Academic literature on the topic 'Simone (1540?-1596?)'

Summary The earliest Netherlandic lexicographical works were not only strongly influenced by foreign vocabularies and dictionaries, but they also strongly influenced lexicography abroad. Adaptations of the earliest vocabularies, which mainly aimed at the learning of Latin, were produced in various countries, with the vernacular language adapted to the idiom of each country. In German speaking regions originated for instance the Vocabularius Ex quo (ca. 1400), the Liber Vagatorum> (ca. 1509) and the Synonymorum Collectanea (1513) of Hieronymus Cingularius (ca. 1464–1558), and in Italian speaking regions the polyglot Dilucidissimus Dictionarius (1477 Introito e porta), which afterwards in the Netherlands were provided with a Netherlandic text. In the middle of the 16th century Netherlandic lexicography was strongly influenced by the already modern looking, in a humanistic spirit fashioned and very copious dictionaries of the Italian Ambrosius Calepinus (ca. 1440–1510) and the Frenchman Robert Estienne (1503–1559). But it is also true that several Netherlandic lexicographical works were adapted into other languages. There are for instance German adaptations of the Latin-Netherlandic vocabularies Gemmula Vocabulorum (1484), Vocabularius Optimus (1495), Dictionarium Gemmagemmarum (1511) and Curia Palacium (ca. 1477–85), of the topical dictionary of Petrus Apherdianus (ca. 1520–1580) and of the conversation book of Simon Verepaeus (1522–1598), there are German and Czech adaptations of the topical dictionary of Johannes Murmellius (1480–1517) and German and English adaptations of the synonym dictionary of Simon Pelegromius (ca. 1507–1572). In the Netherlands originated polyglot works, such as the Vocabulare (ca. 1530) of Noel de Berlaimont (died 1531), the Nomenclator (1567) of Hadrianus Junius (1511–1575), as well as the Calepinus Pentaglottos (1545), experienced a large international diffusion. This survey suggests that the initial phase of lexicography in Western and Central European languages can only be adequately understood if seen within an international context.

A bitter conflict between the Spanish and Ottoman empires dominated the second half of the sixteenth century. In this early modern “global” conflict, intelligence played a key role. The Duchy of Milan, home to Simon Sacerdoti (c.1540-1600), a Jew, had fallen to Spain. The fate that usually awaited Jews living on Spanish lands was expulsion—and there were signs to suggest that King Philip ii (1527-1598) might travel down that road. Sacerdoti, the scion of one of Milan’s wealthiest and best-connected Jewish families had access to secret information through various contacts in Italy and North-Africa. Such intelligence was highly valuable to Spanish forces, and Philip ii was personally interested in it. However, this required Sacerdoti to serve an empire—Spain—with a long history of harming the Jews, and to spy on the Ottomans, widely considered as the Jews’ supporters at the time. This article offers a reflection on Simon Sacerdoti’s story. Examining how a Jew became part of the Spanish intelligence agency helps us understand how early modern secret information networks functioned and sheds new light on questions of Jewish identity in a time of uprootedness and competing loyalties.

AbstractBegun in 1568, the revolt of the Netherlands against the Spanish stimulated every Dutch province to strive to attain the greatest possible autonomy and independence from the dominant province of Holland. One of the arguments forwarded for pursuing this independent course was how ancient a region was (laudatio ex vetustate). Incidentally, it was Holland with its Batavian myth that had a strong suit in hand in this matter. To counter this, historiographers were appointed to confirm their region's age. In this capacity, the States of Friesland designated Suffridus Petrus (1527-1597), Bernardus Furmerius (1542-1616) and Pierius Winsemius (1586-1644) consecutively. Relying on traditional accounts, which they believed were ancient, Petrus and Furmerius established a line of legendary Frisian monarchs, beginning with Friso - banished from India - who was said to be a descendant of Noah's son Sem. The results of their scholarly research were published in small-scale, unillustrated books in Latin. Not officially commissioned as a historiographer, around 1597 Martinus Hamconius (c. 1550-1620), wrote an acrostic on the name of Suffridus Petrus, which comprised an ekphrasis with an animated description of the legendary Frisians. In 1606 he also devised a table (fig. i) in which all the characters who played a role in the illustrious history of Friesland are described in Latin. This cast of characters was published again in 1617, this time in Dutch (fig. 2). A lost copy of this edition featured illustrations (fig. 3), which were reused in an edition of Hamconius' Frisia (1620) (figs. 17, 20, 21). The tableau of 1617 includes several old Frisian traditional costumes (fig. 10). All the prints were made by Pieter Feddes of Harlingen. A second set of illustrations of the Frisian princes was etched by Simon Wynhoutsz. Frisius around 1617. These prints, known only from Pierius Winsemius' Chronique of 1622 (figs. 15, 18, 19), originally constituted a consecutive series (fig. 13), doubtless intended to illustrate Hamconius' treatise and probably made for his publisher Jan Lamrinck, who (according to the author's hypothesis) could not use it and thus cut down the plates and included them in Winsemius' Chronique, which he also published. A third, incomplete series of illustrations (fig. 14), again by Pieter Feddes, was likewise made to illustrate Hamconius' series, but may have been rejected and likewise used in the Chronique. Some details in four of the figures in both series (figs. 15-23) seem to point to the iconographic tradition of the free Frisian countryman.

