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1
Jordan, Constance. "Woman's Rule in Sixteenth-Century British Political Thought*." Renaissance Quarterly 40, no. 3 (1987): 421–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862518.
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The literature by English and Scots writers of the sixteenth century that had as its purpose the disparagement or the defense of gynecocracy was to a large extent fortuitous. It addressed a situation that, although feared by Henry VIII, was not actually realized until after the death of Edward VI: England's monarch was a woman. The prospect of her government could hardly have been regarded with anything but concern; the anomalous character of a female prince clearly posed a threat to the stability of her rule and hence to the peace of the country as a whole. For, as the subjects of Mary I knew, the nature of woman was complicated by a kind of doubleness; essentially, woman was a persona mixta. As one of God's creatures, she was conceived as equal to man according to her creation in Genesis I, because there both are formed in the image of the deity.
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Höppner, Ulrike. "Thinking in Turbulent Times: On the Relevance of Sixteenth-Century Political Thought." European Political Science 9, no. 3 (August 28, 2010): 291–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2010.29.
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Berlin, Isaiah. "A Turning-Point in Political Thought." Common Knowledge 25, no. 1-3 (April 1, 2019): 292–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7299390.
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Berlin discerns three great crises in Western political thought, each challenging one of its three primary tenets. The three tenets are (1) that questions about correct human actions are answerable, whether the answers are yet known or not; (2) that the answers to those questions, insofar as they are true, cannot contradict each other; and (3) that human beings have a distinctive character, which is essentially social. Each of these tenets has been attacked, the first by the German Romantics of the late eighteenth century, the second by Machiavelli in sixteenth-century Florence, and the third by the Epicureans and Stoics in the late fourth-century BCE. Berlin’s extended examination of this third case demonstrates both how firmly established was the idea that human beings found meaning only in relation to others in the polis and how great and sudden was the transition toward focus on the individual fostered by the Cynics, Epicureans, and Stoics. The suddenness and irruptive nature of this transition cannot be satisfactorily understood as a reflection of political changes alone, but its deeper roots are obscured by the dominance of Plato, Aristotle, and others who subscribed to the polis-centered point of view and regarded possible precursors of the transition as their philosophical opponents.
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Zeeshan Haider Zaidi, Syed. "THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF MIRZA NAINI." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 03 (March 31, 2021): 263–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12579.
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In Islam this is Gods right to rule over man and he gave this right according to Sunni Islam to everyone who possesses some abilities mentioned in books written by jurists but Shia Muslims believe that not only God is legitimate authority, He also appointed specific persons for political leadership after prophet Mohammad (peace upon him), they are twelve Imam the last Imam Mahdi(peace upon him) went to major occultation in 941 and till sixteenth century Shia Muslims could not establish government like Safivids dynasty in Iran.The rise of the modern nation-state in the Middle East in the early 20 century led to debates around the role of the clergy in the state and the nature of an Islamic state There was a controversial debate about constitution, is it legitimated according to Islam or not? In the responseTanbih al ummah va Tanzih al Millahwas written by Mirza Naini. He supported the idea of making constitution and legitimacy of assembly where representatives of people can do legislation because these two can control kings selfishness and make him away from tyranny. He also accepted concept of nation-state and proved that these concepts are not bidah.(condemnable innovation in religion)He believed in equality of common people with rulers along with their right of freedom.
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Raath, Andries, and Shaun de Freitas. "From Heinrich Bullinger to puritanism: John Hooper's theology and the office of magistracy." Scottish Journal of Theology 56, no. 2 (May 2003): 208–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930603001042.
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The sixteenth-century English Reformer John Hooper's views on the biblical idea of magisterial office and the application of God's law to the whole of the Christian community had a profound influence in England and Scotland. It is also clear that Hooper assimilated much of the German Reformer Heinrich Bullinger's theologico-political federalism, and played an important role in the reception of Bullinger's thought in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Britain. Bullinger, via Hooper, also influenced English and Scottish theories of political resistance in diverse ways.
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Laumenskaitė, Egidija. "The Peculiarities of the Development of Economic Thought in Lithuania (Sixteenth-Nineteenth Centuries)." Lithuanian Historical Studies 10, no. 1 (November 30, 2005): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01001004.
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Economic thought in Lithuania has comparatively deep historical roots and some special achievements to its credit. The establishment of the Department of Political Economy at the University of Vilnius in 1803 was the first such high recognition of the physiocrats’ concept in the history of economic science. The reasons for physiocracy to appear as a syllabus subject at Vilnius University were rooted not only in the specific character of the country’s economy and educational system, but also in the ideological prehistory of the discipline. The turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries marked the first period of vigorous development in economic thought in Lithuania and coincided with the development of economic ideas at Vilnius University, established in 1579. Rapid changes in economic life and the widespread Reformation movement in the mid-sixteenth century gave birth to active debates on social and economic issues. At that time the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was not merely following the development of economic ideas of the West (which was the fact later, especially with the upsurge in the economic thought in the twentieth century), but also disputing them (although the scope of this polemic was noticeably slender) and looking for solutions to the country’s keenest economic problems. The economic ideas of Jan Abramowicz, Marcin Smiglecki and others are worth consideration in the context of the development of European economic thought as a whole. The educational reforms at Vilnius University at the end of the eighteenth century (from Vilnius Academy, managed by Jesuits, to a more open educational institution) gave a birth to a new upsurge of economic thought in Lithuania. Vilnius University adopted the new discipline of Political Economy. Professors Hieronim Stroynowski, Jan Waszkewicz, and Michał Oczapowski started developing various courses in economics. However, after the Uprising of 1831 the University of Vilnius was closed down and further development of economic thought was restricted for almost a century. The unsteady evolution of economic thought in Lithuania in the period under review is connected with the country’s general economic and political development.
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MORTIMER, SARAH. "COUNSELS OF PERFECTION AND REFORMATION POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 311–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000225.
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AbstractThe debate over counsels of perfection was a crucial aspect of the formation of political and ethical thought in the sixteenth century. It led both Protestants and Catholics to consider the status of law and to consider how far it obliged human beings, rather than simply permitting particular actions. From Luther onwards, Protestants came to see God's standards for human beings in absolute terms, rejecting any suggestion that there were good works which were merely counselled rather than commanded, and therefore not obligatory. This view of ethics underpinned the Protestant theological critique of Catholic doctrines of merit but it also shaped the distinctively Protestant account of natural law. It enabled Luther and his allies to defend magisterial control over the church, and it also formed a crucial element of Protestant resistance theory. By examining the Lutheran position on counsels, expressed in theological and political writings, and comparing it with contemporary Catholic accounts, this article offers a new perspective on Reformation theology and political thought.
