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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Singapore National Trades Union Congress

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Academic literature on the topic 'Singapore National Trades Union Congress'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Singapore National Trades Union Congress"

1

Coates, Chris. "Union History Online: Digitization Projects in the Trades Union Congress Library Collections." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790999007x.

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Since its foundation as a central body for British trade unions in 1868, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) has been involved in the creation of the welfare state and public health, education and social services. It has helped to ensure legal rights in employment and an end to discrimination. The Labour Party was established by the TUC so that working people could have their own representatives in Parliament. The TUC has played an important role in international affairs, and union representatives have sat on public bodies and government advisory boards at national and international level.

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2

Ng, E.-Ching. "High-frequency initialisms: Evidence for Singaporean English stress." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 4, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v4i1.4517.

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In light of recent findings that Singlish (Colloquial Singaporean English) makes use of three densely distributed tones in its intonation, it has been suggested that this variety of English may lack stress. Here I show that initialisms such as NTUC (National Trade Unions Congress) display tonal variation which cannot be explained straightforwardly in terms of lexical access routes, but indicate recursive prosodic word structures linked to lexical frequency. This analysis is supported by frequency counts and acoustic measurements, and represents not only evidence of stress in Singlish, but multiple levels of stress.

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3

Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such a movement. If the last is true, do both institutions share fundamental concepts, and can they develop common tactics or approaches in furthering them? Are those “two wings” mutually dependent? Can the party aid the TUC in achieving its political goals? If the concerns of the TUC and party differ, can they or should they be reconciled? Should the TUC-party relationship remain the same whether the party is in government or in opposition?The National Council of Labour consisted of representatives from the TUC's General Council, the Labour party's National Executive Committee (NEC), and the parliamentary Labour party's Executive Committee (PLP executive). Originally created in 1921 as the National Joint Council, it was reconstituted in 1930 and again in 1931-32, renamed the National Council of Labour in 1934, and began declining in 1940 to impotence by 1946. It was an extra-parliamentary, extra-party body designed to enhance cooperation and coherence within the labor movement.

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4

Thomas, Patricia. "The Other Side of History: Underground Literature and the 1951 Waterfront Dispute." Back Story Journal of New Zealand Art, Media & Design History, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/backstory.vi3.27.

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In February 1951, industrial discord between New Zealand watersiders and British ship-owners led to a dispute that was seen by each as a lockout and a strike respectively. Throughout the duration of the dispute, the Trades Union Congress and Wellington Waterside Workers’ Union Action Committee produced and distributed substantial amounts of printed material to stiffen the struggle among its members, vilify strike-breakers and the National Government – whose ultimate aim it was to crush the Union –and to ridicule the police – who were the instruments ofenforcement against the newly-minted Waterfront StrikeEmergency Regulations. In defiance of Regulation 4(d),which banned the production and distribution of ‘seditious’literature, a steady stream of illegal leaflets, pamphlets,lino-cut illustrations and cartoons emerged from theGestetners and small presses in the homes of membersand supporters of the watersiders. While printed materialis touched upon in the documented examination of thedispute as a political and industrial struggle, it is never thefocus of discussion. This article examines the multi-modalrhetoric of the underground literature to form a pictureof one side of the story of what was, arguably, the mostdisruptive and divisive 151 days in the history of the NewZealand labour movement.

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5

Kaye, Geraldine. "Topical Pension Problems (A Personal Overview)." Journal of the Staple Inn Actuarial Society 28 (March 1985): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020269x00009762.

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Much discussion is taking place currently in the United Kingdom on the subject of pensions. Conferences and symposia have been conducted at various times on many aspects of pensions by such diverse bodies as the Policy Studies Institute (1), the Institute of Fiscal Studies (2), the Trades Union Congress (3), the Pensions Management Institute, the Confederation of British Industry, the National Association of Pension Funds and even our own Institute (4) (in the case of our Institute, on the whole field). The Government announced an all-embracing enquiry on 16 December 1983. This has been divided into separate parts. Evidence for the first part concerned with ‘portable pensions’ was required by 31 January 1984. Despite the very tight deadline, written evidence was obtained from over 1,500 different sources. This serves to show just how much interest was currently being aroused. The final results of the full Government enquiry are not yet available (September 1984). The unprecedented speed with which the Government has proceeded demonstrates the importance that it attaches to the issues raised, and suggests that any prompted legislation will be given a degree of priority.

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6

Fitzgerald, Ian, Ron Beadle, and Kevin Rowan. "Trade unions and the 2016 UK European Union Referendum." Economic and Industrial Democracy, January 27, 2020, 0143831X1989948. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x19899483.

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This article reports on pre and post interviews with trade union leaders and senior Trades Union Congress (TUC) and union officials who held campaign responsibilities for the 2016 UK European Union (EU) Referendum. The article considers the development of union policy towards the EU, the determination of unions’ final positions, campaign resources and media, the arguments made and the drivers of and constraints upon active campaigning. Campaign intensity, resourcing and strategic decision-making varied widely across unions and was frustrated by resource constraints, fear of alienating members and in some cases lack of priority. The article concludes that unions must be better prepared to commit material resources and national officers’ time so that campaign issues are effectively framed in terms of member concerns.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Singapore National Trades Union Congress"

1

Bahari, Azizan. "Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC) 1949-81 : a study of a national labour centre." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1989. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34818/.

