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1

Liu, Zemin. "The Uvular Sounds of Sino-Tibetan." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 4, no. 1 (February 10, 2010): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-00401013.

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Many languages in the Sino-Tibetan family have uvular sounds. Some scholars have put forward the hypothesis that there should be a set of uvular sounds in Proto-Sino-Tibetan. This paper attempts to evaluate this hypothesis through the following aspects: (1) the synchronic distribution of uvular sounds in modern Sino-Tibetan languages; (2) a review of relevant literature; (3) a typological survey of uvular and velar sounds; (4) physiological and acoustical investigations of uvular sounds; (5) sound changes of uvulars; (6) the origin of the uvulars in Sino-Tibetan languages; (7) areal investigation of Sino-Tibetan uvulars from the perspective of language contact; (8) reconstruction of uvulars in Old Chinese; (9) examples of Sino-Tibetan cognates with uvular sounds.
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2

Liu, Zemin. "The Uvular Sounds of Sino-Tibetan." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 4, no. 1 (January 24, 2010): 165–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-90000527.

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Many languages in the Sino-Tibetan family have uvular sounds. Some scholars have put forward the hypothesis that there should be a set of uvular sounds in Proto-Sino-Tibetan. This paper attempts to evaluate this hypothesis through the following aspects: (1) the synchronic distribution of uvular sounds in modern Sino-Tibetan languages; (2) a review of relevant literature; (3) a typological survey of uvular and velar sounds; (4) physiological and acoustical investigations of uvular sounds; (5) sound changes of uvulars; (6) the origin of the uvulars in Sino-Tibetan languages; (7) areal investigation of Sino-Tibetan uvulars from the perspective of language contact; (8) reconstruction of uvulars in Old Chinese; (9) examples of Sino-Tibetan cognates with uvular sounds.
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3

Kong, Jiangping. "Active Syllable Average Limit 1,000 (音涯一千)." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 23, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 4–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00097.kon.

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Abstract This paper mainly studies phonemic cognitive ability through the databases of living spoken languages in the Sino-Tibetan languages including 20 Chinese dialects, 6 Tibetan dialects, 5 Miao dialects, Mian, Zhuang, Thai, Li, Dai, Yi, Burmese, Zaiwa, and, Achang. The methods of statistics and information entropy and the concepts of the actual syllabic space, the syllabic theoretical space and redundancy rate are used and proposed in this paper. The results show that: (1) statistical methods can be used in the study of phonemic cognition; (2) the actual syllabic space in spoken Sino-Tibetan languages reflects the man’s phonemic cognitive ability; (3) the theoretical syllabic space composed of initial, final, and tone in the Sino-Tibetan languages reflects the dynamic process of a phoneme system in language contact and evolution; (4) a redundancy rate of 60% is the bottom limit in oral communication in the Sino-Tibetan languages. Therefore, the conclusion of this study is that Active Syllable Average Limit 1,000 not only reflects man’s phonemic cognitive ability, but also reflects the interdependence of phonemic cognition and semantic cognition, and reveals an important link in the process of a language chain from semantic to phonemic transformation, which has important theoretical significance in the study of language cognition.
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4

Sun, Hongkai. "Common Innovations in Sino-Tibetan Languages." Macrolinguistics 4, no. 4 (June 1, 2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26478/ja2016.4.4.1.

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5

SAGART, Laurent. "A candidate for a Tibeto-Burman innovation." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 46, no. 1 (2017): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04601004.

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Based on a survey of 21 languages chosen to represent the diversity of Sino-Tibetan, this paper proposes that all Sino-Tibetan languages except Chinese have lost a phonological distinction between two Proto-Sino-Tibetan codas, *-q (Old Chinese *-ʔ, dialectally *-k) and *-k (Old Chinese *-k): the two codas merged as *-k in Proto-Tibeto-Burman. It is shown that the Proto-Sino-Tibetan *-q/*-k distinction as reflected in Old Chinese is correlated with the same distinction in Proto-Austronesian.
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6

Bradley, David. "Ancient Connections of Sinitic." Languages 8, no. 3 (July 24, 2023): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8030176.

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Six main alternative linkage proposals which involve the Sino-Tibetan family, including Sinitic and other language families of the East Asian area (Miao-Yao, Altaic/Transeurasian, Austroasiatic, Tai-Kadai, Austronesian) are briefly outlined. Using the standard techniques of comparative linguistics, a remote linkage between the Sino-Tibetan languages, including Sinitic, the Yeniseian languages of Siberia, and the Na-Dene languages of northwest North America is demonstrated. This includes cognate core lexicon showing regular sound correspondences, morphological similarities of form and function, as well as similarities in social structure. The other proposals for linkages that connect Sinitic and other languages of the East Asian area appear not to be based on a genetic linguistic relationship but rather due to contact: millennia of loanwords from Sinitic into the languages of those families and some lexicon borrowed into Sinitic. More remains to be done to further document the status of the linkage between Sino-Tibetan and Dene-Yeniseian.
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7

Sagart, Laurent, Guillaume Jacques, Yunfan Lai, Robin J. Ryder, Valentin Thouzeau, Simon J. Greenhill, and Johann-Mattis List. "Dated language phylogenies shed light on the ancestry of Sino-Tibetan." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 21 (May 6, 2019): 10317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1817972116.