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Harrington, Joel F. "Hausvater and Landesvater: Paternalism and Marriage Reform in Sixteenth-Century Germany." Central European History 25, no. 1 (March 1992): 52–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019701.
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Long before Melanchthon and Erasmus drew their parallels, paternal and political authority had enjoyed a long and successful association in Greco-Roman thought. The apparent resurgence of this patriarchal metaphor in sixteenth-century European literature and polemic, however, has led some historians to suggest a more socially significant transformation in the actual legal or moral authority of one or both of these father figures. Beginning with the pioneering work of Phillippe Ariès many historians of the family, particularly Lawrence Stone, have identified the sixteenth century as a time of greater paternal authority within the household and the beginning of the modern nuclear family throughout most of Europe. Others, expanding on references by Aries and Stone to a new state paternalism, have focused on the political half of the patriarchal analogy, especially the almost ubiquitous association among sixteenth-century German authors of the Hausvater (head of the household) with the Landesvater (political ruler). For most of these scholars, paternalistic language was a natural and even necessary component of the ambitious absolutist state-building of early modern Europe.
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BECKER, ANNA. "GENDER IN THE HISTORY OF EARLY MODERN POLITICAL THOUGHT." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (June 27, 2017): 843–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000061.
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AbstractIn the history of early modern political thought, gender is not well established as a subject. It seems that early modern politics and its philosophical underpinnings are characterized by an exclusion of women from the political sphere. This article shows that it is indeed possible to write a gendered history of early modern political thought that transcends questions of the structural exclusion of women from political participation. Through a nuanced reading of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century commentaries on Aristotle's practical philosophy, it deconstructs notions on the public/political and private/apolitical divide and reconstructs that early modern thinkers saw the relationship of husband and wife as deeply political. The article argues that it is both necessary and possible to write gender in and into the history of political thought in a historically sound and firmly contextual way that avoids anachronisms, and it shows – as Joan Scott has suggested – that gender is indeed a ‘useful category’ in the history of political thought.
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Peterson, David S. "Conciliarism, Republicanism and Corporatism: the 1415-1420 Constitution of the Florentine Clergy*." Renaissance Quarterly 42, no. 2 (1989): 183–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861625.
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A striking feature of fifteenth-century historiography is the manner in which accounts of political thought in this period have tended to follow two basically distinct courses. One group of historians has pursued the avenue of humanist political theory, primarily in Florence, running from Coluccio Salutati and Leonardo Bruni at the beginning of the fifteenth century down to Machiavelli at its end, tracing the rise and decline of the republican ideal, or myth, in Florentine politics and from there into the mainstream of Western political theory. Another group has concerned itself with conciliar theory in the Church, pursuing its development through the councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basel to its demise in the early sixteenth century. These historians, too, have connected conciliar thought to the broader course of Europe's political development.
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Shafir, Nir. "Moral Revolutions: The Politics of Piety in the Ottoman Empire Reimagined." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 595–623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000185.
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AbstractOver the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries an immense body of morality literature emerged in the Ottoman Empire as part of a widespread turn to piety. This article draws upon the anthropology of Islamic revival and secularism to reassess this literature's importance and propose a new view of the history of political thought in the empire. It does so through a close analysis of a fundamental concept of Ottoman political life: “naṣīḥat, ” or “advice.” Historians have used “advice books” to counter the presumption that the Ottoman Empire declined after the sixteenth century, but in doing so they have overlooked the concept's broader meaning as “morally corrective criticism.” I analyze two competing visions of naṣīḥat at the turn of the eighteenth century to reveal how the concept was deployed to politically transform the empire by reforming its subjects’ morality. One was a campaign by the chief jurist Feyżullah Efendi to educate every Muslim in the basic tenets of Islam. The other was a wildly popular “advice book” written by the poet Nābī to his son that both explicates a new moral code and declares the empire's government and institutions illegitimate. Both transformed politics by requiring that all subjects be responsible moral, and therefore political, actors. The pietistic turn, I argue, turned domestic spaces into political battlegrounds and ultimately created new, individualistic political subjectivities. This, though, requires challenging functionalist conceptions of the relationship between religion and politics and the secularist inclination among historians to relegate morality to the private sphere.
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GAMSA, MARK. "USES AND MISUSES OF A CHINESE RENAISSANCE." Modern Intellectual History 10, no. 3 (October 24, 2013): 635–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244313000243.
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To adopt the least contentious of several definitions, the currents of thought and motifs in the arts that we associate with the Renaissance had their beginnings in fourteenth-century Florence. By the end of the fifteenth century they had spread out to other Italian cities while, during the sixteenth century, the Renaissance became a cross-European phenomenon. But was there also a “Renaissance beyond Europe”?
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Paul, Joanne. "The Use ofKairosin Renaissance Political Philosophy*." Renaissance Quarterly 67, no. 1 (2014): 43–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/676152.
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AbstractAlthough the Greek concept ofkairos (καιρός)has undergone a recent renewal of interest among scholars of Renaissance rhetoric, this revival has not yet been paralleled by its reception into the history of political thought. This article examines the meanings and uses of this important concept within the ancient Greek tradition, particularly in the works of Isocrates and Plutarch, in order to understand how it is employed by two of the most important political thinkers of the sixteenth century: Thomas Elyot and Niccolò Machiavelli. Through such an investigation this paper argues that an appreciation of the concept ofkairosand its use by Renaissance political writers provides a fuller understanding of the political philosophy of the period.
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WITHINGTON, PHILIP. "TWO RENAISSANCES: URBAN POLITICAL CULTURE IN POST-REFORMATION ENGLAND RECONSIDERED." Historical Journal 44, no. 1 (March 2001): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001546.
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This review reconsiders the place and importance of urban political culture in England between c. 1550 and c. 1750. Relating recent work on urban political culture to trends in political, social, and cultural historiography, it argues that England's towns and boroughs underwent two ‘renaissances’ over the course of the period: a ‘civic renaissance’ and the better-known ‘urban renaissance’. The former was fashioned in the sixteenth century; however, its legacy continued to inform political thought and practice over 150 years later. Similarly, although the latter is generally associated with ‘the long eighteenth century’, its attributes can be traced to at least the Elizabethan era. While central to broader transitions in post-Reformation political culture, these ‘renaissances’ were crucial in restructuring the social relations and social identity of townsmen and women. They also constituted an important but generally neglected dynamic of England's seventeenth-century ‘troubles’.
