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1
Welie, Rik van. "Slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire: A global comparison." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, no. 1-2 (2008): 47–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002465.
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Compares slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire, specifically between the former trading and territorial domains of the West India Company (WIC), the Americas and West Africa, and of the East India Company (VOC), South East Asia, the Indian Ocean region, and South and East Africa. Author presents the latest quantitative assessments concerning the Dutch transatlantic as well as Indian Ocean World slave trade, placing the volume, direction, and characteristics of the forced migration in a historical context. He describes how overall the Dutch were a second-rate player in Atlantic slavery, though in certain periods more important, with according to recent estimates a total of about 554.300 slaves being transported by the Dutch to the Americas. He indicates that while transatlantic slave trade and slavery received much scholarly attention resulting in detailed knowledge, the slave trade and slavery in the Indian Ocean World by the Dutch is comparatively underresearched. Based on demand-side estimates throughout Dutch colonies of the Indonesian archipelago and elsewhere, he deduces that probably close to 500.000 slaves were transported by the Dutch in the Indian Ocean World. In addition, the author points at important differences between the nature and contexts of slavery, as in the VOC domains slavery was mostly of an urban and domestic character, contrary to its production base in the Americas. Slavery further did in the VOC areas not have a rigid racial identification like in WIC areas, with continuing, postslavery effects, and allowed for more flexibility, while unlike the plantation colonies in the Caribbean, as Suriname, not imported slaves but indigenous peoples formed the majority. He also points at relative exceptions, e.g. imported slaves for production use in some VOC territories, as the Banda islands and the Cape colony, and a certain domestic and urban focus of slavery in Curaçao.
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Manning, Patrick. "The Slave Trade: The Formal Demography of a Global System." Social Science History 14, no. 2 (1990): 255–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020769.
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If the best-known aspects of African slavery remain the horrors of the middle passage and the travail of plantation life in the Americas, recent work has nonetheless provided some important reminders of the Old World ramifications of slavery (Miller 1988; Meillassoux 1986; Miers and Roberts 1988; Manning in press-a). Millions of slaves were sent from sub-Saharan Africa to serve in households and plantations in North Africa and the Middle East and suffered heavy casualties on their difficult journey. Millions more, captured in the same net as those sent abroad, were condemned to slavery on the African continent. The mortality of captives in Africa, therefore, included not only losses among those headed for export at the Atlantic coast but the additional losses among those destined for export to the Orient and among those captured and transported to serve African masters.
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Cardoso, Hugo C. "The African slave population of Portuguese India." Pidgins and Creoles in Asian Contexts 25, no. 1 (2010): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.25.1.04car.
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This article is primarily concerned with quantifying the African(-born) population in the early Portuguese settlements in India and defining its linguistic profile, as a means to understand the extent and limitations of its impact on the emerging Indo-Portuguese creoles. Apart from long-established commercial links (including the slave trade) between East Africa and India, which could have facilitated linguistic interchange between the two regions, Smith (1984) and Clements (2000) also consider that the long African sojourn of all those travelling the Cape Route may have transported an African-developed pidgin to Asia. In this article, I concentrate on population displacement brought about by the slave trade. Published sources and data uncovered during archival research permit a characterisation of the African population in terms of (a) their numbers (relative to the overall population), (b) their origin, and (c) their position within the colonial social scale. The scenario that emerges for most territories of Portuguese India is that of a significant slave population distributed over the colonial households in small numbers, in what is best described as a ‘homestead society’ (Chaudenson 1992, 2001). It is also made evident that there was a steady influx of slave imports well into the 19th century, and that the Bantu-speaking regions of modern-day Mozambique were the primary sources of slaves for the trade with Portuguese India.
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Kollman, Paul V. "Book Review: Zanzibar, May Allen, and the East Africa Slave Trade." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 31, no. 3 (2007): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930703100316.
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Cathey, J. T., and J. S. Marr. "Yellow fever, Asia and the East African slave trade." Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 108, no. 5 (2014): 252–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/trstmh/tru043.
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Cathey, J. T., and J. S. Marr. "Yellow fever, Asia and the East African slave trade." Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 108, no. 8 (2014): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/trstmh/tru081.
