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1
Sholihah, Fanada, Yety Rochwulaningsih, and Singgih Tri Sulistiyono. "Slave Trade Syndicates: Contestation of Slavery in Timor between Local Rulers, Europeans, and Pirates in the 19th century." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 3, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v3i1.5294.
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This article analyses the contestation of slavery activities in Timor during 19th century. The slave trade cannot be separated from contestation between three forces, namely the local authority (rajah), colonial entities residing in Timor, and pirates from Bugis, Ende, and Sulu. The rajah fought each other on the battlefield to decide which of them worthy of a “gift” of the war, which were women and children as merchandise for sale. Meanwhile, colonial complaints about the limited human labor to be employed in various types of work not only encouraged increased slave raiding and the purchase of slaves in distant places, but at the same time fostered slave trading activities, both were sponsored by the Dutch and Portuguese. One of the main causes of the ongoing slave trade was piracy at sea, three actors were pioneering slave raiding, namely Balanini/Ilanun, Bugis and Makassar pirate, and Ende pirate. By applying historical method, this research questioned why locals, Europeans, and pirate rulers contested to obtain slaves in Timor? The rise of capitalism was marked by the demand for cheap labor in 19th century. Therefore, slave commodities were mobilized to meet the need for labour in plantations or companies owned by the colonial government.
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Brown, Carolyn A. "Testing the Boundaries of Marginality: Twentieth-Century Slavery and Emancipation Struggles in Nkanu, Northern Igboland, 1920–29." Journal of African History 37, no. 1 (March 1996): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034794.
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In 1914 the Enugu Government Colliery and the construction of its railway link to the Biafran coast used slave-owning chiefs as labor recruiters. Although aware of slavery in the Nkanu clan area the state simply outlawed the slave trade and excessive treatment but left it to slaves to secure their ‘freedom’. Nkanu slavery was unusually pervasive, incorporating over half of some villages, with few opportunities for manumission or marriage to the freeborn. Severe ritualistic proscriptions excluded slave men from village politics. But forced labor destabilized slavery, causing unrest which reached crisis proportions in the fall of 1922. The revolt presents a unique opportunity for historical study of the goals, ideology and strategies of indigenous slave populations creating ‘freedom’ within the emergent colonial order.When owners demanded slaves' wages, the slaves resisted and demanded full social and political equality with the freeborn. Slaves who remained in the village struggled to provision Enugu's urban working class. For both slavery hindered opportunities in the colonial economy. In retaliation owners evicted slave families, increased their labor requirements and unleashed a reign of terror, abduction and sacrifice of slave women and children. By the fall of 1922 local government collapsed forcing the state to develop a policy on emancipation. It is significant that this struggle converted the slaves from a scattered subordinate group of patrilineages to an aggressive and cohesive community.
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Teubner, Melina. "Cooking at Sea. Different forms of labor in the era of the Second Slavery." Población & Sociedad 27, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/pys-2020-270204.
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This paper deals with various forms of labor in the 19th century. Although Brazil officially banned the slave trade, the first half of the 19th century did no t bring a decline of this business. Rather, until at least 1851, large numbers of slaves were brought to Brazil. The structure of the slave trade was based on the labor needed to carry out the abduction of several million people. Slave ship cooks were resp onsible for feeding the people during their voyages, thus contributing to the infrastructure and reproduction of the slave trade. By using a micro - historical approach to examine the example of slave ship cooks, different forms of forced labor can be shown
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Wahl, Jenny B. "The Jurisprudence of American Slave Sales." Journal of Economic History 56, no. 1 (March 1996): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700016053.
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An analysis of all appellate cases involving slave-sales reveals that southern courts helped minimize the costs of trading in slaves. Slave-sales law also surpassed other contemporaneous commercial law in sophistication. Why? Greater information gaps between slave buyers and sellers called for more complex institutional support. The enormous property value embodied by slaves also led to more litigation, greater need for settled law, and a more even match of power between plaintiff and defendant. Additionally, legal rules surrounding slave sales substituted for the employment law governing free-labor markets.
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Jean, Martine. "Liberated Africans, Slaves, and Convict Labor in the Construction of Rio de Janeiro's Casa de Correção: Atlantic Labor Regimes and Confinement in Brazil's Port City." International Review of Social History 64, S27 (March 26, 2019): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000105.
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AbstractFrom 1834 to 1850, Latin America's first penitentiary, the Casa de Correção in Rio de Janeiro, was a construction site where slaves, “liberated Africans”, convicts, and unfree workers interacted daily, forged identities, and deployed resistance strategies against the pressures of confinement and the demands of Brazil's eclectic labor regimes. This article examines the utilization of this motley crew of workers, the interactions among “liberated Africans”, slaves, and convict laborers, and the government's intervention between 1848 and 1850 to restrict slave labor at the prison in favor of free waged workers. It asserts that the abolition of the slave trade in 1850 and the subsequent inauguration of the penitentiary augured profound changes in Rio's labor landscape, from a predominantly unfree to a free wage labor force.
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de Sánchez, Sieglinde Lim. "Crafting a Delta Chinese Community: Education and Acculturation in Twentieth-Century Southern Baptist Mission Schools." History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 1 (2003): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2003.tb00115.x.
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During Reconstruction between one-fourth and one-third of the southern African-American work force emigrated to northern and southern urban areas. This phenomenon confirmed the fears of Delta cotton planters about the transition from slave to wage labor. Following a labor convention in Memphis, Tennessee, during the summer of 1869, one proposed alternative to the emerging employment crisis was to introduce Chinese immigrant labor, following the example of countries in the Caribbean and Latin America during the mid nineteenth century. Cotton plantation owners initially hoped that Chinese “coolie” workers would help replace the loss of African-American slave labor and that competition between the two groups would compel former slaves to resume their submissive status on plantations. This experiment proved an unmitigated failure. African Americans sought independence from white supervision and authority. And, Chinese immigrant workers proved to be more expensive and less dependable than African-American slave labor. More importantly, due to low wages and severe exploitation by planters, Chinese immigrants quickly lost interest in agricultural work.