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Slongo, Paolo. "Sovranità e dominio nella République di Jean Bodin." Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 24, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.70125.
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Abtract. This article aims to pose the problem of the relationship between State and Sovereignty in Jean Bodin. In the second half of the Sixteenth Century and then in the Seventeenth Century, Sovereignty was understood as an external principle, presupposed to the existence of political association. Classical terminology then remains. Only when Sovereignty appears as an internal, constitutive element of the Political Body, will the term State permanently take the place of the conceptuality inherited from tradition. Only in this specific phase of its historical conceptual development does the State appear as a reality that exists in itself. Consequently, political science will become the Theory of the State. Certainly not therefore in Bodin’s political thought.
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HUFFMAN, JOSEPH P. "The Donation of Zeno: St Barnabas and the Origins of the Cypriot Archbishops' Regalia Privileges." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 2 (April 2015): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914002073.
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This article explores medieval and Renaissance evidence for the origins and meaning of the imperial regalia privileges exercised by the Greek archbishops of Cyprus, said to have been granted by the Emperor Zeno (c. 425–91), along with autocephaly, upon the discovery of the relics of the Apostle Barnabas. Though claimed to have existed ab antiquo, these imperial privileges in fact have their origin in the late sixteenth century and bear the characteristics of western Latin ecclesial and political thought. With the Donation of Constantine as their prototype, they bolster the case made to the Italians and the French for saving Christian Cyprus from the Turks.
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Brett, M. "Libya: Some Aspects of the Mediaeval Period, First–Ninth Century H/Seventh–Fifteenth Century AD." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006701.
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The difficulty with the study of Libyan history, certainly before the sixteenth century, is twofold: firstly the definition of Libya as a subject, secondly the lack of information. The definition of the subject starts from the modern political boundaries, which do not predate the Ottomans; the lack of information must be related to the fact that most of the territory is desert, and peripheral to the concerns of wealthier and more powerful neighbours — Egypt, Tunis, Kanem/Borno, and the maritime empires of western Europe. Instead of a positive entity of which the modern political limits are only the most recent expression, it is all too easy to see a hollow space between neighbours north, south, east and west. How to fill that space conceptually and evidentially is the problem explicit or implicit in all the literature over the years since the foundation of the Society for Libyan Studies. This essay does not aim to be exhaustive, simply to indicate the lines of thought and investigation, and offer some conclusions.
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Emre, Side. "Crafting Piety for Success: Gülşeniye Literature and Culture in the Sixteenth Century*." Journal of Sufi Studies 1, no. 1 (2012): 31–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221059512x626117.
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Abstract Today, scholarship on Islamic mysticism mostly prioritizes the poetry and mystical teachings of famous Sufi masters, with limited efforts to historically contextualize them. One of the sub-branches of the Halvetī order, the Gülşeniye, while being an influential participant in early modern Ottoman politics and society, presents the historian of Sufism with a rare opportunity to approach this gap. Despite offering a wide range of untapped literary, hagiographical, and historical sources, studies on the Gülşeniye remain in the margins. Through Gülşeniye literary production, including poetry and hagio-biographies by dervish-authors, this article explores the mystical thought and piety of İbrāhīm-i Gülşeni (d. 940/1534), the founder of the Gülşenī order of dervishes in Egypt. Close textual analysis of sources reveals that Gülşenī’s inspirations formed the contours of the order’s early literature and culture. I argue that the Gülşeniye literary corpus, and the culture formed alongside it, was a product of changing socio-political environments, not a replica of the doctrines of the order’s founder. The shifts in the corpus unveil the order’s changing practical priorities and shed light on how the Gülşeniye secured a stable niche for itself in Ottoman Egypt in the sixteenth century.
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Lake, Peter. "The “Political Thought” of the “Monarchical Republic of Elizabeth I,” Discovered and Anatomized." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 2 (April 2015): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.3.
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AbstractThis paper uses two manuscript tracts to reconstruct the vision of the English polity underpinning Lord Burghley's interregnum proposals of 1584–85. These proposals famously prompted Patrick Collinson's work on “the monarchical republic of Elizabeth I,” which in turn became embroiled in subsequent attempts to recuperate distinctively “republican” strands of thought and feeling in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England. Written by two clients of central figures in the regime, the two texts are replies to a tract by John Leslie outlining Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne. This tract was republished in 1581 in Latin and then in 1584 in English as part of a Catholic propaganda offensive of the summer of 1584 to which, in turn, the Bond of Association and the interregnum scheme itself were responses. By comparing different versions of the two texts with one another and with Thomas Bilson's later printed tract,The true difference between Christian subjection and unchristian rebellion, something like the structuring assumptions, indeed the political thought, underlying the interregnum scheme can be recovered and analyzed and the republican nature of the monarchical republic assessed in detail for the first time.
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Korobeynikov, Dmitry. "Byzantine Traditions of the Sublime Porte: the Title qayṣar-i Rūm in the Ottoman Political Thought." ISTORIYA 12, no. 5 (103) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015717-7.
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The article is focused on the problem of the title qayṣar-i Rūm, “Caesar of Rome”, which was a traditional title of the Byzantine emperors in Arabic and Persian sources. It is believed that the title was accepted by Mehmed II Fatih after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453. It seems that the Ottoman chancery began to use the title only during the reign of Suleyman the Magnificent. The first evidence thereof was the famous inscription of Suleyman in the fortress of Bender (Bendery, in Moldavia/Moldova) in 1538—1539. The Ottomans recognized themselves as a new Rome only after they went into conflict with a great power in Persia, the state of the Aq-Qoyunlu and the Safawi Empire at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. They did so, however, in the categories of their Persianate political culture, and the title qayṣar-i Rūm was believed to have been an equivalent of the title padishah.
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Rowland, Ingrid D. "Abacus and Humanism*." Renaissance Quarterly 48, no. 4 (1995): 695–727. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863421.
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Renaissance humanism was not, and probably could never have been, permanently confined to the restricted company that had once created it. Even its most esoteric branches — Neoplatonism, magic, cabala, alchemy—had their practical side, for they had been conceived and continued to operate in a world of practical needs. By the first two decades of the early sixteenth century, fundamental concepts of Neoplatonism, though they may have retained their esoteric charm for self-conscious cognoscenti, had also become common coin, the imagery in which merchants, professionals, and technicians couched their own philosophical yearnings. At the same time, humanistic patterns of thought had come to govern actions in the political and financial sphere no less than they governed the progress of letters and art.
