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Journal articles on the topic 'Sino-Indian War'
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1
Chakravorty, PK. "Sino-Indian War of 1962." Indian Historical Review 44, no. 2 (December 2017): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617726649.
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More than half a century has elapsed since China and India fought a War in October–November 1962. The War saw the Chinese Army coming out with flying colours. India as a nation was shocked and had to strain every sinew to reorganise itself to win the ensuing wars with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971. There are many questions as regards the causes of the War, the events which preceded the conflict and what actually happened that led to the debacle. The article addresses these issues comprehensively and analyses the War in detail. Overall it was a failure to assess the Chinese threat in correct perspective. The Indian government did not expect China to fight a War against India. The obvious question to ask is what is the way ahead? The concluding portion of the article deals with the current situation and measures to be taken to deter China from undertaking a military adventure. There is a need to have a National Security Strategy as also leave no stone unturned to build our Comprehensive National Power. In this, our Armed Forces must be modernised to meet the Chinese forces. The Chinese Navy has of late gained strength and is making forays into the Indian Ocean. We should be prepared for this aspect and build our military diplomacy with the United States, Japan and Vietnam. Last of all to understand China, we must create nodes of excellence in our country.
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Stone, David R. "The Sino-Indian War of 1962: New Perspectives." Small Wars & Insurgencies 28, no. 3 (May 4, 2017): 661–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2017.1307619.
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Westcott, Stephen. "The Sino-Indian War of 1962: new perspectives." Contemporary South Asia 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2017.1403100.
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Bakshi, Jyotsna. "Post‐Cold War Sino‐Russian relations: Indian perspective." Strategic Analysis 26, no. 1 (January 2002): 80–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160208450027.
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Warrich, Haseeb Ur Rehman, Rooh Ul Amin Khan, and Salma Umber. "Reporting Sino-Indian Border Conflict Through Peace Journalism Approach." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iii).01.
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The study attempts to analyze the coverage of recent Sino-Indian border conflict through peace and war journalism along with understanding how peace journalism ideals can be translated into conflict reporting. The descriptive analysis of news stories published from May 5, 2020, to October 5, 2020, in the mainstream contemporary English press of China (China Daily and Global Times) and India (Times of India and The Hindu) is carried out through content analysis. The period is significant because of the recent border conflict between China and India at Ladakh. The approach of peace and war journalism is explored through in-depth interviews of Indian and Chinese journalists. The study concluded that both Indian and Chinese press employed war framing more dominantly than peace framing while reporting on-going border conflict. A higher instance of peace journalism was recorded in the Chinese press in comparison to the Indian press. The ideals of peace journalism can be achieved by refraining from becoming part of the propaganda paradigm.
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Devereux, David R. "The Sino-Indian War of 1962 in Anglo-American Relations." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 1 (January 2009): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009408098647.
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Miller, Manjari Chatterjee. "Re-collecting Empire: “Victimhood” and the 1962 Sino-Indian War." Asian Security 5, no. 3 (September 21, 2009): 216–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850903178931.
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Chaudhuri, Rudra. "Why Culture Matters: Revisiting the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962." Journal of Strategic Studies 32, no. 6 (December 2009): 841–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390903189618.
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Roberts, Peter. "JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War." RUSI Journal 161, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2016.1224501.
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van de Wetering, Carina. "JFK’s forgotten crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian war." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 55, no. 2 (March 3, 2017): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2017.1290747.
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Garver, John W. "The Restoration of Sino-Indian Comity following India's Nuclear Tests." China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 865–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000511.
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Indian justification of its May 1998 nuclear tests in terms of Chinese threats to India prompted a multifacited Chinese campaign pressuring New Delhi to retract its offensive statements. One significant element of Chinese concerns with Indian statements was apprehension over an Indian drift toward alignment with the United States. Beijing's efforts were successful and within two years New Delhi had given Beijing the requisite assurances and the normal state of Sino-Indian amity was restored. Sino-Indian interactions in the period after India's May 1998 tests demonstrates the extreme sensitivity of both powers to the other's alignment with the United States in the post-Cold War world.
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Kim, Jiye. "China’s Wars and Strategies: Looking Back at the Korean War and the Sino-Indian War." Strategic Analysis 42, no. 2 (March 4, 2018): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2018.1439329.
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Sayeda, Fauzia Farmin, and Barnali Sarma. "The Effect of Sino-Indian War, 1962 on Ethnic Communities of Arunachal Pradesh." Space and Culture, India 8, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.vi0.768.
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The study is an attempt to analyse the socio-economic consequences of Sino-Indian war of 1962 on the ethnic communities of North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA), the present state of Arunachal Pradesh, geospatially located in North-East India. A careful analysis of the pre-independent history of the region suggests that both Ahoms and British rulers followed a policy of non-interference in the region as it was predominantly a tribal area. After independence, the Indian Government also followed the policy of minimal governance. The vital issues of infrastructure were also not given much emphasis until the war of 1962. As the Government realised the strategic importance of the state, a significant change in government policy can be witnessed. Apart from initiating development in infrastructure of the state, efforts were also made to nationalise the frontier. The present research aims to document the socio-economic changes brought by the war, using a critical analysis of a wide range of sources.
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GHOSH, ARUNABH. "Accepting difference, seeking common ground: Sino-Indian statistical exchanges 1951–1959." BJHS Themes 1 (2016): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bjt.2016.1.