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Dari-Mattiacci, Giuseppe, and Guilherme de Oliveira. "Slavery versus Labor." Review of Law & Economics 17, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 495–568. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rle-2021-0049.
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Abstract Slavery has been a long-lasting and often endemic problem across time and space, and has commonly coexisted with a free-labor market. To understand (and possibly eradicate) slavery, one needs to unpack its relationship with free labor. Under what conditions would a principal choose to buy a slave rather than to hire a free worker? First, slaves cannot leave at will, which reduces turnover costs; second, slaves can be subjected to physical punishments, which reduces enforcement costs. In complex tasks, relation-specific investments are responsible for high turnover costs, which makes principals prefer slaves over workers. At the other end of the spectrum, in simple tasks, the threat of physical punishment is a relatively cheap way to produce incentives as compared to rewards, because effort is easy to monitor, which again makes slaves the cheaper alternative. The resulting equilibrium price in the market for slaves affects demand in the labor market and induces principals to hire workers for tasks of intermediate complexity. The available historical evidence is consistent with this pattern. Our analysis sheds light on cross-society differences in the use of slaves, on diachronic trends, and on the effects of current anti-slavery policies.
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Kokdas, Irfan, and Yahya Araz. "The Changing Nature of the Domestic Service Sector in 19th-Century Istanbul." Archiv orientální 90, no. 1 (June 26, 2022): 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.90.1.61-91.
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Istanbul, a power nexus in the Ottoman world, witnessed a proliferation of female child labor in domestic service over the course of the 19th century. This study shows that slave ownership and the recruitment of girl domestics were highly class-sensitive phenomena. This means that 19th-century Istanbul groups of middling economic means, who could not easily access the slave market, could recruit girl domestics with lower wages. The study claims that the rising presence of girl child labor in domestic service did not in itself bring about the immediate disappearance of domestic female slaves, as these two types of labor were not substitutes for each other in the labor market. The study also shows that a diversification in the zones supplying girls after the 1840s, as well as the rising demand for girl child labor, affected the wage levels of girls, which, however, does not appear to have had a noticeable impact on the fluctuations of prices for female slaves—both for Africans and Caucasians—and ownership.
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Chira, Adriana. "Affective Debts: Manumission by Grace and the Making of Gradual Emancipation Laws in Cuba, 1817–68." Law and History Review 36, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000529.
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Drawing on thirty freedom suits from nineteenth-century eastern Cuba, this article explores how some slaves redefined slaveholders' oral promises of manumissions by grace from philanthropic acts into contracts providing a deferred wage payout. Manumissions by grace tended to reward affective labor (loyalty, affection) and to be granted to domestic slaves. Across Cuba, as in other slave societies of Spanish America, through self-purchase, slaves made sustained efforts to monetize the labor that they did by virtue of their ascribed status. The monetization of affective work stands out amongst such efforts. Freedom litigants involved in conflicts over manumissions by grace emphasized the market logics in domestic slavery, revealing that slavery was a fundamentally economic institution even in such instances where it appeared to be intertwined with kinship and domesticity. Through this move, they challenged the assumption that slaves toiled loyally for masters out of a natural commitment to an unchanging master-slave hierarchy. By the 1880s, through court litigation and extra-judicial violence, slave litigants and insurgents would turn oral promises of manumission by grace into a blueprint for general emancipation. Through their legal actions, enslaved people, especially women, revealed the significance and transactional nature of care work, a notion familiar to us today.
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Temin, Peter. "The Labor Market of the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no. 4 (April 2004): 513–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219504773512525.
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The available evidence on wages and labor contracts supports the existence of a functioning labor market in the early Roman empire, in which workers could change jobs in response to market-driven rewards. Slaves were included in the general labor market because Roman slavery, unlike that in the United States and in Brazil, permitted frequent manumission to citizen status. Slaves' ability to improve their status provided them with incentives to cooperate with their owners and act like free laborers. As a result, the supply and demand for labor were roughly equilibrated by wages and other payments to most workers, both slave and free.
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Stilwell, Sean, Ibrahim Hamza, and Paul E. Lovejoy. "The Oral History of Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: An Interview with Sallama Dako." History in Africa 28 (2001): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172218.
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A powerful community of royal slaves emerged in Kano Emirate in the wake of Usman dan Fodio's jihad (1804-08), which established the Sokoto Caliphate. These elite slaves held administrative and military positions of great power, and over the course of the nineteenth century played an increasing prominent role in the political, economic, and social life of Kano. However, the individuals who occupied slave offices have largely been rendered silent by the extant historical record. They seldom appear in written sources from the period, and then usually only in passing. Likewise, certain officials and offices are mentioned in official sources from the colonial period, but only in the context of broader colonial concerns and policies, usually related to issues about taxation and the proper structure of indirect rule.As the following interview demonstrates, the collection and interpretation of oral sources can help to fill these silences. By listening to the words and histories of the descendents of royal slaves, as well as current royal slave titleholders, we can begin to reconstruct the social history of nineteenth-century royal slave society, including the nature of slave labor and work, the organization the vast plantation system that surrounded Kano, and the ideology and culture of royal slaves themselves.The interview is but one example of a series of interviews conducted with current and past members of this royal slave hierarchy by Yusufu Yunusa. As discussed below, Sallama Dako belonged to the royal slave palace community in Kano. By royal slave, we mean highly privileged and powerful slaves who were owned by the emir, known in Hausa as bayin sarki (slaves of the emir or king).
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Thomas, Robin L. "Slavery and Construction at the Royal Palace of Caserta." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.2.167.
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In documenting architecture's history, scholars have frequently overlooked the use of slave labor. In Slavery and Construction at the Royal Palace of Caserta, Robin L. Thomas examines the lives of the slaves who built the palace, begun in 1752 near Naples. Most of the slaves employed there were Muslim corsairs who had been captured at sea, and they were caught up in long-standing political and religious conflicts between the Two Sicilies and the Maghreb states. Converting these Muslim captives to Christianity became a key part of the Neapolitan court's efforts to battle the corsair threat, and Caserta was one of the places where conversion efforts were most successful. The costs and risks associated with slave labor were often high, making the use of slaves in some ways impractical and inefficient in an area with ample nonslave laborers available. Yet in building the royal palace these converted slaves played a role that served more than practical purposes. Their presence became a symbol of the monarchy's military and religious triumphs.
