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Journal articles on the topic 'Sino-Indian War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Chakravorty, PK. "Sino-Indian War of 1962." Indian Historical Review 44, no. 2 (2017): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617726649.

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More than half a century has elapsed since China and India fought a War in October–November 1962. The War saw the Chinese Army coming out with flying colours. India as a nation was shocked and had to strain every sinew to reorganise itself to win the ensuing wars with Pakistan in 1965 and 1971. There are many questions as regards the causes of the War, the events which preceded the conflict and what actually happened that led to the debacle. The article addresses these issues comprehensively and analyses the War in detail. Overall it was a failure to assess the Chinese threat in correct perspe

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2

Stone, David R. "The Sino-Indian War of 1962: New Perspectives." Small Wars & Insurgencies 28, no. 3 (2017): 661–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2017.1307619.

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Westcott, Stephen. "The Sino-Indian War of 1962: new perspectives." Contemporary South Asia 25, no. 4 (2017): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2017.1403100.

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Bakshi, Jyotsna. "Post‐Cold War Sino‐Russian relations: Indian perspective." Strategic Analysis 26, no. 1 (2002): 80–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160208450027.

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5

Warrich, Haseeb Ur Rehman, Rooh Ul Amin Khan, and Salma Umber. "Reporting Sino-Indian Border Conflict Through Peace Journalism Approach." Global Mass Communication Review V, no. III (2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iii).01.

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The study attempts to analyze the coverage of recent Sino-Indian border conflict through peace and war journalism along with understanding how peace journalism ideals can be translated into conflict reporting. The descriptive analysis of news stories published from May 5, 2020, to October 5, 2020, in the mainstream contemporary English press of China (China Daily and Global Times) and India (Times of India and The Hindu) is carried out through content analysis. The period is significant because of the recent border conflict between China and India at Ladakh. The approach of peace and war journ

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Devereux, David R. "The Sino-Indian War of 1962 in Anglo-American Relations." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 1 (2009): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009408098647.

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Miller, Manjari Chatterjee. "Re-collecting Empire: “Victimhood” and the 1962 Sino-Indian War." Asian Security 5, no. 3 (2009): 216–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850903178931.

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Chaudhuri, Rudra. "Why Culture Matters: Revisiting the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962." Journal of Strategic Studies 32, no. 6 (2009): 841–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390903189618.

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Roberts, Peter. "JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War." RUSI Journal 161, no. 4 (2016): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2016.1224501.

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van de Wetering, Carina. "JFK’s forgotten crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian war." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 55, no. 2 (2017): 245–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2017.1290747.

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11

Garver, John W. "The Restoration of Sino-Indian Comity following India's Nuclear Tests." China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 865–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000511.

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Indian justification of its May 1998 nuclear tests in terms of Chinese threats to India prompted a multifacited Chinese campaign pressuring New Delhi to retract its offensive statements. One significant element of Chinese concerns with Indian statements was apprehension over an Indian drift toward alignment with the United States. Beijing's efforts were successful and within two years New Delhi had given Beijing the requisite assurances and the normal state of Sino-Indian amity was restored. Sino-Indian interactions in the period after India's May 1998 tests demonstrates the extreme sensitivit

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Kim, Jiye. "China’s Wars and Strategies: Looking Back at the Korean War and the Sino-Indian War." Strategic Analysis 42, no. 2 (2018): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2018.1439329.

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Sayeda, Fauzia Farmin, and Barnali Sarma. "The Effect of Sino-Indian War, 1962 on Ethnic Communities of Arunachal Pradesh." Space and Culture, India 8, no. 2 (2020): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.vi0.768.

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The study is an attempt to analyse the socio-economic consequences of Sino-Indian war of 1962 on the ethnic communities of North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA), the present state of Arunachal Pradesh, geospatially located in North-East India. A careful analysis of the pre-independent history of the region suggests that both Ahoms and British rulers followed a policy of non-interference in the region as it was predominantly a tribal area. After independence, the Indian Government also followed the policy of minimal governance. The vital issues of infrastructure were also not given much emphasis un

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GHOSH, ARUNABH. "Accepting difference, seeking common ground: Sino-Indian statistical exchanges 1951–1959." BJHS Themes 1 (2016): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bjt.2016.1.