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AbstractStarting as early as 1951, and with increasing urgency after 1956, Chinese and Indian statisticians traded visits as they sought to learn from each other's experiences. At the heart of these exchanges was the desire to learn more about a cutting-edge statistical method, random sampling, which, while technically complex, held great practical salience for large and diverse countries such as China and India. This paper draws upon unpublished documents, letters, institutional archives, memoirs, oral history and newspaper reports to reconstruct the sequence of these exchanges, their outcomes and the concerns of the participants. The exchanges demonstrate not only the crucial role played by Indian statisticians in the rise of random sampling, but also the amount of resistance these methods generated in places like China (and the Soviet Union). As a clear instance of South–South scientific exchange, they also compel a broadening of our understanding of early Cold War scientific networks, which should no longer be dominated by centre–periphery models that take either the USSR or the US as the centre. Finally, the exchanges hint at the varied nature of post-1949 Sino-Indian history, a subfield still dominated by geopolitics and a focus on the causes, course and legacy of the Sino-Indian War of 1962.
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Zilong, Che. "The Development of Sino Indian Trade from the Perspective of “The Belt and Road Initiative”." Journal of Economics and Management Sciences 4, no. 3 (September 6, 2021): p7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/jems.v4n3p7.
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Since ancient times, the two ancient civilizations of China and India have had a long history of trade exchanges, and such trade exchanges have left an important mark in the history of Sino-India relations. Chronologically，this article takes the Sino-Indian trade exchanges as a research perspective to outline two thousand years of trade history between two countries. From the Sino-Indian Business Road that began in the Qin Dynasty and Han Dynasty to the origin of the Silk Road on which Zhang Qian went to the Western Regions as an envoy, explored the Sino-India-Tibet Road and Maritime Silk Road trade; analyzed the opium trade between China, Britain and India in modern times. At the same time, it uses the founding of People’s Republic of China, the Sino-Indian War, the Belt and Road Initiative and the important events of the global epidemic as nodes to describe the development of Sino-Indian trade. In the long history, this kind of rich trade history also shows that China and India are more likely and should establish a better and more extensive trade cooperation relationship, and learn to effectively deal with the turmoil. This will provide reference for operating the trade activities between the two countries.
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FRAMKE, MARIA. "‘We Must Send a Gift Worthy of India and the Congress!’ War and political humanitarianism in late colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (November 2017): 1969–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000950.
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AbstractThe interwar period has recently been described as a highly internationalist one in South Asia, as a series of distinct internationalisms—communist, anarchist, social scientific, socialist, literary, and aesthetic1—took shape. At the same time, it has been argued that the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937 drew to a close various opportunities for international association (at least, temporarily). Taking into account both these contradistinctive developments, this article deals with another—and thus far largely overlooked—South Asian internationalism in the form of wartime Indian humanitarianism. In 1938, the Indian National Congress helped organize an Indian medical mission to China to bring relief to Chinese victims of the Second Sino-Japanese War. By focusing on this initiative, this article traces the ideas, the practices, and the motives of Indian political humanitarianism. It argues that such initiatives, as they became part of much wider global networks of humanitarianism in the late 1930s and early 1940s, created new openings for Indian nationalists to establish international alliances. This article also examines the way in which political humanitarianism enabled these same nationalists to perform as independent leaders on an international stage, and argues that humanitarianism served as a tool of anti-colonial emancipation.
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Taylor, Robert H. "Bruce Riedel. JFK's Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War." Asian Affairs 48, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2017.1268842.
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ATTANAYAKE, Chulanee. "Sino–Indian Conflict: Foreign Policy Options for the Smaller South Asian States." East Asian Policy 13, no. 02 (April 2021): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000106.
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The relationship between China and India is characterised by competition intertwined with issues over sovereignty, territorial integrity and prestige. Since the war in 1962, they have engaged in several small skirmishes. The increasing tension and frequency of clashes have led the smaller South Asian countries being caught in the middle. What impacts do the changing dynamics have on smaller South Asian countries? What options do these smaller countries have in navigating the relationship amid increasing border tensions? This article attempts to examine the aforementioned research questions.
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Topgyal, Tsering. "Charting the Tibet Issue in the Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700205.
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In official quarters in Beijing and New Delhi, the Tibet issue figures only as a bargaining chip to ‘regulate’ their bilateral relations, not as an issue that has an independent bearing on the intractability or resolution of the Sino–Indian border dispute. Scholars of the Sino–Indian border dispute either dismiss the relevance of the Tibet issue or treat it as only a prop in their framing of the dispute in terms of security, nationalism and great power rivalry. This article argues that the Tibet issue is more central to the border dispute than official and scholarly circles have recognised so far. The article demonstrates this through an examination of the historical roots of the border row, the centrality of Tibet and Tibetans in the boundary claims of both Beijing and New Delhi and the revelation of concurrent historical developments in the border dispute and the Sino–Tibetan conflict. On the place of Tibet in broader Sino–Indian relations, the article posits that while Tibet was a victim of India’s moralistic–idealist policies toward China in the 1950s, it has now become a victim of the new realism pervading India’s policy of engaging and emulating China in the post-Cold War era.
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Westcott, Stephen P. "Mao, Nehru and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute: A Poliheuristic Analysis." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, no. 2 (June 2019): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419841770.
