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1

Dembour, Stany. L' affaire Concord: Chronique d'une lutte ouvrière. Bruxelles: Editions EPO, 1995.

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2

Striking performances: Performing strikes. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997.

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3

Lotte e speranze della comunità badenga: 15 maggio-6 giugno : cronaca dell'occupazione della miniera. Arcidosso (GR) [i.e. Grosseto, Italy]: Effigi, 2009.

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4

The many and the few: A chronicle of the dynamic auto workers. 2nd ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985.

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5

Bedrijfsbezetting: Het verleden van een nieuw actiemiddel : een historisch comparatief onderzoek naar de bedrijfsbezetting als industrieel actiemiddel 1873-1983, in het bijzonder in Italië, 1920, Frankrijk, 1936-37, en Nederland 1965-83. Amsterdam: Stichting Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 1986.

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6

Hill, Barry. Sitting in. Port Melbourne, Vic: W. Heinemann Australia in asociation with the Left Book Club, 1991.

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7

Wesch, Martin. Neue Arbeitskampfmittel am Beispiel von Betriebsbesetzungen und Betriebsblockaden. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1993.

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8

Berghaus, Michael. Rechtsprobleme der Betriebsbesetzung und der Betriebsblockade. Konstanz: Hartung-Gorre, 1989.

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9

Revolt on Goose Island. Brooklyn, NY: Melville House Pub., 2009.

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10

Occupy!: A short history of workers' occupations. London: Bookmarks, 2010.

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11

Arbeitskampf im Medienbereich: Neue Formen des Arbeitskampfes in der Druckindustrie, insbesondere Betriebsbesetzungen. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1988.

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12

Colours of money, shades of pride: Historicities and moral politics in industrial conflicts in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2003.

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13

The Flint Sit-Down Strike of 1936-1937: Witnesses and warriors. Flint, Mich: Mott Community College, 1999.

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14

Striking Performances/Performing Strikes. University Press of Mississippi, 2011.

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15

Șahizer, Ayden, and Universität Münster. Institut für Soziologie. Projektgruppe Videocolor., eds. Der Sozialplan ersetzt mir ja nicht den Arbeitsplatz: Betriebsschliessung und Besetzungsstreik bei Videocolor Ulm. Köln: Bund, 1987.

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16

Lichtenstein, Nelson. Writing and Rewriting Labor’s Narrative. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037856.003.0002.

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This chapter presents the author'a account of how he reframed his understanding of the structures and social impulses that create the consciousness of the working-class as well its antagonists. At Berkeley in the early 1970s he was convinced that neither the law, religion, ethnicity, nor even race were as important as the work experience itself in shaping the consciousness of industrial unionists, whose sit-down strikes and wildcat strikes seemed to emerge directly out of a revolt against hierarchy and authority on the shop floor itself. However, he has come to the conclusion that the relationship of an individual to his or her work life is of less immediate importance than that person's capacity to identify with and then expound a set of ideas and aspirations that may or may not run parallel to what an outside observer might seem to think met the person's objective interests.
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17

Chiu, Fred Y. L. Colours of Money, Shades of Pride: Hisoricities and Moral Politics in Industrial Conflicts in Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press, 2003.

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18

Lucander, David. “These Women Really Did the Work”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038624.003.0005.

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This chapter describes a series of sit-ins during 1944. Led by largely forgotten African American women, this interracial direct-action campaign sought to challenge the color line at department-store lunch counters. Integrating, or at least improving, access to food service at major downtown retailers was an important step in the process of breaking down elements of Jim Crow segregation in St. Louis. That same year, the March on Washington Movement (MOWM) shifted its attention toward obtaining and retaining jobs for black workers in publicly funded workplaces. Gaining access to jobs operating switchboards and in the local administration of Southwestern Bell Telephone offices was presented as a stride toward securing sustainable employment for a largely female contingent of working-class African Americans who wanted long-term white- and pink-collar employment. This sort of local women's activism, juxtaposed against national men's leadership, is consistent with a gendered pattern of activism in civil rights campaigns that persisted through the 1960s.
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19

Backlash: The Killing of the New Deal. Ivan R. Dee, Publisher, 2006.

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