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Shek, Richard. "Challenge To Orthodoxy: Beliefs and Values of the Eternal Mother Sects in Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-Century China." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 4 (1999): 355–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00125.
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AbstractUsing the framework of orthodoxy versus heterodoxy, this paper attempts to establish the following points: (1) An orthodoxy existed in China since the middle of the second century before the common era and lasted until the turn of the present century. (2) This orthodoxy was not articulated by a religious authority, but rather by a political authority. (3) The content of this orthodoxy, socio-political-ethical in emphasis, was defined not by narrow sectarian doctrines but by a compromise consensus among all the major religious traditions in China. (4) Challenge to this orthodoxy was long-lasting and variegated in nature, but at the turn of the sixteenth century crystalized into a potent tradition revolving around a central matriarchal deity and a strong millenarian and eschatological vision. (5) This heterodox tradition, though similarly socio-ethical in content, was by definition also politically subversive and occasionally erupted into anti-dynastic rebellions.
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Shek, Richard. "Challenge To Orthodoxy: Beliefs and Values of the Eternal Mother Sects in Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-Century China." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 3 (1999): 355–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00305.
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AbstractUsing the framework of orthodoxy versus heterodoxy, this paper attempts to establish the following points : (1) An orthodoxy existed in China since the middle of the second century before the common era and lasted until the turn of the present century. (2) This orthodoxy was not articulated by a religious authority, but rather by a political authority. (3) The content of this orthodoxy, socio-political-ethical in emphasis, was defined not by narrow sectarian doctrines but by a compromise consensus among all the major religious traditions in China. (4) Challenge to this orthodoxy was long-lasting and variegated in nature, but at the turn of the sixteenth century crystalized into a potent tradition revolving around a central matriarchal deity and a strong millenarian and eschatological vision. (5) This heterodox tradition, though similarly socio-ethical in content, was by definition also politically subversive and occasionally erupted into anti-dynastic rebellions.
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Mester, Béla. "The Scriptures in Hungarian in Early Modernity." European Review 23, no. 3 (June 2, 2015): 321–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798715000101.
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This paper offers an overview of the Hungarian translations of the Scriptures, printed in the sixteenth century. Both the translation of the Bible and print culture date from the fifteenth century in Hungary, but printing in Hungarian is a phenomenon of the sixteenth century. Before then, Scriptural chapters, translated by Hungarian Hussites and Minorite monks remained in manuscript, and the print of the Renaissance royal court served the needs of the humanist Latin literature. First, this paper will describe the development of the principles of translations from the cautious solutions of the Erasmian contributor of the first book printed in Hungarian, Paul’s Epistle to the Romans (Kraków, 1535), to the conceptions of the well-organized Calvinist group of scholars that edited the first complete Hungarian Bible (1590). In the analysis of the terminology this paper will focus on the expressions of the divine and earthly power, in the context of the history of political ideas of the same epoch. The history of the early printed Scriptures in Hungarian runs parallel to the gradual enlargement of the earthly power in early modern Hungarian political thought, under the conditions of the Turkish occupation, Hapsburg Catholicism, and the special status of Transylvania. In the history of religion, the dominant strain of the Hungarian Reformation turned from Luther to Calvin, with the most important Hungarian publishing house at the time being that of the Unitarians in Transylvania. This change greatly influenced the development of the Hungarian theoretical culture. For instance, the main destination of peregrinatio academica of Hungarians turned from Wittenberg to the universities of the Netherlands, and the Hungarian printers finally opted for the Humanist Antiqua instead of the German Frakturschrift. The second part of the paper will illustrate this process with examples of the typography of the sixteenth-century Hungarian Scriptures, and of their target audiences.
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Filyushkin, Alexander. "Why Did Muscovy Not Participate in the “Communication Revolution” in the Sixteenth Century?" Canadian-American Slavic Studies 51, no. 2-3 (2017): 339–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05102011.
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The sixteenth century in Europe has been called the period of the “Communication Revolution.” Was Muscovy a participant in this revolution? Though the first printed books appeared in Russia in the mid-sixteenth century, just half a century before the printing boom in Europe, the only correct answer to this question can be “no.” In Russia there was nothing like the preparatory epistolary stage of a Communication Revolution. There were nothing like European “merchants’ letters” or aristocrats’ correspondence. One can hardly even find any “news” narratives describing “the other,” i.e. other countries and nations. Descriptions of manners, customs, the history of neighboring countries, as well as political news were only included in diplomatic documents. The politics of the Russian state was monolithic and unified, lacking political pluralism and freedom of speech, diverse political discourse, and political partisanship typical of Europe. Because of this, Muscovite society did not need political information, because all the necessary information came from the government. The information structures that bound together Russian society were formed around the church in the first place and then the state. Printing was in great demand by the church and state, to be sure, and during the first 150 years after its introduction in Russia, printing in Russia served the interests of church and state almost exclusively. The main reason for the delayed Communication Revolution in Russia was the lack of public demand for information. Apparently, the reason for this attitude was not the technological backwardness of Russia: there had not been any technological obstacles for the formation of a Communication Revolution in Russia since the late sixteenth century. The problem was rather that there was no broad market for print material. The Communication Revolution could be the means of social, political and cultural modernization in Russia (as it had been in Europe). But it came to Russia too late, only in the eighteenth and ninteenth centuries.
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Von Friedeburg, Robert. "Dickens, the German Reformation, and the issue of nation and fatherland in early modern German history." Historical Research 77, no. 195 (February 1, 2004): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2004.00199.x.
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Abstract This article offers an outline of the historiographical developments in German Reformation history since the later nineteen-sixties. It argues that Dickens picked up major issues in his treatment of the German Reformation that have again come to the fore in recent years. In particular, his combination of local social history with the history of political thought, and with the history of the new pamphlet medium that emerged from the early sixteenth century, allowed him to try to connect these different arenas of research. This remains a primary concern for current Reformation research, as pioneered by studies such as Andrew Pettegree's book on Emden.1
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Struve, Lynn A. "Huang Zongxi in Context: A Reappraisal of His Major Writings." Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 3 (August 1988): 474–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056971.