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The Sino-Indian border dispute has been effectively stalemated since the end of the 1962 Border War and remains a source of serious tension between the two Asian giants. Yet there were several instances throughout the 1950s and the early 1960s when the two sides could have resolved their dispute amicably. Curiously, despite several detailed historical accounts on how the Sino-Indian border dispute developed, there has been few systematic theoretical accounts exploring why this occurred. To address this gap, I utilise poliheuristic choice theory to examine the choices of the both the key decision-makers of the time, Mao Zedong and Jawaharlal Nehru. The poliheuristic choice theory illuminates why both Mao and Nehru initially chose status quo policies before embracing either compromise or escalation policies, when faced with domestic pressure at home and ideological impulses.
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Ali, Asghar, Nazim Rahim, and Ghulam Hussain Abid Sipra. "AN ANALYSIS OF SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS: MODUS OPERANDI OR MODUS VIVENDI." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).03.
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China and India celebrated their embryonic relations with a documented modus vivendi i.e. “The Panchsheel Agreement”. This concord highlighted five principles of peaceful coexistence between India and China. The Tibet region was the nucleus of this agreement. Nevertheless, after four years of its celebration, eyebrows raised from both sides in 1959 when China started its unification process and India welcomed the Dalai Lama, a separatist leader of the Tibetan region. This caused bitterness between India and China and both the states reversed to their retrospective modus operandi, which later on graduated into a full-fledged war between the two countries in 1962. Despite their limited modus vivendi in the 21st century, both the states tend more towards their intrinsic modus operandi. This analytical study is discussing the Sino-Indian relations through the lenses of Modus vivendi and Modus operandi and its implication for Pakistan.
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Hussain, T. Karki. "Sino-Soviet Detente in the Making." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (January 1986): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200103.
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Increasingly, the trend in Sino-Soviet normalization has acquired the kind of high visibility which compels serious attention within India. There are several valid reasons for our interest in the matter. Historically, both the Sino-Indian dispute and the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the fifties when the parties concerned had appeared to the outside world as friends and allies. In subsequent developments, the sixties began with a border war between India and China and ended with another border war between China and the Soviet Union. Although the nature of China's bilateral controversies, leading to actual confrontation with India and Soviet Union, were not identical in their origin and evolution, chronologically, its durability with either protagonist has spanned more than a quarter of a century. More recently, an almost parallel movement towards arapprochement is taking place, formally signified by an ongoing process of seven rounds of Sino-Soviet consultations and six meetings between the Indian and the Chinese representatives till date. Although their initial differences concerning some political issues persist, China and the Soviet Union have been interacting with each other at a frequency which was unimaginable barely a couple of years ago. In 1985, for example, more than 70 visits were exchanged between the two erstwhile adversaries. Following the 27th Congress of the CPSU which ended on 3 March 1986, in the forthcoming weeks sometime, Soviet First Vice-Premier Arkhipov is scheduled to visit Beijing to review bilateral, economic, scientific and cultural relations. Later, in the summer of 1'86, Soviet and Chinese Foreign Ministers will hold important talks with each other which are expected to contribute further towards normalization. Similarly, Sino-Indian contacts at several levels have also grown considerably. It may be explained that it does not lie within the scope of this article to examine the derivative triangular linkages present in the Sino-Indian and the Sino-Soviet issues or to argue that the apparent dynamic of the Sino-Soviet thaw would weaken India's bargaining positionvis-a-vis China and therefore a border settlement should be precipitated in order to match the pace of the evolving pattern in Sino-Soviet relations. Rather, the following presentation precludes any juxtaposition with the Sino-Indian problems and focuses almost entirely on certain initiatives taken by the Chinese leadership which have rendered its earlier posturing somewhat obsolete and created an opportunity for it to weigh the Soviet factor afresh in the immediate perspective. Finally, the article seeks to analyse the imperatives behind Beijing's current moves within the larger framework of the primary objective of removing once for all the backward economic status of the country. However, to the extent that the process of Sino-Soviet normalization flows from the shifts in China's foreign and domestic policies, its implications for India are self-evident and for that very reason worthy of our deep interest.
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Chervin, Reed. "“Cartographic Aggression”: Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00911.
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The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international community. The British government, for its part, demonstrated its support for India. Because British leaders sympathized with their former colony and because the borders of India were a product of the British Empire, leaders in the United Kingdom endorsed Indian propaganda. Nevertheless, democracy in India and the United Kingdom rendered complete control of the media difficult. The Sino-Indian conflict therefore represented a war over information as well as territory.
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McGarr, Paul M. "The long shadow of colonial cartography: Britain and the Sino-Indian war of 1962." Journal of Strategic Studies 42, no. 5 (January 30, 2019): 626–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2019.1570147.
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Mikaelian, Arman Artakovich, and Vladimir Mikhailovich Morozov. "The U.S. Factor in Sino-Israeli and Indian-Israeli Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-338-349.
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The article analyses the US influence on Israeli policy towards both China and India. The United States has had and still has a significant influence on the dynamics of Israeli-Chinese and Israeli-Indian relations. The relevance of the issue stems from the growing importance of China and India in the world affairs amid rising tensions between the US and China that are spilling into a trade war. The article aims to explore the US influence on Israels policy in Asia. It examines the way how the Israeli leadership has adapted to Washingtons influence while promoting its strategic cooperation with China and India. The study comprises historical method, comparative analysis and historical-systematic analysis. The author comes to the following conclusions. First, Washingtons influence on Sino-Israeli relations has gone through five development stages: the first stage (1971-1989): implicit US support for the development of Sino-Israeli relations; the second stage (1990-1998): American criticism of military and technical cooperation between Israel and China; the third stage (1999-2005): Washingtons shift from criticism to pressure policy in order to prevent the Israeli leadership from military cooperation with China; the fourth stage (2006-2016): Israels acceptance of US demands and refusal to supply arms to Beijing (with Tel Aviv focusing on the development of trade and economic relations with China); the fifth stage (2017 - present): U.S. criticism of Israeli-Chinese economic cooperation amid worsening contacts between Beijing and Washington. The Israeli government is trying to meet Washingtons demands as well as preserve its strategic economic relations with Beijing. Second, the US factor, on the contrary, contributed to normalization of Indian-Israeli relations, having a positive impact on the development of trade, economic and military cooperation between Tel Aviv and New Delhi. Third, the US actions can be explained by an attempt to preserve its national interests. At the same time, the author stresses that the US influence on Israels policy in Asia complies with Washingtons regional priorities set forth in the 2017 US National Security Strategy.
