first signs of South Africa’s stepping away from these guiding values. I argue that instead of the result of security-sector blackmail, amnesty as a tool of reconciliation went through two distinct phases that showed political dexterity and a measure of increasingly civic inclusivity. I also argue that liberals get it wrong when they accuse Archbishop Tutu of moral overreach that excluded non-Christians. Instead, the archbishop spoke in language familiar and reassuring to the vast majority of victim communities in South Africa. Finally, I argue that the liberal critique is mistaken in criticizing the TRC for its lack of formal justice—that in fact, the TRC embodied a prescient mix of formal and restorative justice—one working in favor of the other.
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DuBois, Ellen Carol. Women’s Rights, Suffrage, and Citizenship, 1789–1920. Edited by Ellen Hartigan-O'Connor and Lisa G. Materson. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190222628.013.22.
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The United States was a pioneer in the development of women’s rights ideas and activism. Far-seeing women, determined to find an active and equal place in the nation’s political affairs, pushed long and hard to realize America’s democratic promise. Over three-quarters of a century, women’s rights and suffrage leaders steadily agitated their cause through a shifting American political landscape, from the careful innovations of the early national period, through the expansive involvements of antebellum politics, into the dramatic shifts of revolution and reaction in the post–Civil War years, up to the modernization of the Progressive Era. The meaning and content of “womanhood,” the sign under which these campaigns were conducted, also shifted. Labor, class, and especially race inclusions and exclusions were contentious dimensions of the American women’s rights movement, as they were of American liberal democracy in general.
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Bui, Long T. Returns of War. NYU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479817061.001.0001.
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Returns of War: South Vietnam and the Price of Refugee Memory reassesses the legacy of the Vietnam War through the figure of South Vietnam. More specifically, it offers a reinterpretation of the military policy of Vietnamization. In 1969, Richard Nixon pledged to “Vietnamize” the regional armed conflict in Indochina, placing all responsibility for winning the war onto the South Vietnamese—a “transfer” of power that ended in the swift collapse of the south to northern communist forces in 1975. It recognizes that Vietnamization and the end of South Vietnam signals not just an example of flawed American military strategy but an allegory of power, providing subterfuge for U.S. imperial losses while denoting the inability of the Vietnamese and others to become free, modern liberal subjects on their own. The main thesis of this book is that the collapse of South Vietnam under Vietnamization complicates the already difficult memory of the Vietnam War, pushing more for a better critical understanding of South Vietnamese agency and self-determination beyond their status as the war’s ultimate “losers.” The denial of a viable independent future for South Vietnam produces a compensatory demand for increased South Vietnamese representation, knowledge production, and memory-making. Through a multi-method examination of different case studies, from refugees returning to the homeland to refugee anti-communist politics to refugee participation in the U.S. War on Terror, the book pushes scholars to consider not simply the ways refugees are Vietnamese but how they are Vietnamizing their social landscapes and political environments.
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Gallicchio, Marc. Unconditional. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190091101.001.0001.
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Signed on September 2, 1945, by Japanese and Allied leaders, the instrument of surrender formally ended the war in the Pacific and brought to a close one of the most cataclysmic engagements in history. VJ (Victory over Japan) Day had taken place about two weeks earlier, in the wake of atomic bombs being dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the Soviet Union’s entrance into the war. In the end, the surrender itself fulfilled FDR’s commitment that it be “unconditional.” Though readily accepted as war policy at the time, after Roosevelt’s death in April 1945, popular support for unconditional surrender wavered, particularly when the bloody campaigns on Iwo Jima and Okinawa made clear the cost of military victory against Japan. The war’s end in Europe spurred calls in Congress, particularly among anti-New Deal Republicans, to shift the American economy to peacetime and bring home troops. Even after the atomic bombs had been dropped, Japan continued to seek a negotiated surrender, further complicating the debate. Though this was the last time Americans would impose surrender unconditionally, questions surrounding it continued at home through the 1950s and 1960s, when liberal and conservative views reversed, and particularly in Vietnam and the definition of “peace with honor.” It remained controversial through the ceremonies surrounding the fiftieth anniversary and the Gulf War, when the subject revived. This book describes the surrender in its historical moment, revealing how and why the event unfolded as it did and the principal figures behind it
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Case, Jay R. Methodists and Holiness in North America. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0009.