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Alpers, Edward A. "Representations of Children in the East African Slave Trade." Slavery & Abolition 30, no. 1 (2009): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390802673815.
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Gouveia, Mateus H., Victor Borda, Thiago P. Leal, et al. "Origins, Admixture Dynamics, and Homogenization of the African Gene Pool in the Americas." Molecular Biology and Evolution 37, no. 6 (2020): 1647–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msaa033.
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Abstract The Transatlantic Slave Trade transported more than 9 million Africans to the Americas between the early 16th and the mid-19th centuries. We performed a genome-wide analysis using 6,267 individuals from 25 populations to infer how different African groups contributed to North-, South-American, and Caribbean populations, in the context of geographic and geopolitical factors, and compared genetic data with demographic history records of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. We observed that West-Central Africa and Western Africa-associated ancestry clusters are more prevalent in northern latitudes of the Americas, whereas the South/East Africa-associated ancestry cluster is more prevalent in southern latitudes of the Americas. This pattern results from geographic and geopolitical factors leading to population differentiation. However, there is a substantial decrease in the between-population differentiation of the African gene pool within the Americas, when compared with the regions of origin from Africa, underscoring the importance of historical factors favoring admixture between individuals with different African origins in the New World. This between-population homogenization in the Americas is consistent with the excess of West-Central Africa ancestry (the most prevalent in the Americas) in the United States and Southeast-Brazil, with respect to historical-demography expectations. We also inferred that in most of the Americas, intercontinental admixture intensification occurred between 1750 and 1850, which correlates strongly with the peak of arrivals from Africa. This study contributes with a population genetics perspective to the ongoing social, cultural, and political debate regarding ancestry, admixture, and the mestizaje process in the Americas.
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MOUSSON, LAURENCE, CATHERINE DAUGA, THOMAS GARRIGUES, FRANCIS SCHAFFNER, MARIE VAZEILLE, and ANNA-BELLA FAILLOUX. "Phylogeography of Aedes (Stegomyia) aegypti (L.) and Aedes (Stegomyia) albopictus (Skuse) (Diptera: Culicidae) based on mitochondrial DNA variations." Genetical Research 86, no. 1 (2005): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016672305007627.
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Aedes (Stegomyia) aegypti (L.) and Aedes (Stegomyia) albopictus (Skuse) are the most important vectors of the dengue and yellow-fever viruses. Both took advantage of trade developments to spread throughout the tropics from their native area: A. aegypti originated from Africa and A. albopictus from South-East Asia. We investigated the relationships between A. aegypti and A. albopictus mosquitoes based on three mitochondrial-DNA genes (cytochrome b, cytochrome oxidase I and NADH dehydrogenase subunit 5). Little genetic variation was observed for A. albopictus, probably owing to the recent spreading of the species via human activities. For A. aegypti, most populations from South America were found to be genetically similar to populations from South-East Asia (Thailand and Vietnam), except for one sample from Boa Vista (northern Amazonia), which was more closely related to samples from Africa (Guinea and Ivory Coast). This suggests that African populations of A. aegypti introduced during the slave trade have persisted in Boa Vista, resisting eradication campaigns.
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Izquierdo Díaz, Jorge Simón. "The Trade in Domestic Servants (Morianer) from Tranquebar for Upper Class Danish Homes in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 43, no. 02 (2019): 194–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115319000238.
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AbstractThis paper explores the Danish East India Company's slave trade practice in Tranquebar in the first half of the seventeenth century. In particular it focuses on a practice of acquiring black Morianer (Moors) as prestigious servants for aristocratic homes. The court of the Danish king Christian IV was familiar with the exotic inlay of Morians as represented in pictures, theatre, carrousels, and other artistic manifestations of the upper classes of that time. In this sense, I suggest that Hans Hansson Skonning's Geographia historica Orientalis (1641) provides seminal clues about ideology justifying slavery and representations of Africa and Asia in Scandinavian countries before they entered the slave trade.
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Campbell, Gwyn. "The East African Slave Trade, 1861-1895: The "Southern" Complex." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (1989): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219222.
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Chatelet, Luc. "Het Humanitaire Optreden van Leopold II in Kongo-Vrijstaat. De Anti-Slavernijconferentie van Brussel (1889-1890)." Afrika Focus 4, no. 1-2 (1988): 5–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0040102002.