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Maréchaux, Benoît. "Purchasing Slaves Overseas for the Business of War." Journal of Global Slavery 7, no. 3 (October 6, 2022): 282–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00703002.
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Abstract Drawing on merchant letters and account books of military entrepreneurs, whose role in slave markets is still poorly understood, this article explores the Mediterranean activities of the Genoese contractors who emerged as major slave traffickers while operating galleys for the Spanish Monarchy. By examining their operations as slave buyers rather than as slave makers, this study analyzes how and why early modern military entrepreneurs mobilized forced labor beyond national borders. The article shows that in the specific context of the early 17th century, Genoese galley managers obtained most slaves by buying them in distant Mediterranean ports, and the reasons for this are explained. The study of how slaves were located, evaluated, negotiated over, paid for, and transported from a distance reveals that buying slaves internationally involved connecting the distant ports of a fragmented market characterized by a volatile local supply, localized information, unpredictable prices, and ubiquitous brokers. It is argued that, in such an imperfect market, the asentistas de galeras had no choice but to empower their galley captains and local agents. Purchasing slaves overseas increased market opportunities but involved high risks, unpredictable legal procedures, and myriad logistical issues.
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Zilfi, Madeline C. "EHUD R. TOLEDANO, Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1998). Pp. 197. $18.00 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002208.
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Compared with the cottage industry that has grown up around the study of slavery in Africa and the Americas, slavery in the Ottoman East barely registers as a target of inquiry. Ottomanists and Islamicists have tended to avoid it altogether, and global comparativists have given little play to slave systems that, like the Ottoman, did not center on plantation labor. Military slaves and other varieties of “elite slaves” in the Ottoman Empire have been exceptions to the general indifference, although considering the long and complex history of elite slave (kul) manpower in the 600 years of Ottoman statehood, the pickings are slim there, as well.
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Sampaio, Elias Oliveira. "Celso Furtado: Tensions and Contradictions about the manpower problem in his classical book Economic Formation of Brazil." Nexos Econômicos 11, no. 2 (September 19, 2019): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/rene.v11i2.26250.
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The article discusses the issue of manpower in the classical book Economic Formation of Brazil of Celso Furtado. The goal is to demonstrate that despite the importance of the classical text to understanding the process of building of country´s economy, the content and sequencing of Furtado's arguments to explain the process of Brazilian underdevelopment in the first half of 1900s should be reviewed conceptually, analytically and theoretically due some tensions and contradictions observed on his own text, specifically, when he argues the reasons for the exclusion of the former slave – and their descendants – in the development of the Brazilian economy over in that period. Our main argument in this paper is that based in a formulation with an apparent neutral economic logic, the analytical construction of Furtado disregarded the importance of racial prejudice process that had undergone the former slaves to be included in the labor market at the time of transition from the slave labor to paid labor. Thus, he articulated the incorrect understanding that such exclusion was due, mainly per the lack of proper economic rationality of former slaves in front of the new relations established in the labor market in the coffee´s new company after the slavery and not because of the deep complexity that overwhelmed the whole Brazilian economy and particularly the paradigmatic changes in the labor market in the country since that time.
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AHMAD, ABDUSSAMAD H. "TRADING IN SLAVES IN BELA-SHANGUL AND GUMUZ, ETHIOPIA: BORDER ENCLAVES IN HISTORY, 1897–1938." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007458.
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Like other empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, expansion and slavery went hand in hand in Ethiopia, contrary to imperial justifications based on the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian empire incorporated the northwestern border enclaves of Bela-Shangul and Gumuz into greater Ethiopia. Having obtained the subordination of the local Muslim warlords, the emperor then demanded tribute from them in slaves, ivory and gold. Slaves were used as domestics in the imperial palace at Addis Ababa and the houses of state dignitaries and as farm labor on their farms elsewhere in the country. Responding to the demands of the central government as well as their own needs, borderland chiefs raided local villages and neighbouring chiefdoms for slaves. Expanding state control thus led to intensified slave raiding and the extension of the slave trade from the borderlands into the centre of the empire in spite of Ethiopia's public commitment to end slavery and the slave trade as a member of the League of Nations. The end of slavery in Ethiopia only came with the Italian occupation in 1935.
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Bailey, Ronald. "The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England." Social Science History 14, no. 3 (1990): 373–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002085x.
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The significance of the slave trade and slavery-related commerce—what I will call the slave(ry) trade—in contributing to the development of colonial America and the United States has been a persistent theme in the work of Afro-American scholars. Two scholars in particular should be cited in this regard. W. E. B. DuBois (1896: 27) pointed out that slave labor was not widely utilized because the climate and geography of New England precluded the extensive development of agriculture: “The significance of New England in the African slave-trade does not therefore lie in the fact that she early discountenanced the system of slavery and stopped importation; but rather in the fact that her citizens, being the traders of the New World, early took part in the carrying slave trade and furnished slaves to the other colonies.” DuBois’s account of the role of Massachusetts and of Rhode Island, which later became “the clearing house for the slave trade of other colonies,” was similar to what was popularized as the “triangular trade” thesis.
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Eltis, David. "THe Volume, Age/Sex Ratios, and African Impact of the Slave Trade: Some Refinements of Paul Lovejoy's Review of the Literature." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 485–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031194.
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Continuing the discussion of issues relating to Africa that arise from research into the volume of the Atlantic slave trade, this comment pursues three points raised by Paul Lovejoy's recent update in the Journal of African History (December 1989). An independent count of the data in the Mettas-Daget catalogue of French slaving ships and a careful assessment of its possible incompleteness makes it unlikely that upward adjustment greater than 12 per cent can be justified, giving an overall total for French exports from Africa of 1,125,000 for the period 1700–1810. Analysis of other research reconfirms the conventional estimate of two males carried abroad for every female slave. Finally, formal supply-demand theory interprets lower export prices for slaves in the nineteenth century as implying that internal African demand for slave labor did not fully replace demand from the Atlantic, thus modifying Lovejoy's linkage of a ‘transformation’ toward increased use of slaves to economic changes outside Africa; the reasons for possible increased use of slaves in nineteenth-century Africa must therefore lie within the continent.