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Too often the thought and scholarship of Huang Zongxi (1610–95), a prominent Chinese intellectual and political activist of the Ming-Qing transition period, are treated in isolation, as though the man stood in a sphere above and apart from most other thinkers of his day. The greatness of his scholarly achievements and the incisiveness of his ideas are stressed, with little attempt to relate those to the accomplishments and ideas of his mentors and contemporaries. This approach has created the widespread impression that Huang was one of only three or four figures who had anything very original to say in the seventeenth century. But the more we study seventeenth-century thought, the more we recognize that Huang Zongxi's forte was less in originality than in a keen awareness, examination, and articulation of issues that were current in his time. The perpetuation of notions about Huang's creative singularity obstructs our understanding not only of his intellectual milieu but also of the man's own attitude toward progress in learning. I do not wish to challenge the idea that Huang was an outstanding intellectual of the later imperial era in China but to urge that he be viewed differently: as someone who placed in bold relief ideas that emerged in the late Ming period and brought to fruition in writings of enduring value various approaches to scholarship that had been gestating since the latter part of the sixteenth century.
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CASTILLA URBANO, Francisco. "Propuestas utópicas e insuficiencias políticas: Erasmo y el cuerpo místico de Cristo / Utopian Proposals and Political Shortcomings: Erasmus and the Mystical Body of Christ." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 23 (April 20, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v23i.8970.
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TThe Pauline metaphor of corpus Christi, used abundantly by Erasmus in his writings, has had an enormous influence on Spanish sixteenth-century thought, giving rise to different interpretations of the corpus mysticum. However, what has has not been studied to this extent is its scope and meaning in the Dutch humanist, who makes a use of it which is more loaded with utopianism than what we see in the thinking of his Hispanic followers. The result is a difficulty in its political implementation, on the one hand increasing the autonomy of Spanish Erasmism from its inspirer, and, on the other, allowing us to explain the eclipse of Erasmism after the death of its founder.
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WINTERER, CAROLINE. "DEMOCRATIC VISTAS." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (December 7, 2017): 599–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000439.
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After a generation of grand stories about the rise of modern republican thought (the so-called “republican-synthesis” school epitomized by the works of Gordon Wood and J. G. A. Pocock), James Kloppenberg's new book, Toward Democracy: The Struggle for Self-Rule in European and American Thought, offers a history of democratic thought: what Kloppenberg calls “the idea of self-government.” In the course of nearly a thousand pages of text and notes, Kloppenberg traces democracy's emergence “as a widely shared, albeit still controversial, model of government” over the last four centuries in the North Atlantic world (1). The book is deeply learned and intellectually capacious, covering thinkers from the ancient Greeks, through the sixteenth-century wars of religion, through the American and French Revolutions, ending abruptly at the Civil War. Few intellectual historians writing today could have managed a book of such sweep. The number of authors, texts, and themes discussed is vast—so much so that at times it seems that the book could double as a history of thought in the West.
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CAMERON, E. "The origins of the federal theology in sixteenth-century reformation thought D. A. Weir, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1990. pp. xviii + 244. E27.50." Religion 22, no. 2 (April 1992): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-721x(92)90069-g.
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BURGESS, GLENN. "SCOTTISH OR BRITISH? POLITICS AND POLITICAL THOUGHT IN SCOTLAND, c. 1500–1707 The true law of kingship: concepts of monarchy in early-modern Scotland. By J. H. Burns. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. xiv+315. £37.50. ISBN 0-19-820384-5. Politics, religion and the British revolutions: the mind of Samuel Rutherford. By John Coffey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xii+304. £40. ISBN 0-521-58172-9. Scots and Britons: Scottish political thought and the Union of 1603. Edited by Roger A. Mason. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xiv+323. £40. ISBN 0-521-42034-2. A Union for empire: political thought and the Union of 1707. Edited by John Robertson Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xx+368. £40. ISBN 0-521-43113-1. The birth of Britain: a new nation 1700–1710. By W. A. Speck. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Pp. xiv-235. £25. ISBN 0-521-43113-1." Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 579–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007894.
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Is the development of a new British history of the early modern period a boon or a bane for those interested in the history of Scotland (or, for that matter, Ireland, Wales, even England)? Such a false antithesis we might normally confine to our examination papers; but it is difficult to avoid considering it after reading the five books under review here. Professor Burns has written a superb account of Scottish political thought in the long sixteenth century and Dr Coffey an equally successful exploration of the mind of the leading ideologist of the Covenanters. The collection edited by Dr Mason, which connects with the Burns study at several points, is explicitly a view of Scottish political thought focused on the Union of 1603, while that edited by Dr Robertson drops the particular emphasis on Scottish thought in its exploration of the intellectual context to the Union of 1707. Professor Speck presents us with a slightly different problem: a volume in a series on the history of early modern England that takes as the central theme of English politics in the decade 1700–10 the birth of Britain. Each of these books is rewarding, at the very least ; together their effect may be disquieting.
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Nicholls, Sophie. "Ideas on royal power in the French Wars of Religion: the influence of René Choppin’s De Domanio Franciae (1574)." French History 34, no. 2 (May 16, 2020): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/craa022.
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Abstract René Choppin (1537–1606) was one of the most cited French lawyers of the sixteenth century, and yet his contribution to intellectual history has gone curiously unexamined. This article considers the reception of his most important work, De Domanio Franciae (1574), in the political thought of the 1570s and early 1580s. It shows that Choppin was particularly influential in two key areas: the question of the inalienability of the French domain, and the role of the Paris parlement in guarding the laws of the country. It also assesses the question of his membership of the Holy League and thereby seeks to establish and clarify the complex nature of the position of Choppin’s works within the broader context of conceptions of royal power in this era.
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Salmon, J. H. M. "Constitutions old and new: Henrion de Pansey before and after the French revolution." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 907–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020501.
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ABSTRACTHenrion de Pansey (1742–1829) is an important but neglected constitutional historian whose views on the French past served as a commentary on the unwritten and written constitutions of his own age. A feudal lawyer before the revolution and an appeal judge under Napoleon and the restored Bourbons, he published a variety of works combining liberal sentiment with judicial traditionalism. His career illustrates the shift of moderate conservative opinion across the revolutionary divide. The alteration in his political thought is best understood through its conjunction with the three historical modes prevalent in his time: a discontinuous approach, accepting the past as a series of different regimes interrupted by revolutions; a developmental view, charting the progressive growth of institutions from seeds planted in antiquity; and a fundamentalist habit of thought that saw change as decline from pristine perfection. The jurists of sixteenth-century France remained Henrion's most admired models, and he used his roseate vision of the early modern French monarchy as a sometimes critical commentary on the constitutions designed in his own day. In prerevolutionary days he recast the ideas of the sixteenth-century rationalizer of feudalism, Charles Dumoulin, into Enlightenment terms. After the revolution, De l'Autoritéjudiciaire (1810) depicted the moderating role of the judiciary as defenders of past constitutions, and formed an oblique commentary on Napoleon's civil code. Des Pairs et de l'ancienne constitution (1816) appraised the charter of 1814. It accepted a measure of popular participation in government, but held judicial expertise essential in legislation. Des Assemblées nationales (1826) shifted the emphasis from judicial oversight to the separation of powers and representative government, although Henrion, like Guizot and the doctrinaires, remained critical of popular democracy.