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The Humanitarian Action of Leopold II in Congo Free State. The Antislavery-Conference of Brussels (1889-1890). Already from the time he was a crown prince Leopold II dreamt of acquiring a colony. He firmly believed in the economic importance for the motherland of overseas territories. However, when he appeared on the African scene he presented himself as a champion of the struggle against slave trade. This disinterested humanitarian image was meant as a means of bypassing Belgian indifference towards colonization and also the foreign rivalry. But in Africa he was forced into an opportunist policy. A total lack of means left him no other choice but resorting to political and economic collaboration with the Arabs, who played a major role in the slave trade. It was at the moment when the European colonization met the Arabic resistance in East-Africa that Cardinal Lavigerie’s campaign called for renewed public interest in the struggle against the Arabic slave trade. Great Britain asked Belgium to summon a diplomatic conference on the subject, In 1889 seventeen nations gathered to discuss a whole range of measures to limit slave trade on land and sea, arms trade and liquor traffic. The hottest issue on the agenda was the imposition of import duties in the Congo bassin. The main obstacle to the introduction of these taxes was the Dutch opposition against the changing of the terms of the Berlin Act (1885). The General Brussels Act did not include import tax regulations. These were the subject of a separate declaration, which Leopold however managed to connect to the General Act in such a way that neither could be ratified singly. Hence, the customs committee, convened after the Brussels negotiations to define more clearly the import duties, was an essential factor in the Antislavery Conference. It was not until 1892 that all obstacles were overcome and the final discussions rounded off. The Brussels Antislavery Conference did not induce Leopold to come to grips with slave trade and did not alter his Arabic policy. For the sovereign the conference was primarily a matter of economy and taxes. He wanted his colony to have more promising financial prospects. His attitude was conditioned by the precarious budget of the Congo Free State. The conference fitted in his new economic policy which consisted in carrying out his domanial projects.
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Harries, Patrick. "MIDDLE PASSAGES OF THE SOUTHWEST INDIAN OCEAN: A CENTURY OF FORCED IMMIGRATION FROM AFRICA TO THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE." Journal of African History 55, no. 2 (2014): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000097.
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AbstractForced immigration from the Southwest Indian Ocean marked life at the Cape of Good Hope for over a century. Winds, currents, and shipping linked the two regions, as did a common international currency, and complementary seasons and crops. The Cape's role as a refreshment station for French, Portuguese, American, and Spanish slave ships proved particularly important in the development of a commerce linking East Africa, Madagascar, and the Mascarenes with the Americas. This slave trade resulted in the landing at the Cape of perhaps as many as 40,000 forced immigrants from tropical Africa and Madagascar. Brought to the Cape as slaves, or freed slaves subjected to strict periods of apprenticeship, these individuals were marked by the experience of a brutal transhipment that bears comparison with the trans-Atlantic Middle Passage. The history of the Middle Passage occupies a central place in the study of slavery in the Americas and plays a vital role in the way many people today situate themselves socially and politically. Yet, for various reasons, this emotive subject is absent from historical discussions of life at the Cape. This article brings it into the history of slavery in the region. By focusing on the long history of this forced immigration, the article also serves to underline the importance of the Cape to the political and economic life of the Southwest Indian Ocean.
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Banshchikova, Anastasia, and Oxana Ivanchenko. "Memory about the Arab Slave Trade in Modern-Day Tanzania: Between Family Trauma and State-Planted Tolerance." Antropologicheskij forum 16, no. 44 (2020): 83–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2020-16-44-83-113.
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The article discusses the results of field research conducted in Tanzania from August 24 to September 14, 2018, which focused on the historical memory of the Arab slave trade in East Africa and the Indian Ocean in the 19th century, as well as its influence on the interethnic relations in the country today. Structured and nonstructured interviews (mostly in-depth) were conducted in Dar es Salaam, Bagamoyo and Zanzibar. In general, opinions were almost equally divided: half of the respondents were convinced that the relations were good overall, while the other half believed that there are some tensions. Since both positions are well-argued and substantiated, it is possible to trace a number of patterns in the people’s perception. The history of the Arab slave trade lies between family trauma on the one hand, and tolerance, non-discrimination imposed by the state, on the other. Two ways of reproducing the historical memory largely oppose each other: the school system places the blame on Europeans, promoting peaceful interethnic relations, presenting the slave trade as an essential part of colonialism, and subsequently emphasizing the story of overcoming the colonial past; meanwhile, the oral tradition censors nothing and tells the history of the ancestors’ suffering in its entirety. Thus, bearers of the oral tradition with a low level of education turn to be the most vulnerable category; they become the least tolerant to the Arab-Tanzanian part of the country’s population.