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Allen, Richard. "Slavery in a Remote but Global Place: the British East India Company and Bencoolen, 1685-1825." Social and Education History 7, no. 2 (June 23, 2018): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2018.3374.
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Histories of the British East India Company usually ignore the company’s use of slave labor. Records from its factory at Bencoolen in Sumatra provide an opportunity to examine company attitudes and policies toward its chattel work force in greater detail. These sources reveal that the company drew slaves from a global catchment area to satisfy the demand for labor in its far-flung commercial empire, shed light on policies and practices regarding the treatment of company slaves, and illustrate the company’s role in the development of increasingly interconnected free and forced labor trades during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Bencoolen case study also highlights the need to examine colonial migrant labor systems in the Indian Ocean and maritime Asia worlds in more fully developed contexts.
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Balugyan, Anagid S. "LIABILITY FOR THE USE OF SLAVE LABOR (ART. 127.2 OF THE CRIMINAL CODE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION): PROBLEMS OF THEORY AND PRACTICE OF APPLICATION." LEGAL ORDER: History, Theory, Practice 41, no. 2 (June 28, 2024): 159–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47475/2311-696x-2024-41-2-159-163.
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The article examines problematic aspects of the application of the rule on criminal liability for the use of slave labor. It is emphasized that, according to current legislation, the use of slave labor as a crime means exclusively the use of human labor in the position of a slave; the use of slave labor presupposes the establishment and ensuring the permanence of the victim’s slave status. The need to prevent these crimes using the norms and mechanisms of the criminal legal order, which act as a central link in the comprehensive provision of the rights of the victim, is outlined. It is noted that when committing the crime in question, the perpetrators use the labor of persons who are in a difficult life situation and do not have a permanent source of income, contrary to their will and desire, with the exercise in relation to these persons of the powers inherent in the right of ownership. Conclusions are drawn about the relationship between such acts as kidnapping, human trafficking and the use of slave labor, which act as links in one chain of homotraffic, as one of the most dangerous types of the criminal market for goods and services. It is indicated that these criminal attacks are characterized by the use of violence (physical and mental), as well as the use of a deliberately helpless or dependent state, which generally raises the issue of their victimological prevention.
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Jean, Martine. "The “Law of Necessity”." Journal of Global Slavery 7, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2022): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00701010.
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Abstract In June 1835, the Brazilian parliament promulgated a stringent law which punished enslaved persons convicted of assassinating their masters with capital punishment. Called the “law of necessity,” the regulation targeted the leaders of slave rebellions and established the death penalty as punishment against slave resistance. Research on the enforcement of the law demonstrated that while the regulation increased public hangings of the enslaved, overall fewer convict slaves were executed because of the law than had their sentences commuted to galé perpétua or a lifetime of penal servitude in public works. Analyzing slave petitions to commute death penalty sentences to penal servitude, this article intervenes in the debates on punishing the enslaved which connects labor history with the history of punishment. The research probes convicts’ understanding of the construction of Brazilian legal culture while analyzing the tensions between slave-owners and imperial authorities on punishing the enslaved.
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Pereira, Thales Augusto Zamberlan. "Poor Man's Crop? Slavery in Brazilian Cotton Regions (1800-1850)." Estudos Econômicos (São Paulo) 48, no. 4 (December 2018): 623–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-41614843tzp.
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Abstract Much of the literature about cotton production in Brazil during the nineteenth century considers cotton as a "poor man's crop" - cultivated by small farmers who did not employ a large slave labor force. However, information provided in population maps from the period between 1800 and 1840 shows that slaves represented half the population in Maranhão, the most important cotton exporter in Brazil until the 1840s. This represented a higher share than in any region in northeast Brazil and was comparable to the slave population shares recorded in the United States' cotton South. This paper shows that, during the cotton boom years (1790-1820), not only was the cotton exported from northeast Brazil to Britain and continental Europe cultivated on large plantations, but also, slave prices were higher in Maranhão than in other Brazilian provinces.
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van der Zanden, Christine Schmidt. "Slave labor in Nazi concentration camps." Holocaust Studies 22, no. 4 (May 26, 2016): 451–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2016.1187840.
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Beorn, Waitman Wade. "Slave Labor in Nazi Concentration Camps." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 30, no. 2 (August 2016): 360–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcw030.
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Reece, Robert L. "Whitewashing Slavery: Legacy of Slavery and White Social Outcomes." Social Problems 67, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spz016.
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AbstractLegacy of slavery research has branched out into an important new niche in social science research by making empirical connections between the trans-Atlantic slave trade and contemporary social outcomes. However, the vast majority of this research examines black-white inequality or black disadvantage without devoting corresponding attention to the other side of inequality: white advantage. This study expands the legacy of slavery conversation by exploring whether white populations accrue long-term benefits from slave labor. Specifically, I deploy historical understandings of racial boundary formation and theories of durable inequality to argue that white populations in places that relied more heavily on slave labor should experience better social and economic outcomes than white population in places that relied less on slave labor. I test this argument using OLS regression and county-level data from the 1860 United States Census, the 2010–2014 American Community Survey (ACS), and the 2014 United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service (USDA ERS). The results support my hypothesis. Historical reliance on slave labor predicts better white outcomes on five of six metrics. I discuss the implications of these findings for race, slavery, whiteness studies, and reparations.
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Pohl, Sebastian, Volker Witte, and Susanne Foitzik. "Division of labor and slave raid initiation in slave-making ants." Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology 65, no. 11 (June 15, 2011): 2029–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00265-011-1212-4.
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Hopper, Matthew S. "East Africa and the End of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade." Journal of African Development 13, no. 1-2 (April 2011): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jafrideve.13.1-2.0039.