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The Sino-Tibetan language family is one of the world’s largest and most prominent families, spoken by nearly 1.4 billion people. Despite the importance of the Sino-Tibetan languages, their prehistory remains controversial, with ongoing debate about when and where they originated. To shed light on this debate we develop a database of comparative linguistic data, and apply the linguistic comparative method to identify sound correspondences and establish cognates. We then use phylogenetic methods to infer the relationships among these languages and estimate the age of their origin and homeland. Our findings point to Sino-Tibetan originating with north Chinese millet farmers around 7200 B.P. and suggest a link to the late Cishan and the early Yangshao cultures.
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8

Schuhmacher, W. Wilfried, and F. Seto. "Austronesian and Dene-Basque (Dene-Caucasian)." Fontes Linguae Vasconum, no. 62 (April 30, 1993): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/flv62.1.

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There is general agreement among linguistic "lumpers" today that the Dene- Caucasian macrophylum ("Dene-Basque" would be more correct) consists of the following languages and language families: BASQUE; North Caucasian; Sumerian; Burushaski; Sino-Tibetan; Yeniseian; Na-Dene. Other languages have been added; following in the wake of others (e.g., Karl Bouda), the Austronesian connection of Dene-Caucasian is demonstrated by listing matchings between Austronesian and North Caucasian, Burushaski, and Sino-Tibetan respectively.
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9

Qiu, Jifang, and Yutong He. "A Study of Colour Words in Chinese, Tibetan and Yi Languages." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 47, no. 1 (April 3, 2024): 166–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/47/20240920.

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Chinese, Tibetan and Yi belong to the Sino-Tibetan language family, and there are kinship between the three languages. By comparing and analysing the colour words of Chinese, Tibetan and Yi, we can understand the three languages' respective lexical features and unique cultural traditions, and find out the unique expressions and cultural connotations of the colour words of the three languages. Han, Tibetan and Yi are all important parts of the Chinese Minzu, and all have their own unique language systems and colourful cultures. Colour words, as an important carrier of language system and culture, carry the linguistic and cultural characteristics of each language, and this paper will start from the colour words of Chinese, Tibetan and Yi languages to explore the three linguistic features and cultural connotations
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10

Jacques, Guillaume, and Alexis Michaud. "Approaching the historical phonology of three highly eroded Sino-Tibetan languages." Diachronica 28, no. 4 (December 14, 2011): 468–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.28.4.02jac.

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Naxi, Na and Laze are three languages whose position within Sino-Tibetan is controversial. We propose that they are descended from a common ancestor (‘Proto-Naish’). Unlike conservative languages of the family, such as Rgyalrong and Tibetan, which have consonant clusters and final consonants, Naxi, Na and Laze share a simple syllabic structure (consonant+glide+vowel+tone) due to phonological erosion. This raises the issue of how the regular phonological correspondences between these three languages should be interpreted, and what phonological structure should be reconstructed for Proto-Naish. The regularities revealed by comparing the three languages are interpreted in light of potential cognates in conservative languages. This brings out numerous cases of phonetic conditioning of vowels by place of articulation of a preceding consonant or consonant cluster. Overall, these findings warrant a relatively optimistic conclusion concerning the feasibility of unraveling the phonological history of highly eroded language subgroups within Sino-Tibetan.
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11

LaPolla, Randy J. "On the dating and nature of verb agreement in Tibeto-Burman." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55, no. 2 (June 1992): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00004638.

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This paper is part of an ongoing investigation into the nature of grammatical relations in the Sino-Tibetan language family. The ultimate goal of this investigation is to develop a hypothesis on the typological nature of word order and grammatical relations in the mother language which gave rise to all of the many languages within the Sino Tibetan language family. As the verb agreement (pronominalization) systems of Tibeto-Burman have been said to be a type of ergative marking, and to have been a part of Proto-Tibeto-Burman grammatical relations, the questions of the dating and nature of the agreement systems in Tibeto-Burman are relevant to the discussion of the nature of grammatical relations in Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
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12

Jacques, Guillaume. "On pre-Tibetan semi-vowels." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 76, no. 2 (June 2013): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x12001450.

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AbstractThe present paper discusses the synchronic status and the origin of the semi-vowels /j/ and /w/ in Old Tibetan on the basis of modern Tibetan languages and other Sino-Tibetan languages, in particular Rgyalrong and Lolo-Burmese.
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13

Yurayong, Chingduang, and Erika Sandman. "Chinese Word Order in the Comparative Sino-Tibetan and Sociotypological Contexts." Languages 8, no. 2 (April 19, 2023): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8020112.

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The present study discusses typology and variation of word order patterns in nominal and verb structures across 20 Chinese languages and compares them with another 43 languages from the Sino-Tibetan family. The methods employed are internal and external historical reconstruction and correlation studies from linguistic typology and sociolinguistics. The results show that the head-final tendency is a baseline across the family, but individual languages differ by the degree of head-initial structures allowed in a language, leading to a hybrid word order profile. On the one hand, Chinese languages consistently manifest the head-final noun phrase structures, whereas head-initial deviants can be explained either internally through reanalysis or externally through contact. On the other hand, Chinese verb phrases have varied toward head-initial structures due to contact with verb-medial languages of Mainland Southeast Asia, before reinstalling the head-final structures as a consequence of contact with verb-final languages in North Asia. When extralinguistic factors are considered, the typological north-south divide of Chinese appears to be geographically consistent and gradable by the latitude of individual Chinese language communities, confirming the validity of a broader typological cline from north to south in Eastern Eurasia.
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14

Sagart, Laurent. "On intransitive nasal prefixation in Sino-Tibetan languages." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 35, no. 1 (February 27, 2006): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-03501004.