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AbstractStarting as early as 1951, and with increasing urgency after 1956, Chinese and Indian statisticians traded visits as they sought to learn from each other's experiences. At the heart of these exchanges was the desire to learn more about a cutting-edge statistical method, random sampling, which, while technically complex, held great practical salience for large and diverse countries such as China and India. This paper draws upon unpublished documents, letters, institutional archives, memoirs, oral history and newspaper reports to reconstruct the sequence of these exchanges, their outcome

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15

Zilong, Che. "The Development of Sino Indian Trade from the Perspective of “The Belt and Road Initiative”." Journal of Economics and Management Sciences 4, no. 3 (2021): p7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/jems.v4n3p7.

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Since ancient times, the two ancient civilizations of China and India have had a long history of trade exchanges, and such trade exchanges have left an important mark in the history of Sino-India relations. Chronologically，this article takes the Sino-Indian trade exchanges as a research perspective to outline two thousand years of trade history between two countries. From the Sino-Indian Business Road that began in the Qin Dynasty and Han Dynasty to the origin of the Silk Road on which Zhang Qian went to the Western Regions as an envoy, explored the Sino-India-Tibet Road and Maritime Silk Road

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FRAMKE, MARIA. "‘We Must Send a Gift Worthy of India and the Congress!’ War and political humanitarianism in late colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (2017): 1969–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000950.

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AbstractThe interwar period has recently been described as a highly internationalist one in South Asia, as a series of distinct internationalisms—communist, anarchist, social scientific, socialist, literary, and aesthetic1—took shape. At the same time, it has been argued that the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937 drew to a close various opportunities for international association (at least, temporarily). Taking into account both these contradistinctive developments, this article deals with another—and thus far largely overlooked—South Asian internationalism in the form of wartime Indian humanit

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17

Taylor, Robert H. "Bruce Riedel. JFK's Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War." Asian Affairs 48, no. 1 (2017): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2017.1268842.

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ATTANAYAKE, Chulanee. "Sino–Indian Conflict: Foreign Policy Options for the Smaller South Asian States." East Asian Policy 13, no. 02 (2021): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000106.

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The relationship between China and India is characterised by competition intertwined with issues over sovereignty, territorial integrity and prestige. Since the war in 1962, they have engaged in several small skirmishes. The increasing tension and frequency of clashes have led the smaller South Asian countries being caught in the middle. What impacts do the changing dynamics have on smaller South Asian countries? What options do these smaller countries have in navigating the relationship amid increasing border tensions? This article attempts to examine the aforementioned research questions.

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Topgyal, Tsering. "Charting the Tibet Issue in the Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (2011): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700205.

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In official quarters in Beijing and New Delhi, the Tibet issue figures only as a bargaining chip to ‘regulate’ their bilateral relations, not as an issue that has an independent bearing on the intractability or resolution of the Sino–Indian border dispute. Scholars of the Sino–Indian border dispute either dismiss the relevance of the Tibet issue or treat it as only a prop in their framing of the dispute in terms of security, nationalism and great power rivalry. This article argues that the Tibet issue is more central to the border dispute than official and scholarly circles have recognised so

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Westcott, Stephen P. "Mao, Nehru and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute: A Poliheuristic Analysis." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, no. 2 (2019): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419841770.

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The Sino-Indian border dispute has been effectively stalemated since the end of the 1962 Border War and remains a source of serious tension between the two Asian giants. Yet there were several instances throughout the 1950s and the early 1960s when the two sides could have resolved their dispute amicably. Curiously, despite several detailed historical accounts on how the Sino-Indian border dispute developed, there has been few systematic theoretical accounts exploring why this occurred. To address this gap, I utilise poliheuristic choice theory to examine the choices of the both the key decisi

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Ali, Asghar, Nazim Rahim, and Ghulam Hussain Abid Sipra. "AN ANALYSIS OF SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS: MODUS OPERANDI OR MODUS VIVENDI." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (2018): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).03.