An inventory has recently been discovered of the music books belonging to the Cappella Giulia (the choir of St Peter's Basilica in Rome), compiled by the singer Simon Prince some time between 1559 and 1566. The great majority of the books listed survive, either in the Cappella Giulia collection of the Vatican Library or (in the case of two prints) in other collections. Nearly half of the compositions contained in these books are the work of Carpentras, Festa, and Morales, the dominant composers of the Cappella Sistina from 1513 to 1548; the remainder show a bias towards French compositions and are virtually restricted to works composed before 1550. The conservativism of this repertory, paralleled by that of the Cappella Sistina, is emphasized by the fact that the books in Prince's inventory contain no music by Palestrina, though he had been chapel-master of the Cappella Giulia in 1551-54. It appears, in fact, that most of his sacred music was composed after he returned to the Cappella Giulia in 1571; this was probably in response to the Tridentine reform of the liturgy in 1568-70.

In 1593, Simon Lyra (1547-1601) was appointed cantor of the St. Elisabeth Church and Gymnasium in Breslau/Wrocław. In the same year, he drew up a list of prints and manuscripts that he considered appropriate for teaching and for use in Lutheran worship. In addition to this list, there are six music manuscripts dating from the 1580s and 1590s that either belonged to him or were collected under his direction. Taken together, Lyra’s repertoire list and the additional manuscripts contain well over a thousand items, including masses, motets, responsories, psalms, passions, vespers settings, and devotional songs. The music in the collections contain all of the items necessary for use in the liturgies performed in the St. Elisabeth Church and Gymnasium in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. This list provides valuable clues into the musical life of a well-established Lutheran church and school at the end of the sixteenth century. When studying collections of prints and manuscripts, I believe it is helpful to make a distinction between two types of use. Printed music represents possibilities. In other words, they are collections from which a cantor could make choices. In Lyra’s case, we can view his recommendations as general examples of what he considered liturgically and aesthetically appropriate for his time and position. On the other hand, manuscripts represent choices. The musical works in the six Bohn manuscripts associated with Lyra are the result of specific decisions to copy and place them in particular collections in a particular order. Therefore, they can provide clues as to what works were performed on which occasions. In other words, manuscripts provide a truer picture of a musical culture in a particular location. According to my analysis of Lyra’s recommendations, by the time he arrived at St. Elisabeth the liturgies, especially the mass, still followed Luther's Latin "Formula Missae" adopted in the 1520s. The music for the services consisted of Latin masses and motets by the most highly regarded, international composers of the first half of the sixteenth century. During his time as Signator and cantor, he updated the church and school choir repertory with music of his contemporaries, primarily composers from Central Europe. Three of these composers, Gregor Lange, Johann Knoefel, and Jacob Handl, may have been his friends and/or colleagues. In addition, some of the manuscripts collected under his direction provide evidence that the Breslau liturgies were beginning to change in the direction of the seventeenth-century Lutheran service in which the "Latin choir" gave way to more German-texted sacred music and greater congregational participation.