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The author discusses alternations of voiced and voiceless stop initials in intransitive/transitive pairs in Tibeto-Burman languages in the light of Chinese facts. He suggests that it is not necessary to suppose two distinct processes in proto-Tibeto-Bunnan to account for the facts, as Benedict’s “alternation of root initial”, assigned by him to the Proto-Tibeto-Bunnan level, is probably only a special case of voicing under the effect of an intransitive nasal prefix.
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15

Sagart, Laurent. "On intransitive nasal prefixation in Sino-Tibetan languages." Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale 35, no. 1 (2006): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/clao.2006.1747.

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16

Post, Mark W. "Topographical Deixis in Trans‐Himalayan (Sino‐Tibetan) Languages." Transactions of the Philological Society 117, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 234–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12155.

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17

Minwei, Zhao. "A Comparative Study of Adverbial Types and Markers in Zhuang-Thai Language." Studies in Linguistics and Literature 7, no. 4 (November 25, 2023): p232. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sll.v7n4p232.

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Zhuang language and Thai language belong to the Sino Tibetan language family, and both belong to the Dong Dai language family. There are many similarities in the types of adverbs and markers between the two languages. Analyze and compare the types of adverbs in Zhuang and Thai languages, as well as the usage of marker words in the two languages, to identify the similarities and differences between the two.
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18

Evans, Jonathan P. "Classifiers before numerals." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 45, no. 1 (June 2, 2022): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21013.eva.

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Abstract Languages with sortal classifiers (clf) are distributed across the world, with a large concentration in East and South (east) Asia. Across the world’s classifier languages, few are attested which order classifiers before numerals in counted noun phrases (clf num). The Sino-Tibetan language family includes languages without sortal classifiers, languages with the more typical num clf order, as well as languages with clf num order. The latter group of languages are concentrated in Northeast India and neighboring regions. The Sino-Tibetan languages with clf num order do not fit under one genealogical node. The present hypothesis is that the classifiers arose through repetition of the counted noun, following which the order spread via contact. The clf num order appears to have arisen at least as early as the time of Proto-Bodo-Garo. However, we do not yet find cognate classifiers at a time depth beyond Proto-Bodo-Garo. A remaining mystery is why such a cross-linguistically rare morpheme order spread so easily within the Northeast India linguistic area.
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19

You, Hyun-Jo, Seong-ha Park, and EUN SOK PARK. "Word order correlations in Sino-Tibetan languages of China." Korea Journal of Chinese Linguistics 78 (October 31, 2018): 205–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.38068/kjcl.78.8.

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20

Lai, Yunfan, and Johann-Mattis List. "Lexical data for the historical comparison of Rgyalrongic languages." Open Research Europe 3 (June 20, 2023): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.16017.1.

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As one of the most morphologically conservative branches of the Sino-Tibetan language family, most of the Rgyalrongic languages are still understudied and poorly understood, not to mention their vulnerable or endangered status. It is therefore important for available data of these languages to be made accessible. The present lexical data sets provide comparative word lists of 20 modern and medieval Rgyalrongic languages, consisting of word lists from fieldwork carried out by the first author and other colleagues as well as published word lists by other authors. In particular, data of the two Khroskyabs varieties are collected by the first author from 2011 to 2016. Cognate identification is based on the authors' expertise in Rgyalrong historical linguistics through the neogrammarian comparative method. We curated the data by conducting phonemic segmantation and partial cognate annotation. The data sets can be used by historical linguists interested in the etymology and the phylogeny of the languages in question, and they can use them to answer questions regarding individual word histories or the subgrouping of languages in this important branch of Sino-Tibetan.
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21

Lai, Yunfan, and Johann-Mattis List. "Lexical data for the historical comparison of Rgyalrongic languages." Open Research Europe 3 (October 18, 2023): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.16017.2.

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As one of the most morphologically conservative branches of the Sino-Tibetan language family, most of the Rgyalrongic languages are still understudied and poorly understood, not to mention their vulnerable or endangered status. It is therefore important for available data of these languages to be made accessible. The lexical data sets the authors have assembled provide comparative word lists of 20 modern and medieval Rgyalrongic languages, consisting of word lists from fieldwork carried out by the first author and other colleagues as well as published word lists by other authors. In particular, data of the two Khroskyabs varieties were collected by the first author from 2011 to 2016. Cognate identification is based on the authors' expertise in Rgyalrong historical linguistics through application of the comparative method. We curated the data by conducting phonemic segmentation and partial cognate annotation. The data sets can be used by historical linguists interested in the etymology and the phylogeny of the languages in question, and they can use them to answer questions regarding individual word histories or the subgrouping of languages in this important branch of Sino-Tibetan.
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22

Gong, Xun. "Uvulars and uvularization in Tangut phonology." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 21, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 175–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00060.gon.