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McGarr, Paul M. "Book Review: JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA and the Sino-Indian War. Bruce Riedel." War in History 24, no. 4 (November 2017): 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517732853j.
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Acharya, Alka. "Prelude to the Sino-Indian War: Aspects of the Decision-making Processes during 1959-62." China Report 32, no. 4 (November 1996): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559603200402.
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Maxwell, Neville. "Why the Sino–Indian Border Dispute is Still Unresolved after 50 Years: A Recapitulation." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700202.
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In its dying days the British Empire in India launched an aggressive annexation of what it recognised to be legally Chinese territory. The government of independent India inherited that border dispute and intensified it, completing the annexation and ignoring China’s protests. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) government, acquiescing in the loss of territory, offered diplomatic legalisation of the new boundary India had imposed in its North-East but the Nehru government refused to negotiate. It then developed and advanced a claim to Chinese territory in the north-west, again refusing to submit the claim to negotiation. Persistent Indian attempts to implement its territorial claims by armed force led to the 1962 border war. The Indian defeat did not lead to any change of policy; both the claims and the refusal to negotiate were maintained. The dead-locked Sino–Indian dispute and armed confrontation are thus the consequence of Indian expansionism and intransigence.
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Westcott, Stephen P. "Seizing a Window of Opportunity? The Causes and Consequences of the 2020 Sino-Indian Border Stand-off." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992527.
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In 2020, the Sino-Indian Line of Actual Control (LAC) witnessed several violent clashes between the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Indian military that resulted in a tense stand-off between the two highly mobilised armies and plunged Sino-Indian bilateral relations to its lowest point since the 1962 border war. Whilst confrontations between Chinese and Indian border forces are relatively commonplace, this recent crisis has proven remarkable due to the ferocity of the clashes and the alarming pace and degree to which established rules of engagement on the LAC have broken down. With both sides seemingly locked in a stalemate, it is prudent to reflect on the causes and significance of the current stand-off. This article argues that the crisis was largely precipitated by China’s calculation that India’s recent border infrastructure building activities and assertive domestic and foreign policy in the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir could threaten the PLA’s tactical advantage along the border, and eventually undermine China’s hold over the disputed Aksai Chin region. Acting on these perceptions and sensing that a ‘window of opportunity’ could be rapidly closing, the Chinese government authorised the PLA to initiate actions to consolidate its advantageous position on the LAC. Although both militaries are fully mobilised and in close proximity across the LAC, both sides clearly recognise the decision to go to war would not benefit either side. Hence, both sides will need to engage in some deft diplomacy going forward to resolve the current crisis and to reset bilateral ties.
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Verma, Virendra Sahai. "Book Review: JFK’s Forgotten Crisis—Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War by Bruce Riedel." China Report 52, no. 3 (July 27, 2016): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445516646254.
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Spaniel, William, and Iris Malone. "The Uncertainty Trade-off: Reexamining Opportunity Costs and War." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (July 26, 2019): 1025–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz050.
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Abstract Conventional wisdom about economic interdependence and international conflict predicts that increasing opportunity costs make war less likely, but some wars occur after costs grow. Why? We develop a model that shows that a nonmonotonic relationship exists between the costs and probability of war when there is uncertainty over resolve. Under these conditions, increasing the costs of an uninformed party's opponent has a second-order effect of exacerbating informational asymmetries about that opponent's willingness to maintain peace. We derive conditions under which war can occur more frequently and empirically showcase the model's implications through a case study of Sino-Indian relations from 1949 to 2007. This finding challenges how scholars traditionally believe economic interdependence mediates incentives to fight: instruments such as trade have competing effects on the probability of war.
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Malik, J. Mohan. "China-India Relations in the Post-Soviet Era: The Continuing Rivalry." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 317–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034962.
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In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a series of developments since the late 1980s, especially the visit of India's Premier to Beijing in 1988 and the reciprocal visit of China's Premier to New Delhi in 1991; the end of the Cold War and the bipolar system following the Soviet collapse; the consequent dramatic changes in the global strategic environment; and the overall improvement in bilateral relations between China and India.However, the fact that Sino-Indian relations today seem to be better than at any time during the last four decades should not lead one to assume that all the hurdles in the relationship have been overcome. This article examines the factors underlying the current détente, and analyses Indian and Chinese perspectives on their bilateral relations as well as the wider post-Cold War Asian security environment. It concludes that a thaw in Sino-Indian relations notwithstanding, the two sides are poised for rivalry for regional dominance and influence in the multipolar world of the 21st century.
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Coelho, Joanna Pereira, and Ganesha Somayaji. "Fatherland or Livelihood: Value Orientations Among Tibetan Soldiers in the Indian Army." Journal of Human Values 27, no. 3 (March 24, 2021): 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971685821989116.