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Baptists in nineteenth-century North America were known as eager proselytizers. They were evangelistic, committed to the idea of a believers’ church in which believers’ baptism was the norm for church membership and for the most part fervent revivalists. Baptist numbers soared in the early nineteenth-century United States though at the cost of generating much internal dissent, while in Canada New Light preachers such as Henry Alline were influential, but often had to make headway against an Anglican establishment. The Baptist commitment to freedom of conscience and gathered congregations had been hardened over the centuries by the experience of persecution and that meant that they were loath to qualify the freedom of individual congregations. The chapter concentrates on exposing the numerous divisions in the Baptist family, the most basic of which was the disagreement over the nature of the atonement, which separated General (Arminian) from Particular (Calvinist) Baptists. Revivals induced further divisions between Regular Baptists who were reserved about them and Separate Baptists who saw dramatic conversions and fervent outbursts as external signs of inward grace. Calvinistic Baptists took a dim view of efforts to induce conversions as laying too much trust in human agency. Though enthusiasm for missions gripped American and Canadian Baptists alike, there were those who feared that missionary societies would erode congregational autonomy. Dissent over slavery and abolition constituted the biggest single division in North American Baptist life. Southern Baptists developed biblical defences of slavery and were annoyed at attempts to keep slaveholders out of missionary work. As a result they formed a separate denomination, the Southern Baptist Convention, in 1845. Baptists had been successful in converting black slaves and black Baptists such as the northerner Nathaniel Paul were outspoken abolitionists. In the South after the Civil War, though, blacks marched out of white denominations to form associations of their own, often with white encouragement. Finally, not the least cause of internal dissent were disputes over ecclesiology, with J.M. Graves and J.R. Pendleton, the founders of Old Landmarkism, insisting with renewed radicalism on denominational autonomy. The chapter suggests that by the end of the century, Baptists embodied the tensions in Dissenting traditions. Their dissent in the public square intensified the possibility of internal disagreement, even schism, their tradition of Christian democracy proving salvifically liberating but ecclesiastically messy. While they stood for liberty and religious equality, they were active in anti-Catholic politics and in seeking to extend state activism in society through the Social Gospel movement.
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Randall, Ian. Baptists. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0003.
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Early in the nineteenth century, British Quakers broke through a century-long hedge of Quietism which had gripped their Religious Society since the death of their founding prophet, George Fox. After 1800, the majority of Friends in England and Ireland gradually embraced the evangelical revival, based on the biblical principle of Jesus Christ’s atoning sacrifice as the effective source of salvation. This evangelical vision contradicted early Quakerism’s central religious principle, the saving quality of the Light of Christ Within (Inward Light) which led human beings from sinful darkness into saving Light. The subsequent, sometimes bitter struggles among British Quakers turned on the question of whether the infallible Bible or leadings from the Light should be the primary means for guiding Friends to eternal salvation. Three of the most significant upheavals originated in Manchester. In 1835 Isaac Crewdson, a weighty Manchester Friend, published A Beacon to the Society of Friends which questioned the authority of the Inward Light and the entire content of traditional Quaker ministry as devoid of biblical truth. The ensuing row ended with Crewdson and his followers separating from the Friends. Following this Beacon Separation, however, British Quakerism was increasingly dominated by evangelical principles. Although influenced by J.S. Rowntree’s Quakerism, Past and Present, Friends agreed to modify their Discipline, a cautious compromise with the modern world. During the 1860s a new encounter with modernity brought a second upheaval in Manchester. An influential thinker as well as a Friend by marriage, David Duncan embraced, among other advanced ideas, higher criticism of biblical texts. Evangelical Friends were not pleased and Duncan was disowned by a special committee investigating his views. Duncan died suddenly before he could take his fight to London Yearly Meeting, but his message had been heard by younger British Friends. The anti-intellectual atmosphere of British Quakerism, presided over by evangelical leader J.B. Braithwaite, seemed to be steering Friends towards mainstream Protestantism. This tendency was challenged in a widely read tract entitled A Reasonable Faith, which replaced the angry God of the atonement with a kinder, gentler, more loving Deity. A clear sign of changing sentiments among British Friends was London Yearly Meeting’s rejection of the Richmond Declaration (1887), an American evangelical manifesto mainly written by J.B. Braithwaite. But the decisive blow against evangelical dominance among Friends was the Manchester Conference of 1895 during which John Wilhelm Rowntree emerged as leader of a Quaker Renaissance emphasizing the centrality of the Inward Light, the value of social action, and the revival of long-dormant Friends’ Peace Testimony. Before his premature death in 1905, J.W. Rowntree and his associates began a transformation of British Quakerism, opening its collective mind to modern religious, social, and scientific thought as the means of fulfilling Friends’ historic mission to work for the Kingdom of God on earth. During the course of the nineteenth century, British Quakerism was gradually transformed from a tiny, self-isolated body of peculiar people into a spiritually riven, socially active community of believers. This still Dissenting Society entered the twentieth century strongly liberal in its religious practices and passionately confident of its mission ‘to make all humanity a society of Friends’.