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Glanville, Luke. "Gaddafi and Grotius: Some Historical Roots of the Libyan Intervention." Global Responsibility to Protect 5, no. 3 (2013): 342–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00503006.
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It is increasingly well understood that concepts of ‘humanitarian intervention’ and the ‘responsibility to protect’ enjoy a long and rich history. Nevertheless, it is surprising how plainly the arguments offered by states seeking to justify intervention in Libya in 2011 echo those used by theologians, jurists, and philosophers to justify intervention in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. Those advocating intervention in Libya drew not just on the language of ‘human rights,’ that emerged relatively recently, but on a wider and much older range of idioms and ideas to make their case. In this article, I identify three key arguments that were employed by states in support of the intervention and I demonstrate their parallels with three principal arguments that have been advanced to justify intervention in response to tyranny since the sixteenth century. The three arguments are: the need to protect ‘innocents’; the need to hold ‘tyrants’ to account; and the need to defend the will of a sovereign people. After exploring each argument, I conclude by noting that the claim often heard today, that intervention is under certain circumstances a responsibility rather than merely a right, also has deep roots in early modern thought.
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Van Caenegem, R. C. "Historical Reflections on Progress and Tradition." European Review 22, no. 1 (February 2014): 170–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000719.
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Reflecting on the tension between progressives and traditionalists in present-day Egypt, the author surveys comparable conflicts in the European past. In nineteenth-century Britain and Belgium the struggle between liberals and conservatives dominated public life. In eighteenth-century France the progressive forces of the Enlightenment were for a long time in bitter conflict with the traditional defenders of King and Church, until the latter were defeated in the French Revolution. In seventeenth-century England the Puritan Revolution overthrew Stuart absolutism, which was a democratic move, but Cromwell then established his own fundamentalist Republic, which was illiberal. In the sixteenth century Humanists and Protestants were progressive and broke with medieval modes of thought and papal domination, but were opposed by traditional forces around the House of Habsburg and the Counter-reformation, neither party claiming total victory. By the fifteenth century the progressive conciliar movement attempted to democratize the Catholic Church by putting the papal curia under the supreme authority of the general council, an assembly representing Christian people of all nations. This short-lived attempt was foiled by defenders of the traditional papal supremacy.
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Floristán, Casiano, and Michael Keefe. "Evangelization of the “New World”: An Old World Perspective." Missiology: An International Review 20, no. 2 (April 1992): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969202000202.
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The theological and political context of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Spain and Portugal must be taken into account if one wants to understand the motivations and methods of the first missionaries to the New World. Rather than an evangelization, therefore, we need to speak of a catechization of the indigenous peoples of America, even though this process, and the abuses that followed, came under constant critique throughout the colonial era.
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Tanenbaum, Adena. "Kabbalah in a Literary Key: Mystical Motifs in Zechariah Aldāhirī's Sefer hamusar." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 17, no. 1 (2009): 47–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147728509x448984.
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AbstractZechariah Aldāhirī's maqāma collection, Sefer hamusar (Yemen, c. 1580), is a literary work modeled on the Arabic Maqāmāt of al-Harīrī and the Hebrew Tahkemoni of Alharizi. Although largely fictional in nature, the work offers intriguing evidence of the transmission of kabbalistic thought to Yemen in the sixteenth century. This paper argues that Aldāhirī exploited the text's lighthearted belletristic framework to bring kabbalistic theosophy, literature, and liturgical customs to the attention of a largely uninitiated public in Yemen. But Aldāhirī also conveys an ambivalence towards his project when he parodies the new taste for kabbalistic learning by embedding mystical ideas in complex narratives.
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Fromont, Cécile. "Foreign Cloth, Local Habits: Clothing, Regalia, and the Art of Conversion in the Early Modern Kingdom of Kongo." Anais do Museu Paulista: História e Cultura Material 25, no. 2 (August 2017): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-02672017v25n02d01-2.
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ABSTRACT From their king’s decision to embrace Catholicism at the turn of the sixteenth century to the advent of imperial colonialism in the late eighteen hundreds, the men and women of the central African kingdom of Kongo creatively mixed, merged, and redefined local and foreign visual forms, religious thought, and political concepts into the novel, coherent, but also constantly evolving worldview of Kongo Christianity. Sartorial practices and regalia in particular showcased the artful conversion of the realm under the impetus of its monarchs and aristocrats. In their clothing and insignia, the kingdom’s elite combined and recast foreign and local, old and new, material and emblems into heralds of Kongo Christian power, wealth, and, eventually history. I propose to use the concept of the space of correlation as a key to analyze these elaborate, and constantly evolving religious, political, and material transformations through an attentive focus on cultural objects such as clothing, hats, swords, and saint figures.
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VanDrunen, David. "The Use of Natural Law in Early Calvinist Resistance Theory." Journal of Law and Religion 21, no. 1 (2006): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400002848.
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A remarkable phenomenon in the history of Western political and legal thought is the emergence of so-called sixteenth-century Calvinist resistance theory. Groups of intellectuals, committed to the theology of John Calvin and seeing the Reformed churches of their homelands oppressed by hostile monarchs, stepped beyond the rather strict obedience that Calvin commended toward civil authority and advocated various degrees of civil disobedience and even revolution. Two early and famous expressions of Calvinist resistance theory were from the “Marian exiles,” British Calvinists on the continent who fled the persecution of Bloody Mary Tudor in the 1550s, and the French Huguenots who wrote in the aftermath of the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572. Scholars have made impressive claims about these writers. Many perceive in their work a major turning point in political and legal theory and identify it as a key source for the development of Western revolutionary thinking and modernization more generally.
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Matar, N. I. "The Idea of the Restoration of the Jews in English Protestant Thought, 1661–1701." Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 1-2 (April 1985): 115–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000027413.
