Academic literature on the topic 'Sit-down strike'

Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?

Between 1934 and 1938, several million workers took part in the elections, strikes, and protests that made the popular front a pivotal moment in the recent history of France. Giant street demonstrations, the General Strike of November 1938, and above all the massive sit-down strikes of June 1936 made most workers at least momentary actors in the drama of national political life. Yet, for all that has been written about these events, little is known about how labor conflict during the popular front actually affected workers' views. The problem has been in large part one of sources: the speeches, newspapers, leaflets, and memoirs of the period reveal more about trade union leaders and local militants than about the ordinary men and women who made popular protest possible but whose opinions rarely found their way into print. As a result, a number of questions remain largely unanswered: How much of the ethos of the popular front, and how much of the ideology of the Socialist and Communist parties, did rank-and-file workers come to embrace? Which slogans spoke most poignantly to lathe operators at Renault, textile workers in Lille, or sales clerks at the Galeries Lafayette? Were the euphoria of June 1936 and the crushing defeat of the General Strike in November 1938 as important in the lives of these people as they were for labor leaders? How popular, in short, was the political experience of the popular front?

The subject of this thesis is the Sit-Down Strike in Flint, Michigan in 1936-1937. The main purpose is to examine the story of the strike as told by the strikers themselves, to explore the role that Communists played in the strike along with how the workers responded the Communism and other political ideologies of the day. The final chapter then examines the many anti-Communist forces that surrounded the autoworkers before, during, and after the Sit-Down Strike, which may account for the strikers' reluctance to admit their affiliation with the Communists.

Há uma história paralela que acompanhou a vida do sistema social capitalista: a história da ocupação e recuperação de fábricas por trabalhadores. E esse fenômeno se coloca, cada vez mais, com o potencial de abrir novos caminhos para a classe trabalhadora. Este trabalho tem o objetivo de contribuir na prática para o desenvolvimento desse movimento por meio da construção de análises jurídicas passíveis de auxiliar coletivos operários que tenham ocupado ou que se proponham a ocupar empresas em crise. Apesar de termos ciência de que a atuação das instituições jurídicas não é neutra, e têm um caráter contraditório e classista, ainda assim é necessário que os embates jurídicos sejam travados, e, para isso, a classe trabalhadora necessita de formulações jurídicas progressistas. São quatro as problemáticas jurídicas centrais enfrentadas pelas ERTs: a) a licitude da greve de ocupação; b) a necessidade de reconhecimento da gestão operária no procedimento de falência e recuperação empresarial; c) a necessidade, em médio e longo prazo, de estabilização jurídica do ente coletivo, por meio da constituição de uma forma jurídica adequada e d) a carência, em geral, de outras políticas públicas específicas, especialmente as que possibilitem o acesso a crédito. Considerando esse quadro, este trabalho tem dois focos específicos: em primeiro lugar, desenvolver um estudo acerca das bases constitucionais que podem ser utilizadas para o enfrentamento de todas as questões jurídicas. E, em segundo, propor solução a uma das questões mais espinhosas: a da licitude da greve ativa aquela que se dá com ocupação para produzir. Na primeira parte, concluímos que os três princípios constitucionais que têm relação fundamental com as questões jurídicas que emergem nesses processos o princípio da função social da propriedade, o princípio do valor social do trabalho e da livre iniciativa e o princípio do direito ao trabalho têm o efeito de proferir mandamentos para os agentes jurídicos no sentido de criar leis, desenvolver políticas públicas, proibir a realização de atos contrários e interpretar o sistema normativo de modo a favorecer o desenvolvimento das recuperações. Depois, concluímos que a greve de ocupação passiva ou ativa será lícita se deflagrada no interior de determinados contextos e respeitando certas condições. A greve ativa, em especial (aquela que se dá com a intenção de produzir), será lícita, a partir de um confronto com os princípios da Constituição à luz da Teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais, se for deflagrada como resposta a uma crise aguda na empresa, gerada por má gestão ou acompanhada de atos de má-fé empresarial, que são atos que implicam numa violação grave das responsabilidades sociais estabelecidas pela ordem jurídica para o controlador de bens de produção.
There is a parallel story that accompanied the capitalist social system: the story of the occupation and recovery of factories by workers. And this phenomenon arises, increasingly, with the potential to open new ways for the working class . This paper aims to contribute in practice to the development of this movement through the elaboration of legal analyzes wich can aid workers who have occupied or intend to occupy companies in crisis . Although we are aware that the role of legal institutions is not neutral and have a contradictory and classist character, it is still necessary that the legal struggles are fought , and, therefore , the working class needs progressive legal formulations. There are four central legal issues faced by CRW\'s: a) the legality of the strike occupancy; b) the need for recognition of workers\'management in the insolvency and corporate recovery procedure; c ) the need , in the medium and long-term, of legal stabilization of the collective being, through the establishment of an appropriate legal form and d) the need, in general, of other specific public policies, especially those that provide access to credit. Considering this context, this paper has two specific focuses: first, develop a study on the constitutional bases that can be used to cope with all legal matters . And, second, to propose solutions to one of the thorniest issues: the legality of the active strike - one that occurs with occupancy to produce. In the first part, we conclude that the three constitutional principles that are fundamental to the legal issues that arise in these cases - the principle of the social function of property, the principle of the social value of work and free enterprise and the principle of right to work - have the purpose of uttering commands for legal agents to create laws, develop public policy, prohibit the performance of contrary acts and interpret the legal system to promote the development of recoveries. Then, we conclude that the sit-in strike - passive or active - will be legal if triggered within certain contexts and subject to certain conditions. The active strike, in particular (the one that has the intention of producing), will be lawful, from a confrontation with the principles of the Constitution to the Theory of Fundamental Rights, if triggered in response to an acute crisis in the company generated by mismanagement or accompanied by acts of corporate malfeasance, wich are acts that imply a serious breach of social responsibilities established by law for the controller of production assets.