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Abstract The conventional historiography claims that the East African slave trade came to an end in the 1880s as a result of the British Royal Navy's diligent patrols in the Indian Ocean. This paper argues instead that the slave trade from East Africa to Eastern Arabia endured long after the 1880s, in part because sustained demand for slave labor in Arabia and the Gulf–particularly in the lucrative pearl and date industries–remained high through the early twentieth century. The Royal Navy's celebrated antislavery campaign in the Indian Ocean was largely ineffective and was not the main factor in ending the slave trade. Instead, the East African slave trade came to an end mainly as a result of three factors beyond British control: (1) a raid by Portuguese forces against slave traders in Mozambique in 1902, (2) the development new sources of slave labor from neighboring Baluchistan, and (3) the collapse of Arabian date and pearl markets as a result of globalization and global depression.
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Canbakal, Hülya, and Alpay Filiztekin. "Slavery and Decline of Slave-Ownership in Ottoman Bursa 1460–1880." International Labor and Working-Class History 97 (2020): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547920000071.
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AbstractThe most widely accepted narrative about the long-term history of slavery in Ottoman lands rests on a supply-side story. According to this, military and diplomatic factors reduced the inflow of slaves from the seventeenth century onwards and, consequently, exorbitant prices turned slaveholding into a luxury inaccessible to all but the top elite. Using evidence from probate inventories of the city of Bursa and its hinterland from 1460 to 1880, the present study examines this narrative in light of the incidence of slave-ownership and prices. We observe substantial decline in slaveholding already before the beginning of the government reforms concerning slavery and slave trade in the nineteenth century. We also find a decline in slave prices, both absolute and relative to wages. This is unexpected. Further analysis suggests, on the one hand, that a different supply factor, relative increase in the African slave population due to changes in the global traffic may have been instrumental in these trends, which links Bursa's non-colonial market to world slavery. On the other hand, examination of the consumption/investment preferences of the wealthy suggests that demand for slaves, too, may have declined, we surmise, in response to demographic and social change affecting alternative labor costs as well as cultural change affecting the meaning of slaveholding.
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Livesey, Andrea. "Learning Slavery at Home." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00601003.
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Abstract Since Stephanie Camp wrote of the “rival” geography that enslaved people created on slave labor plantations, few studies outside the field of architectural history have used the built environment as a source to understand the lives of enslaved people and the mindsets of enslavers in the United States. This article takes adolescent outbuildings in Louisiana (garçonnières) as a starting point to understand how white parents taught and reinforced ideas of dominance over both the environment and enslaved people and simultaneously rooted young white sons to a slave labor plantation “home.” Using architectural evidence, alongside testimony left behind by both enslavers and the enslaved, this article argues that by moving young male enslavers out of the main plantation house and into a separate building, white enslaving parents created a “risk space” for sexual violence within the sexualized geography of the slave labor plantation. The garçonnière, with its privacy and age-and gender-specificity, constituted just one space of increased risk for enslaved women on Louisiana slave labor plantations from a violence that was manipulated within the built environment.
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de Wet, Chris. "Slavery and Asceticism in John of Ephesus’ Lives of the Eastern Saints." Scrinium 13, no. 1 (November 28, 2017): 84–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00131p09.
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This article examines the phenomenon of slavery – both institutional (being enslaved to other human beings) and divine (being enslaved to God) – and its relationship to asceticism in John of Ephesus’ (507-589 CE) Lives of the Eastern Saints. The study first examines the nature of institutional slavery in Lives. It is shown that John is somewhat indifferent with regards to institutional slaves – they are either depicted as symbols of the wealth and decadence of the elite, or part of the ascetic households of the virtuous. In both cases, though, the slaves serve to illuminate the vice or virtue of the masters (wicked masters have scores of slaves serving them, while virtuous masters are so exceptional that even their slaves follow the ascetic lifestyle). Slavery is no impediment to the ascetic vocation – slaves have a part to play in John vision of asceticism as social outreach. John’s views on divine slavery are less conventional. In Lives, the ideal slave of God (ʿabdā d’Allāhā) is not one who busies him- or herself with self-centered acts of self-mortification, but rather one who supports and cares for those who suffer, the poor, and the marginalized. In this regard, labor and service to society become the prime virtues of John’s slave of God. By promoting this quasi-utilitarian stance on divine slavery, John also positions himself against earlier traditions such as those in Liber graduum that view worldly labor and service as unfitting to the life of Perfection.
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Stewart, Louis J. "A CONTINGENCY THEORY PERSPECTIVE ON MANAGEMENT CONTROL SYSTEM DESIGN AMONG U.S. ANTE-BELLUM SLAVE PLANTATIONS." Accounting Historians Journal 37, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.37.1.91.
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This paper examines the management control-system design of mid-19th century U.S. slave plantations using a contingency theory framework. Large rice plantations that relied on forced labor and tidal-flow agricultural technology were very profitable for their owners. This paper presents a model that links these favorable operating results to a close fit between the control-system design and three key contingent environmental variables. Absentee owners hired managers to provide on-site oversight and periodic operational reporting. These managers relied on slave drivers to assign individualized daily tasks to the plantation's field hands and monitor their performance. Productive field slaves were rewarded with greater free time each working day. In addition, many slaves worked cooperatively with their masters to obtain better jobs outside the rice fields and cash income. Ultimately, however, it was the institution of chattel slavery that kept the slaves working in the rice fields under oppressive and unhealthy conditions.
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Chalhoub, Sidney. "The Politics of Ambiguity: Conditional Manumission, Labor Contracts, and Slave Emancipation in Brazil (1850s–1888)." International Review of Social History 60, no. 2 (July 22, 2015): 161–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000176.
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AbstractAlthough it seems that slaves in Brazil in the nineteenth century had a better chance of achieving freedom than their counterparts in other slave societies in the Americas, studies also show that a significant proportion of manumissions there were granted conditionally. Freedom might be dependent on a master’s death, on a master’s daughter marriage, on continued service for a number of years, etc. The article thus focuses on controversies regarding conditional manumission to explore the legal and social ambiguities between slavery and freedom that prevailed in nineteenth-century Brazilian society. Conditional manumission appeared sometimes as a form of labor contract, thought of as a situation in which a person could be nominally free and at the same time subject to forms of compulsory labor. In the final crisis of abolition, in 1887–1888, with slaves leaving the plantations in massive numbers, masters often granted conditional manumission as an attempt to guarantee the compulsory labor of their bonded people for more years.