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In a previous study, the idea of the Restoration of the Jews to Palestine between the Reformation and 1660 was examined. The result of that survey pointed to some of the causes that led to the emergence and development of that idea in English Protestant thought. Three factors were seen to be instrumental in generating a hitherto novel principle in Christian theology: the military Turko-Catholic threat to Protestant Christendom, the Puritan millenarian speculations between 1640 and 1660, and England's moral responsibility to the Jews. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the fear of Catholic Turkish military power led theologians to believe that the Jews' conquest of Palestine would necessarily be preceded by victory over Islam and Catholicism. Consequently, they supported this Restoration as a means to their political end. Moreover, they believed that such a Restoration would lead to the fulfillment of the Pauline expectation of the millennial kingdom; the Jews' Restoration to Palestine would inaugurate England's messianic age. Also by concentrating on Romans 11, these English evangelists felt that they owed the Jews a debt which they could repay only by converting them to Christianity and restoring them to Palestine. This became the Englishman's burden of responsibility to the Jews whose rejection of Christ in the first century had allowed the overall salvation of the Gentiles.
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Barendse, R. J. "History, Law and Orientalism under Portuguese Colonialism in Eighteenth-Century India." Itinerario 26, no. 1 (March 2002): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004939.
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The common narrative of the Portuguese state in India from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century is, following contemporaries like Manuel Godinho, that of the four ages of man. The development of the Estado da Índia runs from its birth during the discoveries, via its youth, the ‘golden age’ (ranging from roughly 1500 to 1520) through its maturity or, to stick with the age metaphors, its ‘silver age’ from c. 1520 to 1570 to senility, or ‘age of decline’. The decline is a long one though: now generally considered to start in 1570 and covering the following two centuries. And one may well wonder whether ‘decadênria’ is truly the appropriate way to approach such a long period.
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Задорнов, А. "Review of: Skinner K. Sources of modern political thought in 2 vol. Vol. 1: The Renaissance / Trans. from Eng. A. A. Oleynikov. 464 p.; Vol. 2: CONTENTS The Reformation / Trans. from Eng. A. A. Yakovlev. 568 p. M., 2018." Theological Herald, no. 4(31) (October 15, 2018): 355–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2018-31-4-355-362.
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Выход перевода на русский язык исследования Квентина Скиннера, впервые изданного сорок лет назад, рождает закономерный вопрос о его актуальности и том контексте, который этот двухтомник неизбежно обрел с момента первого издания. Если ответ на первый вопрос очевиден: в русскоязычной литературе это пока единственное специальное фундаментальное исследование политической мысли Ренессанса и Реформации (конец XIII — начало XVI вв.), — то с контекстом дело обстоит сложнее.Целью данного труда автор считает решение трех задач: анализ источников по истории политической мысли Средневековья и раннего Модерна, формулировка на основе этих текстов новоевропейского концепта «государства» и презентация особого авторского подхода в области интерпретации исторических текстов. The Russian translation of Quentin Skinner's study, first published forty years ago, raises the legitimate question of its relevance and the context which this two-volume work has inevitably acquired since the first edition. While the answer to the first question is evident - it is so far the only special fundamental study of Renaissance and Reformation political thought in Russian-language literature (late thirteenth or early sixteenth century) - the context is more complex. The aim of this work is to solve three problems: the analysis of sources on the history of political thought of the Middle Ages and early Modernity, the formulation on the basis of these texts of the New European concept of "state" and the presentation of the author's special approach in the field of interpretation of historical texts.
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van Eijnatten, Joris. "War, Piracy and Religion: Godfried Udemans' Spiritual Helm (1638)." Grotiana 26, no. 1 (2007): 192–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607508x366436.
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AbstractThe Calvinist minister Godfried Udemans (1581/2–1649) is generally considered to be one of the more important seventeenth-century theologians from the province of Zeeland. He specialized in writings for a broader public, including, in particular, publications on ethical and religious codes in trade and seafaring. Of his various writings on moral theology, 't Geestelyck roer van 't coopmans schip, first published in 1638, is the most important.The Spiritual helm appeared in print some thirty years after Grotius occupied himself with De jure praedae (the manuscript dates from 1604), but Udemans had already begun articulating his thoughts in 1608. It is instructive to examine the ethical writings of a contemporary of Grotius. It has been claimed that in the early modern period, Calvinism, especially in its English Puritan variety, did much to propagate the medieval traditions of holy war that to all appearances had been laid to rest by Spanish theoreticians during the sixteenth-century Renaissance. In this article, I examine the extent to which Udemans draws upon religion as a means of legitimizing violence on behalf of secular political authorities such as the prince (or, as in the case of the Dutch Republic, the States or States General), and, more in particular, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and West India Company (WIC). If Udemans is representative of the religious tradition to which he reckoned himself, holy war thought did not figure prominently in Dutch Calvinism.
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Alvis, John E. "Thomas More and Shakespeare: A Proposal for Furthering an Inquiry." Moreana 48 (Number 183-, no. 1-2 (June 2011): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2011.48.1-2.5.
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The affinities linking as well as differences dividing the thought of Thomas More and the thought of Shakespeare deserve our attention for the light such comparative scrutiny casts upon each man’s position with respect to issues of their time and in regard to questions continually beckoning to be thought through once more. Their mutual concerns include moral cultivation, statesmanship, the character of regimes in health and in disorder, the nature of law divine and human, the relation that should be established between Church and State. An inquiry into both More’s explicitly conveyed arguments together with Shakespeare’s largely implicit course of reasoning should begin by noting their apparent agreement upon moral and civil concerns. Yet such an investigation should proceed to matters bearing upon faith and reason, issues it appears are viewed differently by the two thinkers. Of particular interest the divergence that comes to sight in comparing More’s dedication to preserving independence of church from civil authority with Shakespeare’s apparent endorsement of a Tudor Erastian settlement. 1 1 By the phrase here employed I mean to denote in a general way the doctrine of church submission to civil authority put forward by Thomas Erastus, the Swiss theologian who wrote in the latter half of the sixteenth century. His name becomes (though not during More’s life) synonymous with the view that the political sovereign possesses authority to prescribe doctrines of faith and modes of worship to those subject to that sovereign’s jurisdiction. In associating this doctrine, as I do subsequently, with caesaropapism, I am aware that the Erastian need not embrace all the tenets of the caesaropapist.
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MacGregor, Kirk R. "Hubmaier’s Death and the Threat of a Free State Church." Church History and Religious Culture 91, no. 3-4 (2011): 321–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712411-1x609360.