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China and India celebrated their embryonic relations with a documented modus vivendi i.e. “The Panchsheel Agreement”. This concord highlighted five principles of peaceful coexistence between India and China. The Tibet region was the nucleus of this agreement. Nevertheless, after four years of its celebration, eyebrows raised from both sides in 1959 when China started its unification process and India welcomed the Dalai Lama, a separatist leader of the Tibetan region. This caused bitterness between India and China and both the states reversed to their retrospective modus operandi, which later o

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Hussain, T. Karki. "Sino-Soviet Detente in the Making." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (1986): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200103.

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Increasingly, the trend in Sino-Soviet normalization has acquired the kind of high visibility which compels serious attention within India. There are several valid reasons for our interest in the matter. Historically, both the Sino-Indian dispute and the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the fifties when the parties concerned had appeared to the outside world as friends and allies. In subsequent developments, the sixties began with a border war between India and China and ended with another border war between China and the Soviet Union. Although the nature of China's bilateral controversies, leadi

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Chervin, Reed. "“Cartographic Aggression”: Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (2020): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00911.

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The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international comm

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McGarr, Paul M. "The long shadow of colonial cartography: Britain and the Sino-Indian war of 1962." Journal of Strategic Studies 42, no. 5 (2019): 626–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2019.1570147.

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Mikaelian, Arman Artakovich, and Vladimir Mikhailovich Morozov. "The U.S. Factor in Sino-Israeli and Indian-Israeli Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (2021): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-338-349.

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The article analyses the US influence on Israeli policy towards both China and India. The United States has had and still has a significant influence on the dynamics of Israeli-Chinese and Israeli-Indian relations. The relevance of the issue stems from the growing importance of China and India in the world affairs amid rising tensions between the US and China that are spilling into a trade war. The article aims to explore the US influence on Israels policy in Asia. It examines the way how the Israeli leadership has adapted to Washingtons influence while promoting its strategic cooperation with

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McGarr, Paul M. "Book Review: JFK’s Forgotten Crisis: Tibet, the CIA and the Sino-Indian War. Bruce Riedel." War in History 24, no. 4 (2017): 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517732853j.

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27

Acharya, Alka. "Prelude to the Sino-Indian War: Aspects of the Decision-making Processes during 1959-62." China Report 32, no. 4 (1996): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559603200402.

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28

Maxwell, Neville. "Why the Sino–Indian Border Dispute is Still Unresolved after 50 Years: A Recapitulation." China Report 47, no. 2 (2011): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700202.

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In its dying days the British Empire in India launched an aggressive annexation of what it recognised to be legally Chinese territory. The government of independent India inherited that border dispute and intensified it, completing the annexation and ignoring China’s protests. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) government, acquiescing in the loss of territory, offered diplomatic legalisation of the new boundary India had imposed in its North-East but the Nehru government refused to negotiate. It then developed and advanced a claim to Chinese territory in the north-west, again refusing to sub

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Westcott, Stephen P. "Seizing a Window of Opportunity? The Causes and Consequences of the 2020 Sino-Indian Border Stand-off." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992527.

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In 2020, the Sino-Indian Line of Actual Control (LAC) witnessed several violent clashes between the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the Indian military that resulted in a tense stand-off between the two highly mobilised armies and plunged Sino-Indian bilateral relations to its lowest point since the 1962 border war. Whilst confrontations between Chinese and Indian border forces are relatively commonplace, this recent crisis has proven remarkable due to the ferocity of the clashes and the alarming pace and degree to which established rules of engagement on the LAC have broken down. With both

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Verma, Virendra Sahai. "Book Review: JFK’s Forgotten Crisis—Tibet, the CIA, and the Sino-Indian War by Bruce Riedel." China Report 52, no. 3 (2016): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445516646254.