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Abstract Tangut, a mediaeval Qiangic language (Sino-Tibetan family) distinguishes three grades (děng 等). The traditional Sofronov-Gong reconstruction of this distinction postulates different degrees of medial yod: Grade I {-Ø-}, Grade II {-i-}, Grade III {-j-}. The yods, however, are not supported by the transcriptional evidence. Based on cognates between Tangut and Rgyalrongic languages, this study proposes the uvularization hypothesis: Tangut syllables have contrastive uvularization. Grade I/II syllables are uvularized, while Grade III syllables are plain. For phonological velars, uvularized syllables trigger a uvular allophone, while plain syllables trigger a velar allophone. Tangut uvularization is an instance of a common typological feature in Qiangic languages, that of Guttural Secondary Vocalic Articulations (GSVA), variously termed uvularization, velarization, tenseness, or Retracted Tongue Root (RTR). Recognizing Tangut grades as a case of Qiangic GSVA has far-ranging potential consequences for Sino-Tibetan comparative linguistics.
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23

van Dam, Kellen Parker. "Revisiting “Eye of the day”." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 46, no. 2 (November 9, 2023): 235–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.22011.van.

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Abstract A particular lexical construction for “sun” composed of morphemes for “eye” and either “day” or “sky” has been widely reported for Austronesian languages. Urban (2010) made the case for this phenomenon as an areal feature originating in Austronesian, with attestation in Austroasiatic and Tai-Kadai varieties, but absent in Sino-Tibetan. A follow-up (Blust 2011) argued for the possibility of independent genesis across the languages, while reiterating the absence of the feature in Sino-Tibetan. This paper presents a large scale survey of Tibeto-Burman language varieties. Data from this region show widespread occurrence of the phenomenon in distinct constructions, arguing against contact as the inciting factor. Instead, this paper argues for multiple innovation events, with only small scale regional spread through contact. Data are analysed from approximately 250 doculects from a wide range of sources, including newly elicited data for Bodo-Garo, Maringic and Northern Naga varieties.
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24

Song, Chenqing. "Stop codas in Old Chinese and Proto Sino-Tibetan." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 1, no. 1 (September 5, 2014): 96–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.1.1.04son.

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Reconstruction studies of Old Chinese (OC hereafter) and Proto Sino-Tibetan (PST hereafter) have yielded numerous significant discoveries related to the phonological histories of these two ancient languages. Despite recent advancements into OC and PST phonological histories, a few mysteries remain yet unsolved. One such mystery, the ‘stop coda’ problem, is as hotly debated now as it was when it was first raised seventy years ago. This long-running debate focuses on the existence and identity of the ‘stop codas’ in OC and in its parent language, PST. One reason why this debate has failed to reach a satisfactory conclusion is that the reconstruction methodology is limited, which assumes the Neogrammarian law of sound change. This law holds that sound change occurs without exception in every form that meets the structural description. Although this law applies to many sound changes in myriad world languages, it is not the only possible pathway of sound change. In this paper, I will argue that the key to the ‘stop-coda’ problem of OC belongs to another sound change type — lexical diffusion. The organization of the paper is as follows. In Part One, I will introduce the background of the debate over the ‘stop codas’ in OC. Part Two reviews previous opposing analyses of the ‘stop coda’ debate. Part Three details my proposal for a lexical diffusion analysis of the ‘stop coda’ problem based on internal evidence in Chinese. Part Four investigates the problem using the Comparative Method based on external evidence from Tibetan and loan words from Chinese to Sino-Japanese. In Part Five, I will present my solution to the ‘stop coda’ problem, which is based on the analysis in the two preceding sections. Finally, in Part Six, I will discuss the general methodology of phonological reconstruction in light of the sound change mechanism.
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25

Peacock, Christopher. "Unsavory Characters." Prism 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-9290655.

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Abstract From early works such as “Ralo” (1997) to the more recent “Black Fox Valley” (2012), the acclaimed Tibetan author Tsering Döndrup has demonstrated a consistent interest in the impact of the Chinese language on Tibetan life. This article examines the techniques and implications of Tsering Döndrup's use of Chinese in his Tibetan language texts, focusing on his recent novella “Baba Baoma” (2019), the first-person account of a rural Tibetan boy who attends a Chinese school and ends up stuck between two languages. In a major departure from Tsering Döndrup's previous work on the language problem, this text directly incorporates untranslated Chinese characters, blending them with Tibetan transliterations and Hanyu Pinyin (i.e., the Latin alphabet) to create a deliberately disorienting linguistic collage. This article argues that this latest work pushes Tsering Döndrup's previous experiments to their logical conclusion: a condition of forced bilingualism, in which the author demands of his readers fluency in Chinese in order to access his Tibetan language fiction. This critique of the Sino-Tibetan linguistic crisis puts the author's work into conversation with global postcolonial literatures and the politics of resistance to language hegemony. By demonstrating the Tibetan language's capacity for literary creation, the story effectively resists the hegemony it depicts, even while it suggests that the Tibetan literary text itself is in the process of being fundamentally redefined by its unequal encounter with the Chinese language.
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Chen, Yuxin, and Kyungchul Lee. "The Origin of Old-Chinese Tones." Institute of Humanities at Soonchunhyang University 41, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35222/ihsu.2022.41.3.35.