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This piece reevaluates the events surrounding the 1528 execution of Anabaptist leader Balthasar Hubmaier by Ferdinand I of Austria in order to accurately assess Hubmaier’s place in the development of early modern church-state relations. Rather than the commonly suggested motive of practicing rebaptism, the evidence indicates that Hubmaier was arrested and executed for his establishment in Waldshut and Nikolsburg of “free state churches,” a unique sixteenth-century historical modality of believers’ churches financially administered by local governments which protected dissenters, including Jews, from persecution. The first early modern advocate of freedom of thought, Hubmaier insisted that the obedience Christians owed to government was exclusively socio-political and not religious in nature, a redefinition which not merely affected the relationship between lay subjects and any given state but also extended to the relationship between lower and higher magistrates. Such developments threatened the ability of the Habsburg church-state amalgam to enforce obedience to the Catholic faith, prompting its charges of sedition against Hubmaier.
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Caball, Marc. "Cultures in conflict in late sixteenth-century Kerry: the parallel worlds of a Tudor intellectual and Gaelic poets." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 144 (November 2009): 483–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005848.
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Demarcated to the north by the Shannon and its estuary and to the south by the Kenmare river and the Caha mountains, the south-western territories of Kerry and Desmond provide a microcosm of the tensions and interactions characteristic of early modern Ireland. Although historically divided into roughly two corresponding halves representing the outcome of thirteenth-century Gaelic/Anglo-Norman conflict, the area approximating to the modern administrative division of Kerry was defined by Gaelic cultural ascendancy and by the similar (though differing in scale) seigneurial ambitions of successive Fitzgerald and MacCarthy magnates. Significantly, a territorial division configured along ethnic lines was not replicated at a cultural level, where a remarkable level of homogeneity prevailed in terms of the currency of Gaelic language and literature. However, the defeat and execution of the fourteenth earl of Desmond and the distribution of his lands among English settlers under the auspices of the government-sponsored Munster plantation inaugurated profound political, social and religious turmoil in the province. In Kerry, also, consolidation of the New English military, social and legal presence in the wake of the redistribution of the earl of Desmond’s lands precipitated levels of political and cultural dissonance unparalleled since the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
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Shin, Jae-Eun. "Descending from demons, ascending to kshatriyas: Genealogical claims and political process in pre-modern Northeast India, The Chutiyas and the Dimasas." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 1 (December 22, 2019): 49–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619894134.
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One of the most interesting features of political tradition of pre-modern Northeast India was the presence of local powers tracing their descent from demonic beings. Historical evidence suggests that the demonic royal genealogy was proclaimed at a juncture of transition from pre-state to state society, though the time of transition varied according to the area where it occurred. The nuclear area of the early state of the lower Brahmaputra valley witnessed it in the seventh century, and the spread of state formation from the lower valley to other remote areas of the northeast after the thirteenth century facilitated the dissemination of this lineage model through the agency of brahmins. Asymmetry between the cultural authority of migrant brahmins and peripheral rulers was crucial in this process. Focusing on the Chutiyas and the Dimasas, the local powers established in the fourteenth-century Sadiya area and in the sixteenth-century Cachar hills respectively, the present study will discuss how the descendants of demons were finally approved as kshatriyas; what strategies were employed in this unusual form of legitimation, and how deviation from the traditional demonic lineage occurred. It will help us understand the specificity of political traditions in the peripheral regions of South Asia which cannot be subsumed under the overarching theoretical framework of legitimation.
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Knighton, Tess, and Carmen Morte García. "Ferdinand of Aragon's entry into Valladolid in 1513: The triumph of a Christian king." Early Music History 18 (October 1999): 119–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001856.
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These lines adorned one of the triumphal arches built in honour of Ferdinand of Aragon's ceremonial entry into Valladolid on 5 January 1513. This event, like so many other such entries throughout Europe during the sixteenth century, was intended to recall the Triumphs of the Roman emperors, though it was also embedded in a long-established entry ritual. The ephemeral buildings all'antica, the apparati, street decorations, pageants with allegorical, mythological and historical figures, as well as music and dancing of various kinds all formed part of a royal spectacle devised according to the political process of image-making.
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Dudney, Arthur. "Sabk-e Hendi and the Crisis of Authority in Eighteenth-Century Indo-Persian Poetics." Journal of Persianate Studies 9, no. 1 (June 8, 2016): 60–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341294.
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Modern debates over the merits of the so-called Indian Style (Sabk-e Hendi) in Persian literature, which was dominant from the late sixteenth to early nineteenth centuries, have been based on problematic assumptions about how literary style is tied to place. Scholars have often therefore interpreted the Persian literary criticism of the first half of the eighteenth century as a contest between Indians who praised Persian texts written in India and Iranians who asserted their privilege as native speakers to denigrate them. A more nuanced reading suggests that the debates mainly addressed stylistic temporality, namely the value of the writing styles of the “Ancients” (motaqaddemin) versus the innovative style of the “Moderns” (motaʾakhkherin). In the thought of the Indian critic Serāj al-Din ʿAli Khān Ārzu (d. 1756), there is clear evidence of a perceived rupture in literary culture that we can call a “crisis of authority.” Ārzu was concerned because Persian poetry had been judged according to “sanad” or precedent, but poets—both Indian and Iranian—were composing in a relatively new style (tāza-guʾi, literally “fresh speech”) that routinely went beyond the available precedents. All poets who know Persian well, he argued, including Indians, are allowed to innovate. While there was obvious rivalry between Persian-knowing Indians and the many Central Asians and Iranians settled in India, the contemporary terms of the debate have little in common with the later nationalism-tinged framing familiar to us.
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Pardo, Osvaldo F. "How to Punish Indians: Law and Cultural Change in Early Colonial Mexico." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 1 (January 2006): 79–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000041.
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Not long after the arrival of the Mendicant orders in New Spain, a view emerged among the friars that the subjection of the Mexican Indians to Spanish law might not be a goal as practical and desirable as the Crown expected, at least not for the immediate future. Franciscans, in particular, thought that the transfer and application of long-established legal principles to the Mexican Indians, such as the customary distinction of jurisdictions, could ultimately hurt rather than facilitate their full conversion to Christianity. For them, the administration of justice was but a natural extension of the enterprise of evangelization, a point that they made repeatedly in letters and reports throughout the sixteenth century.1 In part, their opposition to seeing the new converts subject to secular law stemmed from a general dissatisfaction with the state of legal affairs in the Peninsula, where an alarming increase in lawsuits and legal costs leading to the further consolidation of a class of letrados appeared to threaten the fabric of social life.