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31

Spaniel, William, and Iris Malone. "The Uncertainty Trade-off: Reexamining Opportunity Costs and War." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (2019): 1025–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz050.

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Abstract Conventional wisdom about economic interdependence and international conflict predicts that increasing opportunity costs make war less likely, but some wars occur after costs grow. Why? We develop a model that shows that a nonmonotonic relationship exists between the costs and probability of war when there is uncertainty over resolve. Under these conditions, increasing the costs of an uninformed party's opponent has a second-order effect of exacerbating informational asymmetries about that opponent's willingness to maintain peace. We derive conditions under which war can occur more fr

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Malik, J. Mohan. "China-India Relations in the Post-Soviet Era: The Continuing Rivalry." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 317–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034962.

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In September 1993, China and India signed an agreement “to maintain peace and tranquillity” along their disputed Himalayan border. This agreement between the two Asian giants – which required both sides to respect the Line of Actual Control (LAC), that is to maintain the status quo pending a peaceful, final boundary settlement and to reduce military forces along the border in accordance with the principle of “mutual and equal security” – has been described as a “landmark agreement” and “a significant step forward” in their uneasy relations since the 1950s. It was a logical culmination of a ser

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Coelho, Joanna Pereira, and Ganesha Somayaji. "Fatherland or Livelihood: Value Orientations Among Tibetan Soldiers in the Indian Army." Journal of Human Values 27, no. 3 (2021): 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971685821989116.

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The recruitment to military in modern nation states, by and large, is voluntary. Although it is commonly assumed that a soldiers’ job in the army is to fight against the enemies of their motherland, the Indian Army has a regiment of Tibetan soldiers who are not Indians as per the law of the land. Known as Special Frontier Force (SFF), this regiment was until recently a secret wing of the Indian Army. Joining the Indian Army during the heydays of their diasporic dispersal due to the Chinese territorial aggrandizement and Sino-Indian war of 1962, with a hope of direct encounter with their enemie

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McGarr, Paul M. "The Information Research Department, British Covert Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian War of 1962: Combating Communism and Courting Failure?" International History Review 41, no. 1 (2017): 130–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2017.1402070.

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Shukla, Sonia. "Book Review: The Sino-Indian War of 1962: New Perspectives Edited by Amit R. Das Gupta and Lorenz Luthi." China Report 54, no. 1 (2018): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744436.

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Hongwei, FAN. "China-Burma Geopolitical Relations in the Cold War." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (2012): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100102.

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This paper explores the historical role of geography in the Sino-Burmese relationship in the context of the Cold War, both before and after the Chinese–American détente and rapprochement in the 1970s. It describes Burma's fear and distrust of China throughout the Cold War, during which it maintained a policy of neutrality and non-alignment. Burma's geographic location, sandwiched between its giant neighbours India and China, led it to adopt a realist paradigm and pursue an independent foreign policy. Characterizing China's threat to Burmese national security as “grave” during its period of rev

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Muratshina, K. G. "China and India in the Beginning of the 21st Century: Between Rivalry and Cooperation." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(113) (July 6, 2020): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)3-13.

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The relationship between such Asia-Pacific powers, as India and China, has recently become a significant factor of how regional security is being maintained and how efficient the regional multilateral cooperation can be. The two states are close neighbours, possessing a long border, and both are presented in high-profile international institutions, e. g. the BRICS. At the same time, they are involved in a long-term border controversy, which sometimes pushes the relations to the verge of war. In addition, India and China are diverged by contradictions in other areas, primarily in economic aspec

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Colley, Christopher K., and Prashant Hosur Suhas. "India–China and Their War-making Capacities." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (2021): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021993962.

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Much has been said about how China’s rapidly growing economy has led to increasing power disparity between India and China over the last two decades. China’s economic growth in this period has been spectacular, but it is not clear whether that gives a good sense of how effective its military capabilities are against India. In the context of the escalating Sino-Indian rivalry, this article asks the question: what is the nature of India’s power disparity vis-à-vis China? And does the existing power disparity between India and China give China a clear and uncontestable advantage? We argue that wh

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Ahmad, Iftikhar, and Ramzan Shahid. "Russia, United States and China in South Asian Politics: Implications for Pakistan." Global Political Review IV, no. IV (2019): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).11.