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In this papaer, I researched on Old-Chinese tones around three mainstream theories in academia. There are "The Voiced codas and Voiceless codas hypothesis", "The Long vowels and Short vowels hypothesis" and “The codas hypothesis”. I believe that "The codas hypothesis" is more persuasive among the three theories. Because "The codas hypothesis" can not only explain the internal problems of Old-Chinese, but also explain the correspondence between the Sino-Tibetan languages such as Written Tibetan and Written Burmese, the loanwords of the neighboring languages such as Korean and Japanese, the translated materials such as Sanskrit-Chinese. So I think that the departing tone(去聲) is derived from -s in Old-Chinese. This conclusion is consistent with other scholars who advocate “The codas hypothesis”. On the other hand, most scholars who advocate "The codas hypothesis" believe that rising tone(上聲) is derived form -ʔ. But I think the rising tone(上聲) is derived from -q and -ɦ in Trans Himalayan(Proto-Sino-Tibetan). Because this point of view can better explain the internal and external problems of Old-Chinese. However, the codas -q and-ɦ in Trans Himalayan(Proto- Sino-Tibetan), have been merged into -q in Old Chinese.
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Post, Mark W. "The distribution, reconstruction and varied fates of topographical deixis in Trans-Himalayan (Sino-Tibetan)." Diachronica 37, no. 3 (August 3, 2020): 368–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.19018.pos.

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Abstract Topographical deixis refers to a variety of spatial-environmental deixis, in which typically distal reference to entities is made in terms of a set of topographically-anchored referential planes: most often, upward, downward, or on the same level. This article reviews the genealogical and geographic distribution of topographical deixis in Trans-Himalayan (Sino-Tibetan) languages, reviews the conditions in which topographical deixis in Trans-Himalayan languages may be gained or lost, and concludes that (a) topographical deixis is overwhelmingly found in languages spoken in montane environments, and (b) topographical deixis most likely reconstructs to a deep level within Trans-Himalayan. The language spoken at that level – whose precise phylogenetic status cannot yet be specified – was overwhelmingly likely to have been spoken in a montane environment.
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Bredikhin, S. N., and O. S. Shibkova. "Referential encoding of cult symbols in the paroemias of language systems featuring different structures and belonging to eastern linguocultures." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 9, no. 4 (2022): 643–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2022.4.16.

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The study focuses on linguocultural and psycho-linguistic analysis of mechanisms employed to encode archetypal images within the process of verbal representation. The most representative in this case are considered paroemiological units containing cult components or mythologems, which are the result of the top level of categorization and associative abstraction. For a case of typical languages featuring different structures employed to present various bases of reflexive reality categorization, we have opted for Turkic and Sino-Tibetan (Kazakh and Chinese) languages. The relevance of the article relies on an attempt taken in order to fill the gap in the comparative study of verbalization processes for archetypal cult semantemes in linguocultures that are based on nature-, anthropo-, as well as sociocentric positions of mythologization. The basis of a consistent interlanguage linguocultural comparison involving Chinese and Kazakh paroemias, helps reveal the interdependence of referential encoding based on the figurative and emotive aspects of metaphorical transference, as well as the initial historical-cultural, areal and existential components of the worldview. The aim of this study is to determine the typological similarity and ethno-cultural specifics of the actualization mechanisms for cult and mythological components in language systems of different structures.The authors conclude that the specific morphotype of Sino-Tibetan languages determines socio and anthropocentric models of encoding cult and mythological components, whereas the dissected type of categorizing The paroemiological units were selected subject to a stratified sampling in the corpus of national languages, in view of the frequency and accentuation criterion of the structure mythonymic elements. The comprehensive methodology of the study, including comparative structural, typological, historical and etymological methods, is enhanced through separate operations of hermeneutic and interpretive analysis, which contributes to the disclosure of consituative associates. The authors conclude that the specific morphotype of Sino-Tibetan languages determines socio- and anthropocentric models of encoding cult and mythological components, whereas the dissected type of categorizing agglutinative Turkic languages points at the primacy of nature-centric models of metaphorization, despite the historical, cultural and existential similarity.
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Grice, Martine, and Frank Kügler. "Prosodic Prominence – A Cross-Linguistic Perspective." Language and Speech 64, no. 2 (June 2021): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00238309211015768.

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This paper is concerned with the contributions of signal-driven and expectation-driven mechanisms to a general understanding of the phenomenon of prosodic prominence from a cross-linguistic perspective. It serves as an introduction to the concept of prosodic prominence and discusses the eight papers in the Special Issue, which cover a genetically diverse range of languages. These include Djambarrpuyŋu (an Australian Pama-Nyungan language), Samoan (an Austronesian Malayo-Polynesian language), the Indo-European languages English (Germanic), French (Romance), and Russian (Slavic), Korean (Koreanic), Medumba (Bantu), and two Sino-Tibetan languages, Mandarin and Taiwanese Southern Min.
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HILL, Nathan W. "An Indological transcription of Middle Chinese." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 52, no. 1 (February 24, 2023): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-bja10028.

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Abstract Because most Sino-Tibetan languages with a literary tradition use Indic derived scripts and those that do not are each sui generis, there are advantages to transcribing these languages also along Indic lines. In particular, this article proposes an Indological transcription for Middle Chinese.
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Jacques, Guillaume. "The origin of the reflexive prefix in Rgyalrong languages." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 73, no. 2 (June 2010): 261–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x1000008x.