Summary Petrus Montanus’ (1594/95–1638) book on phonetics, De Spreeckonst (1635), which was intended to apply to all languages, could have been an epoch-making standardwork on phonetics, if it had been read and studied more widely. Although he characterized Spreeckonst as a difficult theory he intended it to be an easy textbook. However, Montanus’ terminology made the book almost unreadable. In the first section special attention is paid to Montanus’ idea that all aspects of his object of inquiry (i.e. the spoken language) had to be characterized as aptly and precisely as possible, after having examined the object (a). Next, (in section 2), an attempt is made to clarify Montanus’ opinion that the precise determination of objects (actually, the result of his scientifc inquiry) should function as a perfect didactic tool for his readers (b). Through names’ the reader could learn to produce speech sounds even better than by simply practising their production. Indeed, Spreeckonst was meant to be both a theory and a practical handbook. This can be explained by pointing out the two functions names had: they were instruments of knowledge (a) and instruments of learning (b). As shown in section 3 Montanus was directly influenced by Simon Stevin (1548–1620) with regard to (b). In section 4 it is shown that, in essence, the first idea (a) can be traced back to Socrates’ ideas on names, as Plato had Socrates defend them in his Cratylus. The other idea (b) can be traced back to Cratylos’ ideas on names, which were unfolded and discussed in the same work. Section 5 analyses the sorts of names Montanus actually used. A complete survey of the names of Montanus’ distinctions of speech sounds is presented in this section. In the concluding section (6) an indication is made of the astonishing results of Montanus’ analyses of spoken language.

T he second edition of J ohann B ehrendt ’ s hymn book ISZ naujo pérweizd ėtos ir pagérintos Giesm û-Knygos AND PRAYER BOOK Maldû-Knygélos (1735): an unknown copy in Prague The article presents a 1735 Lithuanian publication from Königsberg (Lith. Karaliaučius) which was believed to not have survived—the hymn book for Prussian Lithuania’s Evangelical Lutherans Iß naujo pérweizdėtos ir pagérintos Giesmû-Knygos (Reviewed and Improved Hymn-book) and the prayer book Maldû-Knygélos (Prayer-book). The only known copy of the second edition of the hymn book and the prayer book was discovered in the National Library of the Czech Republic (Czech Národní knihovna České republiky; NK ČR: 33 K 139) in Prague. It has not been registered in Lithuanian bibliographies. Just as the first 1732 edition, the second edition appeared thanks to the initiative of the theology professor of the University of Königsberg and the chief court preacher, Johann Jacob Quandt (Lith. Jonas Jokūbas Kvantas, 1686–1772), while the archpresbyter of Insterburg (Lith. Įsrutis), Johann Behrendt (Lith. Jonas Berentas, 1667–1737), led the editing team. Aiming to reveal the differences of the second edition from the first, and to highlight the editing tendencies of the hymn and prayer books, this article not only discusses the main features of the copy, but also analyzes the structure of the 1735 edition including the repertoire of new hymns and linguistic particularities of the texts of hymns and prayers written in Lithuanian. Provenance research revealed that the copy belonged to the Lithuanian Dovydas Blindinaitis or Bl(i)undinaitis before reaching this library, and this is supported by handwritten inscriptions on the front and back flyleaves. He acquired the book in 1736 for 33 groschen and must have been its first owner. The imprint “REGIÆ BIBLIOTH: ACAD: PRAGEN:” (“Royal Library of the Academy of Prague”) which is seen on the title page of the hymn book could only appear after 1777 when the Public Imperial-Royal University Library (Czech Veřejná císařsko-královská univerzitní knihovna) in Prague had been established. From the perspective of structure, the 1735 Lithuanian publication is a convolute which consists of two alligates: (1) hymn book and (2) prayer book. The hymn book comprises: (a) two introductions—one written by Quandt in German and one written by Behrendt in Lithuanian, (b) the main section of the hymn book and its appendix “Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Other new recently added hymns”), (c) two indexes—the index for the Lithuanian hymns “Prirodijimas Wiſſû Gieſmû, ant kurro Laißko jos ßoſa Knygoſa randamos yra” (“A listing of all hymns which page they are found on in this book”) and the index of German original hymns called a “Regiſter” (“Register”). The prayer book comprises prayers, collects, the story of Christ’s suffering, and a list of thematic groups of these texts marked “Prirodijimas Wiſſû Maldû” (“A listing of all prayers”). The second (1735) edition of the hymn book differs remarkably from the first (1732) in its structure and scope: (1) All of the hymns that had been previously included in the 1732 edition’s “Appendix arba Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Appendix or other new recently added hymns”) (a total of 34) were integrated into the main section of the hymn book of the 1735 edition comprising 334 hymns; their thematic groupings and subgroupings remained the same; (2) The 1735 edition does not include one of the hymns published in 1732: Peter Gottlieb Mielcke’s (Lith. Petras Gotlybas Milkus, 1695–1753) translation “MIeli Krikßćionis dʒaukimės” (“Dear Christians let us rejoice”) (← Martin Luther, “Nun freut euch lieben Chriſten”); (3) The 1735 edition was supplemented with 26 hymns, that is to say, the second edition comprises 360 hymns. The new hymns are published in the appendix “Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Other new recently added hymns”). Cryptonyms attached to these hymns attest to the fact that their translators were two priests of Prussian Lithuania. For the first time, 18 hymns of the priest of Didlacken (Lith. Didlaukiai), Fabian Ulrich Glaser (Lith. Fabijonas Ulrichas Glazeris, 1688–1747), were included in this hymn book. The priest of Popelken (Lith. Papelkiai), Adam Friedrich Schimmelpfennig (Lith. Adomas Frydrichas Šimelpenigis, 1699–1763), translated 8 new hymns (while 15 of his hymns that had been already published in the 1732 edition were presented in the main section of the hymn book of the 1735 edition). The new repertoire of the Lithuanian hymn book was compiled from the translations of the following German hymn creators of the 16th–18th centuries: Johann Georg Albinus (1624–1679), Martin Behm (1557–1622), Kaspar Bienemann (Melissander, 1540–1591), Simon Dach (1605–1659), Johann Burchard Freystein (1671–1718), Paul Gerhardt (1607–1676), Johannes Gigas (Heune, 1514–1581), Ludwig Andreas Gotter (1661–1735), Johann Heermann (1585–1647), Heinrich Held (1620–1659), Martin Moller (1547–1606), Johann Rist (1607–1667), Samuel Rodigast (1649–1708), Johann Röling (1634–1679), Gottfried Wilhelm Sacer (1635–1699), Arnold Heinrich Sahme (1676–1734), Benjamin Schmolck (1672–1737). In contrast to the hymn book, the structure of the 1735 prayer book published concurrently were not changed; the thematic groups of prayers remained essentially the same as they were in the first edition of 1732. Texts of both the hymn book and the prayer book were edited. The editing tendencies in both are similar and encompass all linguistic levels (phonetics, morphology, lexicon, syntax), as well as orthography and punctuation, but the intensity of editing was different. The orthographic corrections prevail and the most consistent of them are: [i·] <ij> → <y> (characteristic only of the hymn book), [č’] <ć> → <cʒ> (together with refusing the marker indicating consonant palatalization <i>), [·] <e> → <ė>, [ž] ir [ž’] <Ʒ> → <>, marking accent placement with an acute accent < ’ >. The second edition reflects an important stage in the quantitative and qualitative development of Behrendt’s hymn book. In the second edition that appeared just three years later, we see the further consistent efforts of the editors to expand the repertoire of hymns and improve the texts in terms of language (i.e. they first of all sought to standardize the orthography of texts written in different centuries by many different translators). In contrast to the hymn book, the prayer book was improved along only one vector: the language of the texts was edited according to the same principles, while the number of prayers was not increased. The fact that the editors of the second edition devoted more attention to the hymn book than the prayer book probably stems from the important place that hymns hold in the Evangelical Lutheran liturgy.