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End of the Cold War caused a paradigm shift in world politics by converting the bipolar world into a unipolar world with the emergence of the USA as a sole superpower in the field of international politics. Indo-US obnoxious nexus has put the security situation in perils in South Asia. America is in a full endeavor to contain China to halt her everexpanding sphere of influence. Positive and proactive development in PakRussia relations, in the post-Cold War period, has caused ripples in the stagnant waters of political, economic and strategic areas of mutual interest. On the global level Sino-U

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Liu, Zongyi. "Boundary Standoff and China-India Relations: A Chinese Scholar’s Perspective." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 02 (2020): 223–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500141.

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The China-Indian boundary and territorial dispute is one of the major issues affecting Sino-Indian bilateral relations. This issue was a legacy of the British colonialists, but unfortunately, it has been fully inherited by the Indian ruling class. Over the past 60 years, China and India have missed three opportunities to resolve this issue. The Indian ruling class wanted to achieve “absolute security” and therefore introduced a “forward policy”, which led to the 1962 conflict. After the war, India occupied almost all of the strategic commanding heights in the border area between the two countr

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Chaziza, Mordechai. "The Belt and Road Initiative: New Driving Force for Sino-Yemen Relationship." China Report 57, no. 2 (2021): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211004231.

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The Republic of Yemen (North Yemen) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) established diplomatic relations in 1956, the first Arabian Peninsula country to recognise the PRC as the legitimate representative of the country. Yemen is a significant and strategically important state in the southern Arabian Peninsula bordering Saudi Arabia, Oman, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden within the Arabian Sea (Behbehani. 1985. China and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen). The geographical location of Yemen makes it an essential state for the PRC because it enables it an observation point over th

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GOHAIN, SWARGAJYOTI. "Producing Monyul as Buffer: Spatial politics in a colonial frontier." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (2019): 432–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000592.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the Tawang and West Kameng districts of Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India, collectively known as Monyul. It was ruled by Tibet for three centuries before the 1914 McMahon Line boundary included it in India. Even after that, cross-border exchanges between Monyul and Tibet continued until the 1962 Sino-Indian war, following which border passages between the two were closed. Today, Monyul is a marginal region, geographically distant from centres of industry and education, and lacking in terms of infrastructure. This article traces Monyul's marginality not simply t

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Peleggi, Maurizio. "When art was political: Historicising decolonisation and the Cold War in Southeast Asia through curatorial practice." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 4 (2019): 645–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000107.

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In Asia, and in Southeast Asia in particular, the Cold War was far from cold, witnessing the most deadly conflicts and political massacres of the second half of the twentieth century. Also, the clash of ideologies there did not follow a binary logic but included a third force, nationalism, which was rooted in the anticolonialist movements of the interwar years and played a significant role even in countries that decolonised peacefully after the end of the Second World War. The Cold War thus overlapped with the twin process of decolonisation and nation-building, which had its founding moment at

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Singh, Prashant Kumar. "China–Bangladesh Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (2010): 267–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600308.

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This article argues that the so-called Chinese string of pearls policy needs to be examined from the perspectives of those small countries of this maritime region that are said to be supporting Chinese strategic interests in the region by providing naval bases to China. Bangladesh neither has compelling strategic reasons to be part of an anti-India policy nor is its economy dependent only on the Chinese economy—a situation which could have pushed it into such a strategy. Therefore, apprehensions of the Indian strategic community of Sino-Bangladeshi relations constituting a larger anti-India de

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Saha, Rushali, and Marko Filijovic. "HIGH SKY – LOW TENSION: CAN INDIA AND CHINA FIND COMMON INTEREST IN OUTER SPACE?" Politička revija 67, no. 1/2021 (2021): 201–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.6712021.11.