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AbstractIn the Sino-Tibetan family, reflexivity is either not expressed in the verb, as in Chinese or Tibetan, or expressed by means of a “middle” marker, as in Dulong or Kiranti languages. Among the morphologically rich languages of this family, only Rgyalrong languages have distinct and unambiguous reflexive and reciprocal markers on the verb. This paper shows that the reflexive prefix in Rgyalrong languages has two possible origins. It could come from a fusion of the third person singular marker and the root meaning “self” or, alternatively, come from the free third person pronoun. Both hypotheses are compatible with our understanding of Rgyalrong historical phonology.
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Allassonnière-Tang, Marc, and Marcin Kilarski. "Functions of gender and numeral classifiers in Nepali." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 56, no. 1 (March 26, 2020): 113–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2020-0004.

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AbstractWe examine the complex nominal classification system in Nepali (Indo-European, Indic), a language spoken at the intersection of the Indo-European and Sino-Tibetan language families, which are usually associated with prototypical examples of grammatical gender and numeral classifiers, respectively. In a typologically rare pattern, Nepali possesses two gender systems based on the human/non-human and masculine/feminine oppositions, in addition to which it has also developed an inventory of at least ten numeral classifiers as a result of contact with neighbouring Sino-Tibetan languages. Based on an analysis of the lexical and discourse functions of the three systems, we show that their functional contribution involves a largely complementary distribution of workload with respect to individual functions as well as the type of categorized nouns and referents. The study thus contributes to the ongoing discussions concerning the typology and functions of nominal classification as well as the effects of long-term language contact on language structure.
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Lai, Yunfan, Xun Gong, Jesse P. Gates, and Guillaume Jacques. "Tangut as a West Gyalrongic language." Folia Linguistica 54, s41-s1 (December 1, 2020): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2020-0006.

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Abstract This paper proposes that Tangut should be classified as a West Gyalrongic language in the Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan family. We examine lexical commonalities, case marking, partial reduplication, and verbal morphology in Tangut and in modern West Gyalrongic languages, and point out nontrivial shared innovations between Tangut and modern West Gyalrongic languages. The analysis suggests a closer genetic relationship between Tangut and Modern West Gyalrongic than between Tangut and Modern East Gyalrongic. This paper is the first study that tackles the exact linguistic affiliation of the Tangut language based on the comparative method.
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Jacques, Guillaume. "Japhug." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 49, no. 3 (March 1, 2017): 427–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100316000426.

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This paper focuses on the Japhug language (local name /kɯrɯ skɤt/) of Kamnyu village (/kɤmɲɯ/, Chinese Ganmuniao 干木鸟) in Gdongbrgyad area (/ʁdɯrɟɤt/, Chinese Longerjia 龙尔甲), Mbarkhams county (Chinese Maerkang 马尔康), Rngaba prefecture, Sichuan province, China. Japhug belongs to the Sino-Tibetan family, and is one of the four Rgyalrong languages, alongside Tshobdun, Zbu and Situ.
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Park, Seong Ha, Eun Sok Park, and Hyun Jo You. "A Study of Possessive Constructions in Sino-Tibetan Languages in China." Journal of Chinese Studies 82 (November 30, 2017): 25–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35982/jcs.82.2.

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36

Novita, Sherly, Dwi Widayati, and Bahagia Tarigan. "THE SOUND CORRESPONDENCE OF TEOCHEW, HAKKA, AND CANTONESE." HUMANIKA 27, no. 2 (December 2, 2020): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/humanika.v27i2.33140.

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This research is based on a theory in Historical Comparative Linguistics. This theory is also called a diachronic theory, which involves the analysis of the form and regularity of changes in common languages such as those accompanied by sound changes. The objects of the research are Teochew (TC), Hakka (HK), and Cantonese (CO) dialects used in Medan city. These three dialects are categorized into the Sino-Tibetan family. Sino-Tibetan (ST) as one of the largest language families in the world, with more first-language speakers than even Indo-Europeans, is having more than 1.1 billion speakers of Sinitic (the Chinese dialects) constitute the world's largest speech community. According to STEDT (Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus), Chinese is considered as a Sino-Tibetan language family. The research method used is the qualitative method. The data collection method and technique used to refer to the conversation method with the techniques of recording and writing. The data were analyzed using the qualitative method of glottochronology. The result of the research shows that TC, HK, and CO were related in terms of sound correspondences and were separated thousands of years ago. TC and HK were related and both corresponded identically one similar vowel, one similar consonant, and one different phoneme, and one similar syllable. TC and CO were related and both corresponded to one similar vowel, one similar vocalic cluster, one similar consonant, and one different phoneme, and one similar syllable. HK and CO were related and both corresponded identically, one similar vowel, one similar consonant, one different phoneme, one different vocalic cluster, and one similar syllable. From all the findings and discussion in this research, the writer has concluded that HK and CO are the closest dialects among the three compared dialects.
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Min, Rao, Gao Yang, and Jesse P. Gates. "Relativization in Guiqiong." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 42, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 260–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.18002.min.

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Abstract Guiqiong, like most Sino-Tibetan languages, presents a rich array of relativization constructions. Based on both natural oral texts and elicited material, the present paper describes all attested types of relatives in Guiqiong, including prenominal, head-internal, headless, and double-headed relative clauses, as well as nominalized and non-nominalized relative clauses. It provides a case by case account of the possible constructions for all syntactic roles including various types of obliques. This paper will also discuss different relativization strategies used in Guiqiong. To conclude, this paper will discuss the importance and the relevance of this study to Sino-Tibetan linguistics.
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38

Peyraube, Alain. "Languages and Genes in China and In East Asia." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 2, no. 1 (January 24, 2007): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-90000025.