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The recruitment to military in modern nation states, by and large, is voluntary. Although it is commonly assumed that a soldiers’ job in the army is to fight against the enemies of their motherland, the Indian Army has a regiment of Tibetan soldiers who are not Indians as per the law of the land. Known as Special Frontier Force (SFF), this regiment was until recently a secret wing of the Indian Army. Joining the Indian Army during the heydays of their diasporic dispersal due to the Chinese territorial aggrandizement and Sino-Indian war of 1962, with a hope of direct encounter with their enemies, Tibetans continue to be voluntarily recruited to the now non-secret SFF. As part of the Indian Army, they should be ready to fight the enemies of their host country. In fact, over the decades, they have been requested by India to take part in several military exercises. In the changed international geopolitics, Tibetans in exile may not get another opportunity to fight against their own enemies. The trajectory of the value orientations of the Tibetan soldiers in the Indian Army constitutes the axial concern of this article.
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McGarr, Paul M. "The Information Research Department, British Covert Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian War of 1962: Combating Communism and Courting Failure?" International History Review 41, no. 1 (November 24, 2017): 130–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2017.1402070.
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Shukla, Sonia. "Book Review: The Sino-Indian War of 1962: New Perspectives Edited by Amit R. Das Gupta and Lorenz Luthi." China Report 54, no. 1 (January 25, 2018): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744436.
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Hongwei, FAN. "China-Burma Geopolitical Relations in the Cold War." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100102.
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This paper explores the historical role of geography in the Sino-Burmese relationship in the context of the Cold War, both before and after the Chinese–American détente and rapprochement in the 1970s. It describes Burma's fear and distrust of China throughout the Cold War, during which it maintained a policy of neutrality and non-alignment. Burma's geographic location, sandwiched between its giant neighbours India and China, led it to adopt a realist paradigm and pursue an independent foreign policy. Characterizing China's threat to Burmese national security as “grave” during its period of revolutionary export, the article notes that Burma was cowed into deference and that it deliberately avoided antagonizing China. It also looks at the history of China's attempts to break out of U.S. encirclement after the Korean War and its successful establishment of Burma as an important buffer state. After the U.S.–China rapprochement in 1972, however, Burma's geographical significance for Beijing declined. In this context, Burma's closed-door policy of isolation further lessened its strategic importance for China. Since 1988, however, Burma's strategic importance to China has been on the rise once again, as it plays a greater role as China's land bridge to the Indian Ocean and in its energy security and expansion of trade and exports.
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Muratshina, K. G. "China and India in the Beginning of the 21st Century: Between Rivalry and Cooperation." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(113) (July 6, 2020): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)3-13.
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The relationship between such Asia-Pacific powers, as India and China, has recently become a significant factor of how regional security is being maintained and how efficient the regional multilateral cooperation can be. The two states are close neighbours, possessing a long border, and both are presented in high-profile international institutions, e. g. the BRICS. At the same time, they are involved in a long-term border controversy, which sometimes pushes the relations to the verge of war. In addition, India and China are diverged by contradictions in other areas, primarily in economic aspects, and their competition for influence at the international level and in various regions of the Global South.
The aim of this paper is to trace, how the Sino-Indian conflict, on the one hand, and their cooperation, on the other hand, developed throughout the recent 20 years, and try to answer the question, how it all shaped their status for each other, namely, the one of a partner, a rival or an enemy. The author consequently studies the landmark events in border conflict since the beginning of the 21st century, the political exchanges between China and India meanwhile, and the basic trends of economic and military cooperation and competition between the two countries. In conclusion, the results of the research are presented, and the possible impact of Sino-Indian ambivalent relationship on Russian policy towards them and on the work of international institutions involving both countries, is discussed.
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Colley, Christopher K., and Prashant Hosur Suhas. "India–China and Their War-making Capacities." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021993962.
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Much has been said about how China’s rapidly growing economy has led to increasing power disparity between India and China over the last two decades. China’s economic growth in this period has been spectacular, but it is not clear whether that gives a good sense of how effective its military capabilities are against India. In the context of the escalating Sino-Indian rivalry, this article asks the question: what is the nature of India’s power disparity vis-à-vis China? And does the existing power disparity between India and China give China a clear and uncontestable advantage? We argue that while there is significant asymmetry between India and China, the asymmetry is not as overwhelming when we consider certain facets of war-making capacity such as capital intensiveness of the military, military mobilisation, extractive capacity of the state and the institutional capacities to mobilise forces on a large scale, should the occasion demand. Moreover, India, with a more defensive posture against China, is in a better position to counter it because it mitigates the effects of power disparity. Therefore, we seek to understand the variation in asymmetries across different parameters of war-making capacity and force structure to better assess where the two countries may have advantages and disadvantages in the months and years to come. This article’s main contribution is to demonstrate through publicly available data the various levels of asymmetry between India and China. It also contributes to the security studies, rising powers and conflict literature.
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Ahmad, Iftikhar, and Ramzan Shahid. "Russia, United States and China in South Asian Politics: Implications for Pakistan." Global Political Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).11.