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Proctor, Frank T. "Afro-Mexican Slave Labor in the Obrajes de Paños of New Spain, Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." Americas 60, no. 1 (July 2003): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0079.
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On April 5, 1723, Juan Joseph de Porras, a mulatto slave laboring in an obraje de paños (woolen textile mill) near Mexico City, appeared before the Holy Office of the Inquisition for blasphemy. According to the testimony of six slaves, including Porras’ wife, while his co-workers prepared to bed down for the night in the obraje Porras had blasphemed over a beating he had received from the mayordomo (overseer) earlier in the day. Señor Pedregal, the owner of the obraje, testified that Porras was one of nearly thirty workers, all Afro-Mexican slaves or convicts, who lived and labored in his obraje without the freedom to leave.The case against Juan Joseph de Porras and dozens of others like it in the Mexican archives raise important questions, not only about the makeup of the colonial obraje labor force, but also about the importance of Afro-Mexican slavery in the middle of the colonial period. Was the Pedregal labor force, composed entirely of slaves and convicts, the exception or the rule within obrajes of New Spain? If it was not exceptional, how important were slaves to that obraje and others like it? What exactly was the demographic makeup of the obraje labor force in the middle of the colonial period? And, how might the answers to those questions change our understanding of the histories of labor and slavery in colonial Mexico?
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Coret, Clélia. "Runaway Slaves and the Aftermath of Slavery on the Swahili Coast." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 3 (October 27, 2021): 275–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00603003.
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Abstract Along the East African coast, marronage increased in the 19th century as a consequence of the intensification of the slave trade and the development of a plantation economy based on slave labor. Research on the fugitive slaves on the Swahili coast has been conducted since the 1980s and has mainly highlighted the ambivalent relationship (between rejection and belonging) of maroons with the dominant coastal culture—that of the slave owners, shaped in particular by Islam and urbanity. This article goes beyond the existing interpretations by showing that the aftermath of slavery often consisted of a range of options, less static than those described so far and less focused on opting either into or out of coastal culture. Relying on a case study in present-day Kenya and drawing from European written sources and interviews, I examine what happened to escaped slaves in the Witu region, where a Swahili city-state was founded in 1862. Their history is examined through a spatial analysis and the modalities of their economic and social participation in regional dynamics, showing that no single cultural influence was hegemonic in this region.
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Valdés, Dennis N. "The Decline of Slavery in Mexico." Americas 44, no. 2 (October 1987): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007289.
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The history of African slave societies in the New World can be divided into three distinct phases—formation, maturity and decline. The third, the demise of the slave order, will be the focus of attention in the present discussion. There appear to be three general patterns to the decline of slave societies in the Americas. The first, exemplified by the United States and Haiti, came quickly, but at a time when the slave order was deeply entrenched, engendering profound resistance accompanied by a civil war. In the second, demonstrated by Cuba and Brazil, it occurred over the course of a few decades, involving a more varied combination of international pressure, slave resistance and a transformation of the labor regime utilizing both recently freed slaves and imported foreign workers. Of the third prototype, in which Mexico and Colombia represent cases in point, it was a seemingly undramatic, very slow process encompassing several generations, during which slavery appeared to wither away. This essay will examine the fate of slavery in Mexico, a topic which has been mentioned in various works, but has not been examined in detail. It is important not only for comparative purposes, but also for understanding the social history of late-colonial Mexico.
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Hopper, Matthew S. "Globalization and the Economics of African Slavery in Arabia in the Age of Empire." Journal of African Development 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jafrideve.12.1.0155.
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Abstract This paper examines the economic conditions that generated demand for slave labor in Arabia in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. The existing historiography has tended to emphasize a cultural or religious basis for slavery in the region, ignoring the expanding global markets for Arabian commodities that fueled demand for slave labor. This paper argues that growing markets for Arabian pearls and dates in Europe and North America helped drive the slave trade from east Africa to eastern Arabia and the Gulf. Globalization helped spread Arabian commodities to markets around the world but ultimately helped destroy the Gulf's most important export markets when industrialized states replaced Gulf pearls and dates with products of their own.
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Silva, Viviane Regina da, Rogério Santos da Costa, and Leonardo Secchi. "A EXPORTAÇÃO DO TRABALHO ESCRAVO CONTEMPORÂNEO: internacionalização do Modelo Sucroenergético Brasileiro para a África." Revista Políticas Públicas 18, no. 2 (February 2, 2015): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18n2p359-367.
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O objetivo deste ensaio foi expor ao debate a problemática da exportação de um modelo perverso de trabalho escravopor meio da Cooperação Internacional do Brasil com países africanos no setor sucroenergético. O ensaio enfatiza, ainda, que, tendoem vista os conflitos geopolíticos decorrentes da escassez de petróleo, as mudanças climáticas globais e a crescente demanda por combustíveis em economia global ascendente, ttais cooperações visam a estimular a produção de energias renováveis utilizando-se do etanol à base de cana-de-açúcar. Apontam-se as bases legais, históricas e estatísticas que caracterizam o trabalho neste setor como trabalho escravo, em nova roupagem, mas muito presente na agricultura brasileira. Busca, também, elencar as diversas açõesdo Governo brasileiro no intuito de formar Cooperação na área, mas que, contudo, indicam crescente perigo de exportação dessetrabalho escravo para o continente africano, agravada pelo selo de parceria para o desenvolvimento.Palavras-chave: Trabalho escravo contemporâneo, setor sucroenergético, etanol, Cooperação Internacional.THE EXPORTATION OF THE CONTEMPORANEOUS SLAVE LABOR: internationalization of the brazilian sugar-cane industrymodel to AfricaAbstract: The goal of this essay was to expose to discussion the exportation problematic of the perverse model of slave labor throughthe Brazil’s International Cooperation with Africans countries in the sugarcane industry. The essay still emphasizes, that, consideringthe geopolitics conflicts resulting of petrol scarcity, the global climate changing and the growing demand for fuels in an ascendantglobal economy, these cooperations aim to stimulate the renewable energies production using ethanol based in sugarcane. It mentionsthe legal, historical and statistics bases that characterize the labor in this sector like a slave labor, with a new point of view, nevertheless much resident in the Brazilian’s agriculture. Looking up to list yet, many Brazilian Government acts looking for create cooperation in this area that shows up the crescent danger of exportation of the slave labor to the African continent, aggravated by the partnershipseal of development.Key words: Contemporaneous slave labor, sugarcane industry sector, ethanol, international cooperation.