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This article poses two main questions: can the history of genes help us understand better what the Chinese linguistic situation was some 5,000 years B.P., not to mention the population distribution in China? Consequently can the history of genes helps us in grouping the languages of China and East Asia into families and macro-families? Languages and genes have two different histories and two different types of evolution – one being natural, the other one largely cultural – with different mechanisms of origin and reproduction. Nonetheless, there are indeed many clear analogies in the mechanisms of transmission: mutation, natural selection, migration, and chance. These have lead population geneticists and linguists to look for any congruence in genetic and linguistic evolution, in order to correlate genetic and linguistic distance. In light of these congruences, but also of non-correlations existing between the genetic classification of populations and the classification of languages, the different hypotheses concerning the traditional grouping of languages (Sino-Tibetan, Austronesian, Austro-Asiatic, Tai-Kadai , Miao-Yao or Hmong-Mjen, Altaic), as well as the new groupings in macro-families (Austric, Austro-Tai, Sino-Tibetan-Austronesian, Sino-Indo-European, Sino-Caucasian, Proto-East-Asian, etc.) will be discussed. It will be concluded that while we have various hypotheses, we are not sure of anything. The considerable accumulation of data in population genetics has rendered the landscape much less simple, all the more so since the theoretical models of evolution necessary to interpret the genetic data in historical context are still being refined.
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39

Beaudouin, Mathieu. "Tangut and Horpa languages." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 24, no. 4 (September 14, 2023): 611–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00142.bea.

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Abstract Fieldwork from the past decade has yielded new data from a cluster of languages in Western Sichuan (China), resulting in new observations relevant for the understanding of Tangut grammar. In this paper, I intend to present morphosyntactic evidence pointing to the Tangut language’s membership within the Horpa taxon, located within the larger Gyalrongic group of the Qiangic branch of Sino-Tibetan. Tangut exclusively shares with Horpa languages cognates that are far too peculiar to be the result of mere chance. By successively considering the verbal, nominal, and postpositional domains, the present paper highlights evidence that links Tangut to Horpa, while proposing new paths to the understanding of grammatical categories of Tangut proper, such as orientational/aspectual preverbs.1
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40

Siklós, Bulcsu I. "The Tibetan verb: tense and nonsense." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49, no. 2 (June 1986): 304–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00024198.

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Written Tibetan (WT) is unusual among Sino-Tibetan (ST) languages in possessing a relatively complex verb morphology which contains—apart from distinctive ‘prefixes' for intransitive/transitive verb pairs, a phenomenon found elsewhere in ST—prefixes and suffixes for certain tenses as well as a morphologically significant ablaut system, none of which can be found, or at least, none of which are common in other ST languages. The simplest ways of dealing with the problem of the origin and development of this system in the light of comparative ST researches are, firstly, ignoring it, and secondly, coming up withad hoctheories about its independent development, thereby not affecting the apparently stable edifice of ST in any way.
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41

Jacques, Guillaume. "A Shared Suppletive Pattern in the Pronominal Systems of Chang Naga and Southern Qiang." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 36, no. 1 (2007): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000161.

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This article shows the existence of a similar irregular alternation in the pronominal morphology of Chang Naga and Southem Qiang, two distantly related Sino-Tibetan languages. This pattern is argued to be the trace of an older case marking system. On the basis of this hypothesis, a new analysis of pronominal systems in various languages of the family is presented.
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42

WANG, Feng. "On the genetic position of the Bai language." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 34, no. 1 (2005): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000136.

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Different proposals on the genetic relationship of the Bai language in the past century are reviewed in this article, as well as the methodologies of genetic classification. In light of some new data on the Bai dialects and new hypotheses on the genetic classification of Sino-Tibetan languages, this article calls attention to the necessity for the reconstruction of Proto-Bai and shows that some proposals are invalid from a taxonomic viewpoint.
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43

Matisoff, James A. "On ‘Sino-Bodic’ and other symptoms of neosubgroupitis." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 3 (January 2000): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00008442.

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The higher-order subgrouping of Tibeto-Burman has been recently up for debate. The modern era of TB/Sino-Tibetan subgrouping began with Benedict 1972 (henceforth /STC), where that great comparativist refrained from offering aStammbaumof the conventional type, leaving several individual languages and language groups unclassified, and placing Jingpho at the centre of diversity of the whole vast TB family (see Fig. 1.) Despite several peculiarities, notably the special position accorded Karenic and the lack of information on Baic (then called ‘Minjia’) or Qiangic, this scheme showed a healthily agnostic approach.
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44

Michaud, Alexis, Guillaume Jacques, and Robert L. Rankin. "Historical transfer of nasality between consonantal onset and vowel." Diachronica 29, no. 2 (June 8, 2012): 201–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.29.2.04mic.

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Comparative data from several language families show that nasality can be transferred between a syllable-initial consonant cluster and the following vowel. The cases reported to date are summarized, and a new analysis is proposed for a set of Sino-Tibetan data. The evolution appears to go in both directions: from the consonantal onset to the following vowel in Tai-Kadai, Austroasiatic, Sino-Tibetan, Niger-Congo (Kwa) and Indo-European (Celtic), and from the vowel to the preceding consonant in Siouan. However, an examination of the conditions on these changes brings out an asymmetry. In most cases, transfers of nasality take place from a consonantal onset to a following vowel; the instances we found of a regular change in the opposite direction all come from languages where there is one of the following restrictions on nasal sounds: (i) nasal consonants are nonphonemic (contextually predictable), or (ii) the opposition between nasal and oral vowels is neutralized after nasal consonants (in favor of nasal vowels).
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박성하, 유현조, and 박은석. "Frequency Distributions of Word Order Types of Sino-Tibetan Languages of China." Journal of Foreign Studies ll, no. 45 (September 2018): 135–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15755/jfs.2018..45.135.