Full textAbstract:
End of the Cold War caused a paradigm shift in world politics by converting the bipolar world into a unipolar world with the emergence of the USA as a sole superpower in the field of international politics. Indo-US obnoxious nexus has put the security situation in perils in South Asia. America is in a full endeavor to contain China to halt her everexpanding sphere of influence. Positive and proactive development in PakRussia relations, in the post-Cold War period, has caused ripples in the stagnant waters of political, economic and strategic areas of mutual interest. On the global level Sino-US rivalry in Indian Ocean Region (IOR). While, on the other hand, so far as a regional factor is concerned, Pakistan and China have evolved very cordial and cooperative relations in order to complete China's Belt and Road (BRI) and China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Pak-Russia relations would go on to enter, from both sides, into complete trust, confidence-building and mutual reliance on each other.
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Liu, Zongyi. "Boundary Standoff and China-India Relations: A Chinese Scholar’s Perspective." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 02 (January 2020): 223–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500141.
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The China-Indian boundary and territorial dispute is one of the major issues affecting Sino-Indian bilateral relations. This issue was a legacy of the British colonialists, but unfortunately, it has been fully inherited by the Indian ruling class. Over the past 60 years, China and India have missed three opportunities to resolve this issue. The Indian ruling class wanted to achieve “absolute security” and therefore introduced a “forward policy”, which led to the 1962 conflict. After the war, India occupied almost all of the strategic commanding heights in the border area between the two countries by continuously encroaching on Chinese territory and pushing the Line of Actual Control (LAC) toward the Chinese side. After Prime Minister Modi came to power in 2014, he adopted the Doval Doctrine and “offensive defense” policy in the border area, with a view to continuing the encroachment on Chinese territory and occupying the strategic commanding heights. The aim was to force China to resolve the border issue in accordance with India’s intentions, so that India can then shift its strategic focus to the Indian Ocean. China-U.S. strategic rivalry and Hindu nationalism have fueled India’s behavior in the border region, and the peaceful resolution of the 2017 Donglang/Doklam standoff has emboldened India, making the bloodshed in Galwan Valley an inevitable incident. That India’s Home Minister Amit Shah categorically declared in August 2019 in Parliament that Aksai Chin was part of new Ladakh Union Territory shows that the Indian government has restored its position on the western sector boundary that the Vajpayee Administration had abandoned in 2003. India is using the Galwan conflict as an excuse to pursue its policy of economic de-Sinicization and strategic alliance with the U.S. and other Western countries. In the future, China-Indian border conflict is likely to become commonplace due to India’s expansionism.
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Chaziza, Mordechai. "The Belt and Road Initiative: New Driving Force for Sino-Yemen Relationship." China Report 57, no. 2 (May 2021): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211004231.
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The Republic of Yemen (North Yemen) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) established diplomatic relations in 1956, the first Arabian Peninsula country to recognise the PRC as the legitimate representative of the country. Yemen is a significant and strategically important state in the southern Arabian Peninsula bordering Saudi Arabia, Oman, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden within the Arabian Sea (Behbehani. 1985. China and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen). The geographical location of Yemen makes it an essential state for the PRC because it enables it an observation point over three regional trouble spots: the Gulf of Aden, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa. Thus, Yemen can become the bridge between Asia and Africa, and between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean, and a vital component of China’s Silk Road Strategy. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could be used as a new driving force for the Sino-Yemen relationship, especially the integration between the state’s post-war reconstruction and the realization of the initiative.
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GOHAIN, SWARGAJYOTI. "Producing Monyul as Buffer: Spatial politics in a colonial frontier." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 432–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000592.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the Tawang and West Kameng districts of Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India, collectively known as Monyul. It was ruled by Tibet for three centuries before the 1914 McMahon Line boundary included it in India. Even after that, cross-border exchanges between Monyul and Tibet continued until the 1962 Sino-Indian war, following which border passages between the two were closed. Today, Monyul is a marginal region, geographically distant from centres of industry and education, and lacking in terms of infrastructure. This article traces Monyul's marginality not simply to the border war, but to spatial practices of the British colonial state, beginning with the mapping of the boundary in 1914. It shows how Monyul was constructed as a buffer, despite being within a delimited boundary, first, by excluding it from regular administration, and, secondly, by pushing back the older Tibetan administration, thereby, making it (what I call) a ‘zone of difference/indifference’. But the buffer project was subject to contestation, mostly from the Tibetan religious aristocracy, whose temporal hold over, and material interests in, Monyul were challenged by the latter's incorporation into colonial India.
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Peleggi, Maurizio. "When art was political: Historicising decolonisation and the Cold War in Southeast Asia through curatorial practice." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (December 2019): 645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000107.
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In Asia, and in Southeast Asia in particular, the Cold War was far from cold, witnessing the most deadly conflicts and political massacres of the second half of the twentieth century. Also, the clash of ideologies there did not follow a binary logic but included a third force, nationalism, which was rooted in the anticolonialist movements of the interwar years and played a significant role even in countries that decolonised peacefully after the end of the Second World War. The Cold War thus overlapped with the twin process of decolonisation and nation-building, which had its founding moment at the Asian-African Conference at Bandung in 1955, where the non-aligned camp, which advocated a neutral position vis-à-vis the two rival blocs, coalesced (one year ealier, the anticommunist Southeast Asia Treaty Organization had been established). Postcolonial aspirations to national progress that tied socioeconomic development to the civic and cultural elevation of the citizenry were widely shared among newly decolonised countries. By the mid-1960s, however, the utopian ‘Bandung Spirit’ had lost ground to Cold War realpolitik; intra-Asian and communal conflicts fomented by Cold War enmities (the Sino–Indian War of 1962, the Indo–Pakistani War of 1965, Indonesia's anticommunist purges of 1965–66) along with the escalation of the Vietnam War and the consequent exacerbation of regional divisions, belied governments’ earlier commitment to human rights, Third World solidarity and world peace. The authoritarian involution of several Asian countries that were often American allies, redoubled by the opening of their economies to multinational corporations, led many artists and intellectuals to embrace political activism. The conception of art as a revolutionary instrument in the service of the masses had been famously articulated by Mao Zedong at the Yan'an Forum in 1942. In China, Mao's prescriptions on art were sidelined, though never officially repudiated, only in the early 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the adoption of a socialist market economy, by acknowledging the necessity ‘to respect and guarantee the creativity of individuals’.