Cette thèse s'intéresse aux problèmes de l'influence vénitienne dans la peinture de Caravage. Pour cela, les différentes caractéristiques de l'art de Michel-Ange Merisi seront confrontées point par point , aux références vénitiennes, mais aussi lombardes, florentines et romaines. Dans ce travail ce sont également les contextes sociaux, religieux et culturels qui seront présentés, cela dans le but d'aborder la part importante des apports comme la littérature, la philosophie, la théologie, mais aussi les fréquentations directes du peintre, des apports qui ne soient pas purement picturaux. Nous traiterons dans un premier temps de la situation artistique, politique et religieuse dans laquelle le peintre va se former à Milan, le problème de l'hypothétique voyage à Venise sera également traité ici. Par la suite, nous présenterons les questions relatives au clair-obscur, à la couleur, au dessin, aux paysages, aux figures et à leur rendu naturel mais aussi à leur éventuelle source vénitienne. Dans un premier temps, nous nous appuierons sur des exemples précis et des comparaisons avec les principaux peintres de la Sérénissime comme Giorgione, Titien ou Tintoret, de manière à définir concrètement si on peut établir un quelconque lien entre eux et Caravage. Nous ne manquerons pas d'accorder une part conséquente à la peinture lombarde et aux artistes de la région de Milan dont l'influence première a été primordiale. Notre recherche a pour but d'établir un état des avancées réalisées sur le peintre, mais aussi de proposer des relations et des interprétations visant à faire progresser l'étude concernant ce dernier
This thesis deals with the problems of the Venetian influence in the paintings of Caravaggio. The different features of the art of Michelangelo Merisi are analysed and systematically compared to the Venetian's references, but also Lombards, Florentines and Romans. The social, religious and cultural contexts are also presented, as to highlight the major influence of literature, philosophy, theology, along with painter's acquaintances, influences wich are not merely pictorials. Firstly we paid particular attention to the artistic, political and religious in which the painter was immersed in Milano. The problem of the hypothetical journey in Venice is also treated. Then, we study the relative questions with regards to the chiaroscuro, to colour, to the drawings, to the landscapes, to the faces and to their natural effects shapes but also to their possible Venetian source. Lastly we use examples and comparisons with the main painters of the Serenissima such as Giorgione, Titian or Tintoret, in order to concretely define if one can establish any link between them and Caravaggio. It is essential to study the Lombard painting and the artists of the region of Milano whose influence was upmost primordial. Our study aims to establish the progress of research on the painter, but also to the offer links and interpretations so as the study progress