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Rust, Marion. "Invisible woman: female slavery in the New World." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 66, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1992): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002006.
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[First paragraph]Slave women in Caribbean society, 1650-1838, by BARBARA BUSH. Bloomington:Indiana University Press, 1990. xiii + 190 pp. (Cloth US$ 29.95,Paper US$ 12.50) [Published simultaneously by: James Curry, London, &Heinemann Publishers (Caribbean), Kingston.]Within the plantation household: Black and White women of the Old South,by ELIZABETH FOX-GENOVESE. Chapel Hill: University of North CarolinaPress, 1988. xvii + 544 pp. (Cloth US$ 34.95, Paper US$ 12.95)Slave women in the New World: gender stratiftcation in the Caribbean, byMARIETTA MORRISSEY. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1989. xiv +202 pp. (Cloth US$ 29.95)In a letter to his son in 1760, Chesapeake slaveowner Charles Carrol employed a curious euphemism for woman: "fair sex." Obviously, he wasn't thinking of his slaves. An attempt to remedy his negligence by considering this popular definition of eighteenth-century womanhood in relation to the females he forgot reveals this highly restrictive code to be exclusionary as well, for the difficulty of figuring out how brown or black skin can be "fair" suggests that a bondwoman in the New World was not, according to dominant ideology, a woman. Slavery made nonsense of female gender in the case of those whose labor allo wed white society its definition. A contemporary observer reveals just how thorough was the distinction between white womanly passivity and whatever unnamed oblivion was left to black females: "The labor of the slave thus becomes the substitute for that of the woman" (Smith 1980:70; Dew 1970 [1832]:36).
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Hardesty, Jared Ross. "Disappearing from Abolitionism's Heartland: The Legacy of Slavery and Emancipation in Boston." International Review of Social History 65, S28 (February 19, 2020): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000176.
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AbstractThis article examines why Boston's slave and free black population consisted of more than 1,500 people in 1750, but by 1790 Boston was home to only 766 people of African descent. This disappearing act, where the town's black population declined by at least fifty per cent between 1763 and 1790, can only be explained by exploring slavery, abolition, and their legacies in Boston. Slaves were vital to the town's economy, filling skilled positions and providing labor for numerous industries. Using the skills acquired to challenge their enslavement, Afro-Bostonians found freedom during the American revolutionary era. Nevertheless, as New England's rural economy collapsed, young white men and women from all over the region flooded Boston looking for work, driving down wages, and competing with black people for menial employment. Forced out of the labor market, many former slaves and their descendants left the region entirely. Others joined the Continental or British armies and never returned home. Moreover, many slave owners, knowing that slavery was coming to an end in Massachusetts, sold their bondsmen and women to other colonies in the Americas where slavery was still legal and profitable. Thus, the long-term legacy of abolition for black Bostonians was that Boston's original enslaved population largely disappeared, while the city became a hub of abolitionism by the 1830s. Boston's abolitionist community – many the descendants of slaveholders – did not have to live with their forefathers’ sins. Instead, they crafted a narrative of a free Boston, making it an attractive destination for runaway slaves from across the Atlantic world.
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Fourie, Johan, and Jan Greyling. "Slave labor productivity and wine output: Stellenbosch, 1680–1828." Journal of Wine Economics 18, no. 3 (August 2023): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jwe.2023.23.
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AbstractThis paper examines wine output and slave labor productivity in the Dutch and British Cape Colony, leveraging annual tax censuses. We document a substantial increase in wine production, but, despite substantial institutional changes over more than a century, we find surprisingly stable median wine yields. Exploiting the farm-level nature of our data, we observe increasing heterogeneity in wine yields, suggesting that some farmers were able to realize productivity increases. We show that efficient slave labor utilization was a critical driver of productivity enhancement, largely unaffected by external factors.
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Schulte, J. E. "Remembering Survival: Inside a Nazi Slave-Labor Camp." German History 29, no. 1 (September 2, 2010): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq099.
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Fiori, Nicholas. "Plantation Energy: From Slave Labor to Machine Discipline." American Quarterly 72, no. 3 (2020): 559–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2020.0035.
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Kuazaqui, Edmir, and Teresinha Covas Lisboa. "Analysis of slave labor in the meatpacking sector." Revista de Gestão e Secretariado 15, no. 2 (February 7, 2024): e3438. http://dx.doi.org/10.7769/gesec.v15i2.3438.
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This article aims to present a category of activity – slavery, where there is the subletting of workers without a legal employment relationship, without due remuneration as well as labor rights and responsibilities. In this way, companies that practice this type of activity reduce their operational labor costs, payment of taxes and increase the profit margin, bringing economic and mainly social impacts to both the worker and society, a qualitative reserarch with the meatpacking segment, one of the sectors in the country where part of this harmful practice converges in society.
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Sandy, Laura. "Supervisors of Small Worlds: The Role of Overseers on Colonial South Carolina Slave Plantations." Journal of Early American History 2, no. 2 (2012): 178–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187707012x649585.