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Singh, Prashant Kumar. "China–Bangladesh Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 267–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600308.
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This article argues that the so-called Chinese string of pearls policy needs to be examined from the perspectives of those small countries of this maritime region that are said to be supporting Chinese strategic interests in the region by providing naval bases to China. Bangladesh neither has compelling strategic reasons to be part of an anti-India policy nor is its economy dependent only on the Chinese economy—a situation which could have pushed it into such a strategy. Therefore, apprehensions of the Indian strategic community of Sino-Bangladeshi relations constituting a larger anti-India design are somewhat misplaced. Bangladesh is likely to continue to pursue a policy of making best of its relations with both countries, even though an anti-India bias in certain sections of Bangladeshi society and politics will persist. In the post-Cold War, countries are focused on how to reap the dividends of economic globalisation and such hostile policies are anachronistic and counterproductive especially from the point of view of countries like Bangladesh that are small in terms of overall national capabilities. It is, therefore, argued that China–Bangladesh relations are flourishing in their own right, by and large free from the Indian shadow.
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Saha, Rushali, and Marko Filijovic. "HIGH SKY – LOW TENSION: CAN INDIA AND CHINA FIND COMMON INTEREST IN OUTER SPACE?" Politička revija 67, no. 1/2021 (April 23, 2021): 201–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.6712021.11.
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Cold War rivalry spilled into space when the Soviets launched Sputnik in 1957, leading to space being recognised as the fourth domain of warfare. As the monopoly of the US and former Soviet Union eroded, it created space for new actors to emerge from Asia, where China and India due to their investemnts in space technology as early as 1950’s had a significant headstart. The paper traces the evolution of the space programs of both the Asian countries and identifies how they are tailored to meet their aspirations to become global space powers. Against the backdrop of competitve cooperation which charecterises their overall bilateral relations, the paper assesses the trends in their national space programs to predict whether Sino-Indian relations will shift towards confrontation or cooperation. In view of the similar ambitions of both these countries in space, the paper conlcudes that there is scope for cooperation as well as competiton and which path will be adopted depends largely on their national strategic interests and further development of their fututre projects.
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Wang, Yuanfei. "Java in Discord." positions: asia critique 27, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 623–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-7726916.
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In the late sixteenth century, thriving private maritime trade brought forth maritime trouble to the late Ming state. In times of rampant “Japanese” piracy and Hideyoshi’s invasion of Korea, Chinese literati composed unofficial histories and vernacular fiction on China’s foreign relations. Among them, Yan Congjian 嚴從簡 wrote Shuyu zhouzi lu 殊域周咨錄 (Records of Surrounding Strange Realms) (1574), He Qiaoyuan 何喬遠 compiled Wang Xiangji 王享記 (Records of the Emperors’ Tributes) (1597–1620), Luo Yuejiong 羅曰褧 penned Xianbin lu 咸賓錄 (Records of Tributary Guests) (1597), and Luo Maodeng 羅懋登 composed a vernacular novel Sanbao taijian xiyangji tongsu yanyi 三寶太監西洋記通俗演義 (Vernacular Romance of Eunuch Sanbao’s Voyages on the Indian Ocean) (1598). This article examines how the imminent maritime realities reminded the late Ming authors of one cross-border war and two genocides in Java and Sanfoqi during Yuan and early and mid-Ming times. These transgressions that violated Chinese official tributary order became memorable and made Sino-Java relations a definite point of comparison for the late Ming maritime piracy problems. This article argues that the cultural memory of Sino-Java military and diplomatic exchange enabled the authors to lament and condemn the executed pirates Wang Zhi and Chen Zuyi. The four authors imbue their narratives with personal anxieties and nationalistic sentiments. While the historical narratives tend to moralize and idealize China’s tributary world order, the vernacular fiction paints a more realistic picture of the late Ming state by involving heterogeneous voices of the “other.” Collectively, the four narratives represent various images of the Ming Empire, revealing the authors’ deep apprehension of the Mings’ identity, their political criticism of the state, and their divergent and even self-conflicted views toward maritime commerce, immigrants, and people of different races.
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Sukul, Anamika. "CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES ON ETHNICALLY TARGETED INTERNMENTS: A STUDY ON THE CHINESE INDIAN AND THE JAPANESE CANADIAN WARTIME EXPERIENCES." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 3 (June 28, 2020): 1251–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.83128.
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Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to provide a new theoretical interpretation of how nation-States have exercised control over targeted ethnic communities through the repressive act of camp internment. It uses two major global historical events as the frame of reference: the internment of the Chinese ethnic community in India during the 1962 Sino-Indian conflict, and internment of the Japanese ethnic population in Canada during World War II.
Methodology: This study draws on Michel Foucault’s theories on “biopolitics” to analyze the States’ mechanisms of control during wartime periods. The Foucauldian framework of “biopolitics” is used as a theoretical tool to develop a concurrent study on the internment experiences of the two ethnic groups, and provide a new understanding of the conceptualization of this regulatory decision enforced by the government.