The paratexts to Florio's Montaigne claim that Montaigne's worth was recognized everywhere. But what was the fate of the Essais in cities from Geneva in Switzerland to Ferrara, Padua, and Venice in northeastern Italy? In Geneva, the Essais were first published in a heavily censored edition, before appearing unexpurgated with false title pages. Lyon [Geneva] 1595 combines with other evidence to show how one of the most significant early reader-writers of the Essais (Simon Goulart) corrected and used the work. There are some parallels with Ferrara 1590, which we can see as part of the oeuvre both of its translator, Naselli, and of the Ferrarese court. In the late 1620s, early 1630s, clerics in the Veneto including Paolo Sarpi called upon the Essais to assist in the construction of virtù civile and models of the philosophico-religious life for the noble elite. They understood them to be a contribution to Renaissance moral philosophy and 'civil conversation'.

Chapters 20–23 are a case study of the family that changed its name over the generations from Brouart to Beroald to Verville. In 1626 the prolific author François Béroalde de Verville died in Tours. He was a medical practitioner and a former cathedral canon. His name and social status had varied throughout his life. One hundred years earlier, in 1526, his paternal grandfather had died some 150 miles away in Saint-Denis, to the north of Paris. Originally from Brussels, he had been a barber-surgeon. Significantly, he had a simpler name, Simon Brouart. Grandson and grandfather never met. Indeed, the one was not born until thirty years after the other died. Their social status differed greatly, and they inhabited vastly different worlds, separated by the advent of humanism, that of the Reformation, and much else. Of the various factors that transformed this family’s social status, the most decisive were learning and literature.

To estimate the prevalence and factors associated to the loss of employment and reduction of income during the covid-19 pandemic in the state of Maranhão, Brazil. A population-based household survey was performed, from October 19 to 30, 2020. The estimates considered clustering, stratification and non-response. The sample selection was carried out in three stages (stratum, census tracts and households). After systematic analysis, thirty sectors were selected in each stratum, totaling 150 sectors, with the number of households in each sector set at 34 households, totaling 5,100 households and one inhabitant per household (resident for at least six months and with 1-year-old or more) selected by simple random sample. To this research were analyzed 3,297 inhabitants among 18 and 64 years old. The Loss of employment and income from the pandemic was questioned. Descriptive analysis (weighted frequency) and Pearson’s chi-square test were performed to verify univariate association between independent variables and the outcome (p < 0.05). The prevalence of loss of employment and income was 12.1% (95%CI 10.5–13.7%), but another 39.7% (95% CI 37.3–42.1%) were already out of the market before the pandemic. This loss was statistically greater among residents of the largest and wealthiest cities in the state (stratum with the state capital: 22.7%; 95% CI 18.8–27.2; and in cities with more than 100 thousand inhabitants: 12.4%; 95% CI 9.9–15.6), male (14.3%; 95% CI 11.9–17.3; p = 0.037), middle-aged adults between 30 and 49 years (15.3%; 95% CI 12.8–18.2; p = 0.001), medium level (15.3%; 95% CI 12.9–18.1; p = 0.003) and higher education (14.4%; 95% CI 9.4–21.5; p = 0.003) and users of public transportation (14.6%; 95% CI 12.4–17.2; p = 0.005), and among those who received this aid was much higher (50.4%; 95% CI 33.2–67.4; p = 0.001). The results showed a relevant prevalence of loss of work and income in Maranhão and its association with individual and contextual factors. They revealed the groups and contexts most affected socioeconomically by the pandemic and that should deserve special attention from public income transfer strategies.