Chapter four deals with the UCS work-in: an event to which Jimmy Reid owes his fame and his place in the pantheon of Scottish radicalism. Although he was not the only leader of the workforce, it was his powers of communication and leadership which became the symbol of the coalition of resistance that developed on the Clyde in response to the Tory government's attempt to close the down the yards and throw the men on the industrial scrapheap. The decision by the leadership to stage a work-in rather than go on strike or stage a sit-in caught the imagination of constituencies of people way beyond the geographical parameters of the upper reaches of the River Clyde. The chapter challenges the received triumphal narrative in several ways: firstly, by stressing the role of the forgotten liquidator, Robert Smith, in keeping the yards open and the men working; and, secondly, by examining the legacy, arguing that although the work-in undoubtedly constituted a victory of sorts for the UCS workers the road ahead proved a rocky one. The analysis differs from previously published material on the event in as much as it is the only study to utilise the transcripts of meetings and interviews with the UCS shop steward’s committee and the only one to establish the chain of relationships between the CPGB leadership, the local cadres and the work-in.

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Abstract Due to sand production coming from the upper zone of a multizone monobore gas well completion, the well production had to be choked back to a flow rate below the well's maximum sand free rate (MSFR). This resulted in suboptimal production. A straddle packer assembly was installed across this upper zone, which isolated the sand production and, therefore, enabled the choke to be removed and the well production to be increased to its true, optimal capacity. Several previous attempts to deploy and install the straddle components at their required depth using the prescribed slickline deployment method proved unsuccessful, because of hold ups that occurred while running in hole—due to a well trajectory of 72 degrees deviation and 4.579 deg/100 ft dog leg severity, coupled with the small tubing inside diameter (ID) associated with the slim 3 ½ in. completion. Furthermore, it was found that insufficient forces were available via slickline deployment to execute the related stabbing, setting and release actions required during in-well straddle component installation, because of the limited jar down weight available and safe working load limits on the slickline at the setting depth. As a result, a slim 2 ⅛ in. electric line tractor was utilised, in combination with a 2 ½ in. electrohydraulic linear actuator (stroker). The tractor conveyed the various straddle packer and spacer elements (straddle tubes) to depth and the stroker installed these components in the well to confirm their engagement and to ensure their controlled and confirmed release. Being bi-directional by design, the stroker provided both the upward and downward forces required for component installation—stabbing, setting, and pin shearing to release. The stroker was also available in the toolstring in case of any inadvertent tool sticking encountered while running in hole due to the well trajectory and produced sand debris. A system integration test (SIT) was meticulously planned and executed by the relevant operator and service company representatives before the operation. It was used to confirm the stroker's capability to stab and set the straddle tube into the lower packer and to shear the running tool used to install the straddle tubes and upper packer. This included the installation of straddle tubes into the lower packer section, done in a horizontal configuration and completed using higher setting and pulling forces than those expected during the actual job to ensure more than adequate forces would be available. The operation was executed successfully following the newly defined program, applying the lessons learned from the SIT. A total of four runs were carried out using the combined tractor/stroker deployment string configuration without any in-well deployment issues—the straddle component installation completed with 100% operational efficiency. Following this, the well was put back onto production and the production rate increased from approximately 1 million standard cubic feet per day (MMscf/D) to 3 MMscf/D, with no sand production observed at surface. Having not been done before, this methodology proved to be a successful option for the operator for straddle packer assembly deployment in deviated slim wells.