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The established historiography of slavery includes a substantial body of work on the colonial period, with particular emphasis upon the Atlantic slave trade and the development of the plantation system and the slave community embedded within it. However, one key element in the organization of plantations has received little attention: the overseers. Slave owners and slaves are well represented in documentary sources, yet overseers, despite their importance in the plantation system, remain shadowy figures in the story of slavery in the colonial era. Overseers were charged with the responsibility of supervising slave labor and maintaining the plantation owners’ human property. With a particular focus on the slave plantations of Henry Laurens, one of South Carolina's most successful and influential slave-owning entrepreneurs, this work explores the precise function of overseers within the colonial slave society of South Carolina. It will challenge the conventional image of overseers as poor, white, brutish task-masters, and show that in fact, only some of those in the occupation conformed to this crude stereotype. The role of overseer was vital to the day-to-day operation of slavery but it entailed neither absolute authority nor social standing. Analyzing recruitment patterns, overseers’ backgrounds, their daily role and activities, payment methods and rewards, their personal ambitions, employer-overseer-slave relations, and the prejudices men in this role faced, reveals much about those from the lower stratum of white society in colonial South Carolina. Using the often fragmentary evidence the overseer emerges from the shadows as a far more rounded and human figure than in the established historiography or popular culture. Many overseers proved hardworking, effective and prospered from their role on the plantation. This work not only reveals why many men became overseers despite the stigma attached to the job, but also sheds light on the complexities involved in slave ownership and ordering multi-racial plantation communities in the early American South.
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Narváez, Benjamin N. "Abolition, Chinese Indentured Labor, and the State: Cuba, Peru, and the United States during the Mid Nineteenth Century." Americas 76, no. 1 (January 2019): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.43.
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Abolition forced planters in the post-Civil War US South to consider new sources and forms of labor. Some looked to Spanish America for answers. Cuba had long played a prominent role in the American imagination because of its proximity, geostrategic location, and potential as a slave state prior to the Civil War. Even as the United States embraced abolition and Cuba maintained slavery, the island presented Southern planters with potential labor solutions. Cuban elites had been using male Chinese indentured workers (“coolies” or colonos asiáticos) to supplement slave labor and delay the rise of free labor since 1847. Planters in coastal Peru similarly embraced Chinese indentured labor in 1849 as abolition neared. Before the Civil War, Southerners generally had noted these developments with anxiety, fearing that coolies were morally corrupt and detrimental to slavery. However, for many, these concerns receded once legal slavery ended. Planters wanted cheap exploitable labor, which coolies appeared to offer. Thus, during Reconstruction, Southern elites, especially in Louisiana, attempted to use Chinese indentured workers to minimize changes in labor relations.
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Pereira, Thales A. Zamberlan. "Was it Uruguay or coffee? The causes of the beef jerky industry's decline in southern Brazil (1850 - 1889)." Nova Economia 26, no. 1 (April 2016): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-6351/3005.
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Abstract: What caused the decline of beef jerky production in Brazil? The main sustenance for slaves, beef jerky was the most important industry in southern Brazil. Nevertheless, by 1850, producers were already worried that they could not compete with Uruguayan industry. Traditional interpretations attribute this decline to the differences in productivity between labor markets; indeed, Brazil utilized slave labor,whereas Uruguay had abolished slavery in 1842. Recent research also raises the possibility of a Brazilian "Dutch disease",which resulted from the coffee export boom. We test both hypotheses and argue that Brazilian production's decline was associated with structural changes in demand for low-quality meat. Trade protection policies created disincentives for Brazilian producers to increase productivity and diversify its cattle industry.
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Carson, Scott Alan. "Changing Institutions, Changing Net Nutrition: A Difference-in-Decompositions Approach to Understanding the U.S. Transition to Free-Labor." Review of Black Political Economy 46, no. 1 (January 8, 2019): 65–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644618820928.
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The body mass index (BMI) reflects current net nutrition and health during economic development. This study introduces a difference-in-decompositions approach to show that although 19th century African American current net nutrition was comparable to working-class Whites, it was made worse-off with the transition to free-labor. BMI reflects net nutrition over the life-course, and like stature, slave children’s BMIs increased more than Whites as they approached entry into the adult slave labor force. Agricultural worker’s net nutrition was better than workers in other occupations but was worse-off under free-labor and industrialization. Within-group BMI variation was greater than across-group variation, and White within-group variation associated with socioeconomic status was greater than African Americans.
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SALAU, MOHAMMED BASHIR. "THE ROLE OF SLAVE LABOR IN GROUNDNUT PRODUCTION IN EARLY COLONIAL KANO." Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (July 2010): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185371000023x.
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ABSTRACTThis article reinforces the interpretation of numerous scholars who have highlighted the role of slave labor in groundnut production during the ‘cash-crop revolution’ in West Africa in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It also expands Jan Hogendorn's argument on the African initiatives involved in the expansion of groundnut production in colonial Northern Nigeria. In particular, it provides evidence of the key role of the emir of Kano (Abbas) and important merchants in the transition to groundnut cultivation and the significant use of slave labor by these large estate-holders. The article focuses mainly on the Fanisau unit of Kano.
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González, Felipe, Guillermo Marshall, and Suresh Naidu. "Start-up Nation? Slave Wealth and Entrepreneurship in Civil War Maryland." Journal of Economic History 77, no. 2 (June 2017): 373–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050717000493.
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Slave property rights yielded a source of collateral as well as a coerced labor force. Using data from Dun and Bradstreet linked to the 1860 census and slave schedules in Maryland, we find that slaveowners were more likely to start businesses prior to the uncompensated 1864 emancipation, even conditional on total wealth and human capital, and this advantage disappears after emancipation. We assess a number of potential explanations, and find suggestive evidence that this is due to the superiority of slave wealth as a source of collateral for credit rather than any advantage in production. The collateral dimension of slave property magnifies its importance to historical American economic development.
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Müller, Viola Franziska. "“Employed at the Works of the City”." Journal of Global Slavery 7, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2022): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00701009.
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Abstract Despite the successful maneuvers of many runaways to escape slavery in the slaveholding South, considerable numbers did not make it and were apprehended by slave patrols, civilians, or watchmen. What happened to those among them who were subsequently not reclaimed by their legal owners? To answer this question, this paper focuses on the punishment and forced employment of runaway slaves by city and state authorities rather than by individual slaveholders. It follows enslaved southerners into workhouses, chain gains, and penitentiaries, thereby connecting different institutions within the nineteenth-century penal system. Exploring collaboration and clashes between slaveholders and the authorities, it will discuss how the forced employment of runaways fitted in with the broader understanding of Black labor and the restructuring of labor demands in the antebellum US South.