Main Findings: The findings show the internment as an expression of State-regulated biopolitical control, in which groups of people come under the administration of a power whose sole function is to subjugate their lives and bodies by detaining them in camps. It concludes that a mass internment decisions, usually taken under the pretext of “national security,” undermines the democratic set-up of a nation.
Applications of this study: Taken together, findings of this study contribute to scholarly discussions in the field of social sciences and humanities. It will be of particular interest to those engaged in a contemporary interpretation of discriminatory actions against minority communities in the larger global context. It, however, carries a relevance beyond scholarly discourses – it warns us against replication of such unwarranted episodes in the future.
Novelty/Originality of this study: Unlike most biopolitical studies regarding authoritarian regimes, this one develops the arguments through internment cases that occurred in the world's two leading democracies. Though Japanese Canadian internment has been studied widely, Chinese Indian study is still nascent. Analyzing these episodes together under theoretical paradigms throws new insights on the State's exertion of power upon a targeted population in a modern democratic system.Japanese Canadian Internment
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Goswami, Chandrama. "Bilateral Strategies and Development Agenda." Space and Culture, India 2, no. 2 (November 1, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v2i2.83.
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The recent visit of the Chinese president, Xi Xinping, to India has great significance for both the countries. The relationship between India and China has always been one of distrust, especially after the collapse of the friendship attempt made by the then Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, and Mao, India’s decision to allow Tibet’s Dalai-Lama (who Beijing considers a dangerous separatist) to reside in India, and the Sino-Indian Border War which followed in 1962. The border dispute still continues with both countries contesting land along their border in Ladakh and China’s claim over India’s north-eastern province of Arunachal Pradesh. India’s concern also lies with the construction of the Chinese dam on the side of the River Brahmaputra. Each country is also skeptical about the other’s relationship with Third World countries. In China’s case, India’s developing relationships with countries in the Asia-Pacific, especially Japan and the US; and in India’s case, China’s relationship with Pakistan. The Manmohan Singh Government brought in new levels of India-American co-operation which troubled the Chinese, thinking that India would become a part of an American ‘containment’ policy. Another cause of concern was when India tested the Agni-5 ICBM in April 2012, expanding the scope of India’s nuclear deterrent and bringing the whole of China in range for the first time. Narendra Modi was quite vocal about the territorial dispute with China during his campaign stating that China should give up its policy of expansion. This has however been considered as campaign trail rhetoric by Chinese foreign experts.
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Hassan, Ashraful, Bruce Burton, and W. C. Soderlund. "Qui sont nos ennemis? Qui sont nos amis? La presse pakistanaise et ses perceptions des attitudes et politiques de quatre grandes puissance 1958-1965." Études internationales 13, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701349ar.
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Utilizing content analysis methodology, this paper studies Pakistani press perceptions of external sources of threat and support covering the Period 1958-1965. From the literature on Pakistani foreign policy, seven specific hypotheses are extracted for testing: 1 - during the period 1958-1965, India was perceived to be the major threat to Pakistan ; 2 - the perception of India as the major threat increased sharply from 1962 onwards; 3 - in 1959 China was perceived to be a greater threat to Pakistan than India was; 4 - the Soviet Union was perceived to be the major threat in 1958, a significant but secondary threat in 1959, the main threat again in 1960, and an insignificant threat from 1961 onwards; 5 - at no time during the period 1958-1965 was the United States perceived to be a threat to Pakistan; 6 - the respective policies of China, the US.S.R., and the U.S. towards South Asia in general and on the Kashmir issue in particular, played a major part in determining Pakistan's attitudes toward these states; 7 - U.S. arms aid to India in 1962 resulted in a major Pakistani disillusionment with the United States and this was accompanied by more positive Pakistani views toward the US.S.R. and China. Our data drawn from front page news stores and editorials appearing in a sample of the Pakistani newspaper Dawn, confirm in general terms hypotheses 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7, but fall to confirm hypotheses 3 and 4. Overall, the data point to the significance of the Sino-Indian border war in the fall of 1962 as a crucial turning point in Pakistan 's foreign policy alignments. Specifically, we see evidence of a turning away from the United States, combined with a movement toward China. Attitudes toward the Soviet Union were ambivalent.
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Kashyap, Usha, and Neha Bothra. "Sino-US Trade and Trade War." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.879180.
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Trade has been one of the most primary reasons behind economic association. Cross-border trade not only makes the markets cost-efficient but rather also brings up a higher degree of specialization to the respective nations. Bilateral trades have proven to be quintessential to both sides of the deal. However, on a parallel front, every economy has a self-interest toward the domestic produce, and they also try to defend their local manufacturers from cross-border competition. The United States has an “America-first” policy. Whenever the United States imposes tariffs and duties, similar responses have been observed by China. These moves are an area of great concern for global trade. The impact is often visible on the rest of the world. A trade-off exists between domestic economic growth and favored imports. This study is an attempt to discuss the trade relations between the United States and China and how this has led to a trade war. The trade tensions between the United States and China may continue for a few more years. There is a battle for economic supremacy and global leadership. This study explains why the United States is increasing tariffs on Chinese goods and how China is retaliating. This US–China trade war has affected not only the two economies but also the world economy. This study elucidates the repercussions of trade war on the international supply chain and the countries of the European Union. This study has also endeavored to discuss the impact of this trade war on the Indian economy. It is a golden opportunity for India to increase exports to China, the United States, and Europe.