Academic literature on the topic 'Simple folklorism'

Beginning with some of our keywords—authenticity, vernacular, and genre—and one folklorist’s crisis of belief, this opening chapter questions the folklorists’ investment in the tenets of folklore studies by looking behind the curtain of academic discourse to consider our belief in the language we use. Her argument rests on the seemingly simple claim that every mode of thought contains an element of faith. Here, Mullins seeks to peek behind the veil of our articles of faith.

The conclusion draws together ideas from the book, suggesting a few key points. First, it draws attention to the cultural agency of ‘exemplars’, or what folklorists have sometimes called ‘star performers’. Singers and storytellers like Henri Vidal, Marie Bouzats, or Catherine Gentes are not just important because they were typical, but because they played leading roles in local cultures. The conclusion argues that such exemplars allow historians to perceive changing cultures of the body which cannot be reduced to the simple advent of a ‘modern’ body. The example of the moorlands of Gascony suggests broader patterns in the history of the body during the period of modernization.

Abstract Strasburger (pp. 47-70) is interested in the essentially agrarian nature of Homeric society and the way in which the military world of the hero is integrated into it (see further Redfield 1983; Griffin 1986b). But as Strasburger was well aware, the sociology of a literaryarte fact looks like a contradiction in terms: a book is not a society. At the same time, one cannot avoid the question of the extent to which the world of the poems at any moment reflects (a) society or constructs a society or is simply in the business of constructing itself (that formulation is far too neat, but we have to start somewhere) and each discipline will bring its own priorities with it (for a good survey of the archaeological problem and an attempt to correlate archaeological ‘layers ‘ with ‘layers ‘ of the Homeric epics, see Sherratt 1990). Historians will look for history, sociologists for sociology, folklorists for folklore, mythographers for myth, oralists for orality, and so on.

Abstract The end of this study, like the beginning, concerns violence, family expectations and disappointments, male-centered community life, and elemental popular traditions. The killing of Susan Foster near Natchez, Mississippi, in March, 18114, was not a notable crime. Neither the deed itself nor its aftermath was well publicized nation ally, regionally, or even locally. Unlike Lilburne and Isham Lewis, Thomas Jefferson’s feckless nephews and literal butchers of a slave boy in Kentucky in 1811, the Fosters, husband and wife, had no famous connections to lend their lives notoriety. Folklorists will recover no ballads, broadsheets, or ghost stories commemorating the tragedy. Moreover, in contrast to a parricide in France of the same period (18115), the Foster affair aroused no public stirrings about the insanity plea. Unlike the celebrated Manning case in 1849 London, the Natchez killing did not attract a writer of Charles Dickens’s stature seeking to use it as material for a novel (Bleak House) and as an argument against public punishments that simply indulged the popular taste for blood. Even Yankee abolitionists missed the chance to savor the incident as yet another example of Southern atrocity.

The introduction explains the book’s focus on how concert dancers in ballet, modern dance, and folkloric dance from 1930 to 1990 built on precedents to create world-renowned dance after the 1959 Revolution. In contrast to narratives that attribute dance achievements to official cultural policies, dance makers had to contend with authoritarianism and fight to bring a cultural industry into being in collaboration with officials ranging from obliging to hostile to apathetic. In doing so, they obtained degrees of power. For instance, once on stage, dancers used ephemeral movements to convey a range of politics, including revolutionary militancy, as well as discontent with racial prejudice, traditional gender norms, and limited freedom of expression. Although dancers had the power to use public venues to convey politics, not all artists were treated equally. Juxtaposing different dance forms exposes privileges based on race and class as ballet, identified with whiteness and elite sensibilities, has enjoyed the most state support in Cuba. Ultimately, this study of concert dance history shows Cuban citizens literally and metaphorically dancing with the Revolution. This means they did not simply resist or comply with a monolithic state, but enacted complex manoeuvrers to push forward their professional agenda.

Citing F. W. Murnau’s Nosferatu: A Symphony of Horror (1922) as an example, Richard Rouse III offers that ‘Suspense-driven horror films have long focused on life and death struggles against a world gone mad, with protagonists facing powerful adversaries who are pure evil.’ By comparison, he goes on to say, ‘horror games are a natural fit’ (Rouse III 2009: 16). Yet, in the same way that Stacey Abbott points out that ‘A celluloid vampire is more than simply a film adaptation of the myth; it is the reinvention of the vampire through film technology’ (Abbott 2007: 7), what might this mean for video game vampires? Book-length studies of Nosferatu devote chapters to interpretations of Count Orlok’s world, stating that the film ‘is large; it contains multitudes’ (Jackson 2013: 13), and that it is ‘highly ambiguous, full of allusions and echoes’ (Massaccesi 2015: 9). But, while monsters often make the centrepiece of video game narratives, as Dawn Stobbart writes, for many (but not all) of these creatures ‘there is little or no social commentary attached to them’; they are there for ‘play’ (Stobbart 2019: 143). This chapter has two aims. The first is to carry out a survey of representations of Count Orlok and references to the nosferatu (cinematic, literary, and folkloric) in video games. Within this investigation is the second objective: to understand how these vampires have been made to ‘fit’ within video games, formed by the shifting industrial strategies and differing cultural discourses that permitthese specific renderings of a digital class of vampire, and to conclude by exploring what still echoes within their shadows.

The need for philosophy for Children and the question of adequate method for teaching children not simply philosophy but also philosophizing is generally a global one. As we advance in African philosophy, it is necessary to include teaching philosophy to children and young people in pre-tertiary educational level. African philosophy is praxis. If Nigerian philosophers must succeed in teaching philosophy to children and youth, such philosophy should not be abstract like what obtains in most Western contexts. We are culturally unique and our thinking pattern is different. African thinking is embodied. Thus African philosophy should not be quixotic. For instance, while for a Westerner Onitsha is between longitude and latitude (imaginary lines), for the Igbo, Onitsha is the home of Nnamdi Azikiwe. Most Western thought-patterns are abstract, ours is inter alia personcentered. Igbo thought has a humano-centric bend. This humano-centric bend is a great resource in developing not only philosophy for children but also relevant methodology. The Igbo often use apologues to embody abstract ideas and make them representationally vivid. Story-telling is an art and art gives visibility to ideas. Our forebears used proverbs, witty sayings, anecdotes, and various kinds of fables to teach wisdom and moral values to children. Nigerian philosophers should toe the line and philosophize by doing philosophy. We should adopt the folklore method, because folklores are worldviews. Philosophy is creative and critical thinking; based on the narrative presented, provocative questions can be asked to elicit arguments. Traditional stories could give originality to our philosophy. Most importantly, the traditional stories could be weaved into a cartoon net since children like watching cartoons. This will make it easy for children, including those bom in the diaspora, to assimilate African values. This is what this paper propounds and proposes.

The article analyzes the work by Snejana Pîslari „Cine merge tot pe drum” for flute, violin, cello and vibraphone. The compositional task was formulated by S. Pîslari as the synthesis of folklore material with the principles of building a minimalist composition, since one of the impulses for the creation of the named work became the musical controversy with the Russian composer V. Martynov and his book „The End of the Composer's Time”. Therefore, the use of a folkloric quotation was a fundamental condition for the author. The second musical impulse for the appearance of this work was born afte