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This is a study about the trade union movement in colonial and early post-colonial Malaysia. This is done by examining the role and development of the country's national labour centre, the Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC), and in particular, its leadership from 1949 to 1981. The central argument of the study is that the MTUC was a reformist organisation because of state control and the dominance of "moderate" and "responsible" leadership. It is also argued that the national centre was unable to effectively represent the interests of labour because the leadership lacked a working-class ideological perspective. These arguments are developed with reference to a number of ma j or themes or issues during the period under review Such as "responsible unionism", government incorporation of the movement, politics, tripartism and industrial peace, "worker capitalism", conflicts within the movement, and communalism. An essential part of the exercise has been to reinterpret the history of the national centre during its first three decades of existence. After the first two introductory chapters, Chapters 3 and 4 discuss the formation and early development of the MTUC during the colonial era. The role of government and "moderate" labour leaders is highlighted. Chapters 5 and 6 consider the position and role of the MTUC with respect to labour disputes and politics under the post-colonial Alliance government. The following two chapters analyse the compromising ideology and divisions and split within the movement under the Barisan Nasional government. The study is an appraisal of the Malaysian trade union movement attempting to contribute to an understanding of trade unionism in an ex-colonial "Third World" setting.

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2

Chiu, Teng-Ying, and 邱騰穎. "A Social Enterprise Model Developed by Trade Union: Taking National Trade Union Congress of Singapore as an Example." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/xnx5h8.

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碩士
國立中正大學
勞工關係研究所
104
This study aims to analyse a social enterprise model developed by the National Trade Union Congress of Singapore (NTUC) and to find out how trade unions achieve their social goals by the use of social goods created by social enterprises. The findings in this research show that NTUC commits to promote the labour movement in Singapore by creating cooperatives to provide better services for the workers. The other part of findings demonstrates that Singapore equipped with a well designed legal system, necessary education and culture for the fostering of social and solidarity economy. In addition, NTUC SEs are not operated and managed by the union leaders themselves but professional managers. All these have made NTUC SEs strong enough to compete in a free market, and enable them to moderate the costs of essential goods in Singapore, which upgrade the quality of workers’ life. In comparing with the social enterprise development in Taiwan, the study suggests that the government would need to clarify the development model of social enterprises and to review the historical and cultural context of non-profit sector and local practices before making any policy to promote social enterprises. Not least to mention would be to provide suggestions for our trade unions. The development model of NTUC by creating social economy based enterprises would be a good way to strengthen the capacity of trade unions and to promote labour movement. Trade unions should express their social commitments by making contributions in workers’ welfare and by realizing a world of work with distributive justice.

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Books on the topic "Singapore National Trades Union Congress"

1

Winning against the odds: The Labour Research Unit in NTUC's founding. Singapore: Straits Times Press, 2011.

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2

Gong hui ti xi yu guo jia fa zhan: Xinjiapo gong ye hua de zheng zhi she hui xue = Trade unionism and national development : political sociology of Singapore's industrialization. Beijing: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2009.

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3

Trades Union Congress. National Education Centre. TUC National Education Centre. [London]: TUC, 1994.

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4

Trades Union Congress. National Education Centre. TUC National Education Centre. [London]: TUC, 1996.

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5

Bahari, Azizan Bin. Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC) 1949-81: A study of a national labour centre. [s.l.]: typescript, 1989.

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6

Singapore Institute of Labour Studies., ed. One voice, one vision: Pictorial/oral history of the National Trades Union Congress, 1961-1991. [Singapore]: Singapore Institute of Labour Studies, 1991.

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7

Tapia, Maite, and Jane Holgate. Fighting Precariousness. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791843.003.0009.

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This chapter examines union strategies towards precarious migrant workers in the UK, France, and Germany. It shows that at a national level, the umbrella labour organizations or confederations—the British Trades Union Congress (TUC), the German Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), and the French Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT)—have changed their policies over time, becoming more open and welcoming towards migrant workers. However, specific union strategies towards migrant workers differ substantively. Thus, even though the policy framework at a macro level is quite similar across the UK, Germany, and France, the chapter finds significant differences in union approaches at the micro level when examining the organizing or advocacy work that is happening on the ground in the workplace or locality. The findings show that institutional power resources and union ideology really matter to the specific approaches taken by unions at the micro level.

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Book chapters on the topic "Singapore National Trades Union Congress"

1

Phillips, Jim. "Generational Learning: from the 1920s to the 1950s." In Scottish Coal Miners in the Twentieth Century, 119–57. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452311.003.0005.

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Scottish miners were heterogeneous in their politics and culture. A distinct Scottish mining identity accommodated social conservatives and religious sectarians with class-conscious trade unionists and international socialists. This identity developed through political campaigning from the 1950s to the 1980s and drew upon the claimed values of the Scottish Nation as well as solidarity with working class people across Britain and the world. It emphasised the value of gender equality, and gradually undermined coalfield male chauvinism. Mining leaders related security explicitly to questions of class and nation. Solidarities of class were pursued with trade unionists across Britain, but miners in Scotland tended to see deindustrialisation as an acute and even distinctly Scottish problem. The unreformed constitutional-political structures of the UK were criticised as an obstacle to coalfield security, with policy-makers remote from the communities affected by accelerating job loss. Scotland’s national right to self-determination was asserted, and the miners persuaded the Scottish Trades Union Congress to adopt Home Rule as official policy by the early 1970s.

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2

Fraser, W. Hamish. "The Joint Board, Representing, The Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress, The General Federation of Trade Unions, and the Labour Party. Secretaries: C. W. Bowerman, M.P., W. A. Appleton. J. Ramsay MacDonald, M.P. Report on National Insurance and Reversal of the Osborne Judgment. Report of Special Conference Held in Jhl Memorial Hall, Farrlngdon Street, London, E.C., ON Tuesday and Wednesday, 20th and 21st June, 1911." In British Trade Unions, 1707–1918, 261–96. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003192077-20.

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