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Cold War rivalry spilled into space when the Soviets launched Sputnik in 1957, leading to space being recognised as the fourth domain of warfare. As the monopoly of the US and former Soviet Union eroded, it created space for new actors to emerge from Asia, where China and India due to their investemnts in space technology as early as 1950’s had a significant headstart. The paper traces the evolution of the space programs of both the Asian countries and identifies how they are tailored to meet their aspirations to become global space powers. Against the backdrop of competitve cooperation which

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Wang, Yuanfei. "Java in Discord." positions: asia critique 27, no. 4 (2019): 623–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-7726916.

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In the late sixteenth century, thriving private maritime trade brought forth maritime trouble to the late Ming state. In times of rampant “Japanese” piracy and Hideyoshi’s invasion of Korea, Chinese literati composed unofficial histories and vernacular fiction on China’s foreign relations. Among them, Yan Congjian 嚴從簡 wrote Shuyu zhouzi lu 殊域周咨錄 (Records of Surrounding Strange Realms) (1574), He Qiaoyuan 何喬遠 compiled Wang Xiangji 王享記 (Records of the Emperors’ Tributes) (1597–1620), Luo Yuejiong 羅曰褧 penned Xianbin lu 咸賓錄 (Records of Tributary Guests) (1597), and Luo Maodeng 羅懋登 composed a verna

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Sukul, Anamika. "CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES ON ETHNICALLY TARGETED INTERNMENTS: A STUDY ON THE CHINESE INDIAN AND THE JAPANESE CANADIAN WARTIME EXPERIENCES." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 3 (2020): 1251–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.83128.

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Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to provide a new theoretical interpretation of how nation-States have exercised control over targeted ethnic communities through the repressive act of camp internment. It uses two major global historical events as the frame of reference: the internment of the Chinese ethnic community in India during the 1962 Sino-Indian conflict, and internment of the Japanese ethnic population in Canada during World War II. Methodology: This study draws on Michel Foucault’s theories on “biopolitics” to analyze the States’ mechanisms of control during war

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Goswami, Chandrama. "Bilateral Strategies and Development Agenda." Space and Culture, India 2, no. 2 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v2i2.83.

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The recent visit of the Chinese president, Xi Xinping, to India has great significance for both the countries. The relationship between India and China has always been one of distrust, especially after the collapse of the friendship attempt made by the then Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, and Mao, India’s decision to allow Tibet’s Dalai-Lama (who Beijing considers a dangerous separatist) to reside in India, and the Sino-Indian Border War which followed in 1962. The border dispute still continues with both countries contesting land along their border in Ladakh and China’s clai

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Hassan, Ashraful, Bruce Burton, and W. C. Soderlund. "Qui sont nos ennemis? Qui sont nos amis? La presse pakistanaise et ses perceptions des attitudes et politiques de quatre grandes puissance 1958-1965." Études internationales 13, no. 2 (2005): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701349ar.

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Utilizing content analysis methodology, this paper studies Pakistani press perceptions of external sources of threat and support covering the Period 1958-1965. From the literature on Pakistani foreign policy, seven specific hypotheses are extracted for testing: 1 - during the period 1958-1965, India was perceived to be the major threat to Pakistan ; 2 - the perception of India as the major threat increased sharply from 1962 onwards; 3 - in 1959 China was perceived to be a greater threat to Pakistan than India was; 4 - the Soviet Union was perceived to be the major threat in 1958, a significant

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Kashyap, Usha, and Neha Bothra. "Sino-US Trade and Trade War." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.879180.

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Trade has been one of the most primary reasons behind economic association. Cross-border trade not only makes the markets cost-efficient but rather also brings up a higher degree of specialization to the respective nations. Bilateral trades have proven to be quintessential to both sides of the deal. However, on a parallel front, every economy has a self-interest toward the domestic produce, and they also try to defend their local manufacturers from cross-border competition. The United States has an “America-first” policy. Whenever the United States imposes tariffs and duties, similar responses

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