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46

Hasel, Clarosa Amanda. "The Research Comparison Between the Consonants of Bahasa Indonesia and Chinese Mandarin." MANDARINABLE : Journal of Chinese Studies 1, no. 1 (August 12, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/mandarinable.v1i1.322.

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Indonesian Students face a lot of difficulties when learning Chinese Mandarin, it is very common that them to mispronounce the consonants of Chinese Mandarin. There are not a lot of Indonesian Students who can pronounce Chinese Mandarin consonants accurately. Phonetics teaching is a very important part of learning other languages. Bahasa Indonesia is classified as “The Family of Austronesian Language”, and Chinese Mandarin is classified as Sino-Tibetan Language System. Although they have a different language systems, the two languages have a lot of similarities and differences in every aspect of it. If we look at the consonants of Bahasa Indonesia and Chinese Mandarin, Bahasa Indonesia has 23 consonants, and Chinese Mandarin has 22 consonants. These 2 kinds of languages have similarities and different points of the pronunciation and pronunciation methods.
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47

Chirkova, Katia. "The Duoxu Language and the Ersu-Lizu-Duoxu relationship." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 37, no. 1 (June 23, 2014): 104–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.37.1.04chi.

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Duoxu is a terminally endangered and virtually undescribed Tibeto-Burman language, spoken in the historically multi-ethnic and multi-lingual Miǎnníng county of Sìchuān province in the People’s Republic of China. Until recently, Duoxu was known only through a 740-word vocabulary list in the Sino-Tibetan vocabularies Xīfān Yìyǔ [Tibetan-Chinese bilingual glossary], recorded in Chinese and Tibetan transcriptions in the 18th century, and a grammatical sketch (Huáng & Yǐn 2012). Researchers who have worked on the language (Nishida 1973, Sūn 1982, Huáng & Yǐn 2012) have expressed different views about the features and the genetic position of Duoxu, variously viewing it as (1) closely related to Lolo-Burmese languages (Nishida 1973), (2) closely related to Ersu and Lizu, two neighboring languages that are currently classified as members of the Qiangic subgroup of the Tibeto-Burman language family (Sūn 1982), or (3) distantly related to those two languages and to Qiangic languages at large (Huáng & Yǐn 2012). The Duoxu language is critically endangered and urgently requires documentation. It is of great value for our understanding of the linguistic diversity of the region, and of its linguistic history. It is also of great value as a modern reflection of a language that was recorded in the 18th century. This paper makes a significant contribution in all these areas. Based on new fieldwork with all remaining elderly Duoxu speakers, this study provides newly collected data and a new analysis. It compares the newly collected data with the 18th-century attestations of Duoxu as well as with its two putative sister languages Ersu and Lizu. The conclusion of the study is that Duoxu is closely related to Ersu and Lizu, with superficial differences attributed to long-standing and on-going contact influence from Southwestern Mandarin.
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Schuhmacher, W. Wilfried, and F. Seto. "Caucasian and Papuan." Fontes Linguae Vasconum, no. 64 (December 31, 1993): 345–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/flv64.1.

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Middle Eastern Caucasian lexical similarities to Sino-Tibetan and to the Papuan languages are extremely numerous. It is obvious that it should be the other way around, with basque being close to the Middle Eastern Caucasian languages because of geographical proximity. But this is not the case at all and the problem of why there is such a situation merits attention because it seems that basque and the Middle Eastern Caucasian languages separated earlier along the southern Mediterranean in North Africa.
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49

Bao, Zhiming, Ruiqing Shen, and Kunmei Han. "Languages and language contact in China." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 38, no. 1 (May 5, 2023): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00101.bao.

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Abstract China is ethnically and linguistically diverse. There are 56 officially recognized ethnic groups in the country, including the majority Han, with a 1.2 billion-strong population and Tatar, the smallest minority group with only 3,556 people residing in Xinjiang, according to the 2010 Population Census of the People’s Republic of China, the latest census data available on the government’s website (www.stats.gov.cn). The Han accounts for 91.6% of the population, with the minorities taking up the balance of 8.4%. Most ethnic groups have their own languages, which fall into typologically distinct language families, the largest being Altaic and Sino-Tibetan. Ethnologue lists 299 languages in China and rates the country 0.521 in linguistic diversity, compared with 0.035 for Japan and 0.010 for South Korea (Simons & Fennig 2017). A few ethnic groups, such as the Hui (Chinese Muslims) and the Manchus, who founded the last imperial dynasty of Qing (1644–1912), have lost their indigenous languages over the centuries. They speak the language of the Han majority. Linguistic diversity in China is manifested in two ways: across the ethnic groups and within the Han majority. In what follows, we give a schematic description of the languages and briefly summarize the papers in this issue that offer a snapshot of language contact in China.
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Genetti, Carol, and Chris Donlay. "Report on the 48th international conference on Sino-Tibetan languages and linguistics (ICSTLL48)." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 39, no. 1 (June 27, 2016): 174–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.39.1.07gen.

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