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Metcalf, Alida C. "The Entradas of Bahia of the Sixteenth Century." Americas 61, no. 3 (2005): 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0036.
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When Pero Magalhães de Gândavo returned to Portugal from Brazil in the 1570s, he wrote two accounts about life in Brazil, both of which extol the possibilities for poor Portuguese colonists. In one treatise he proclaims that as soon as a colonist arrives, no matter how poor, if he obtains slaves “he then has the means for sustenance; because some fish and hunt, and the others produce for him maintenance and crops; and so little by little the men become rich and live honorably in the land with more ease than in the Kingdom.” In his history, published in 1576, Gândavo adds that many colonists in Brazil own 200, 300, or even more slaves. Although the Portuguese had pioneered the development of a slave trade from West Africa and despite the fact that the sugar plantations of Bahia and Pernambuco would become vast consumers of slaves from Africa, the vast majority of the slaves that Gândavo refers to were Indian, not African. But, in the 1570s, when Gândavo confidently predicted that even the poor could acquire slaves in Brazil, the reality was that the coastal regions around the Portuguese colonies, with the exception of a few friendly Indian villages, had been left “unpopulated by the natives.” Three powerful factors challenged the future of Indian slavery. One was epidemic disease, such as the smallpox epidemic of 1562 that was described as so terrible that in two or three months 30,000 died. The second was a Jesuit campaign against Indian slavery, which resulted in a new law signed by King Sebastião in 1570 that clearly stated that the Indians of Brazil were free. The third was a rapid increase in the number of slaves arriving in Bahia and Pernambuco from Africa. But while it might seem that high mortality, legal sanctions, and the increase of African slaves would limit the future of Indian slavery, it was not to be so. Instead, Indian slavery expanded dramatically after 1570, due to the emergence of a new, trans-continental, slave trade. Facilitated by mixed-race mamelucos, this trade brought Indians from the sertão (inland wilderness frontier) to the coastal plantations. This is the first manifestation of a phenomenon that would repeat itself in later centuries in São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Goiás, and Amazonia. Known as bandeirismo, it would make Indian slavery an integral part of the colonial Brazilian economy and society. The expeditions from Bahia and Pernambuco from 1570 to 1600 descended thousands of Indians for the sugar plantations of the Bahian Recôncavo, reinforcing Indian slavery in spite of high mortality, royal laws to the contrary, and the increase of African slavery.
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Frankl, P. J. L. "Mombasa Cathedral and the CMS Compound: the Years of the East Africa Protectorate." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0017.
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Exactly when Islam arrived on the Swahili coast is difficult to say, but Mombasa was a Muslim town long before the arrival of Vasco da Gama in 1498. During the two centuries or so that the Portuguese-Christians occupied this part of the sea route from Europe to India there were churches in Mombasa and elsewhere in Swahililand, but none has endured. Modern Christianity dates from 1844, when Ludwig Krapf arrived in Mombasa. Before then Mombasa was a “wholly Mohammedan” town. Krapf, a German Lutheran, was employed by the Church Missionary Society (CMS) based in London. Failing to make any converts on the island, Krapf moved into the coastal hinterland, among the Nyika, where Islam was less in evidence and where, therefore, Krapf was more hopeful of success. With remarkable perspicacity he wrote: “Christianity and civilisation ever go hand in hand…. A black bishop and black clergy of the Protestant Church may, ere long, become a necessity in the civilisation of Africa.”In England, when attention was drawn to the east African slave trade, a settlement of liberated slaves was established on the mainland north of Mombasa island in 1875, and a church built (Emmanuel Church, Frere Town)—the first parcel of land in central Swahililand to be owned by European-Christians. There was still no church on the island. However, this was the zenith of the British imperial power and in the capital of almost every major British overseas possession, it was de rigueur—alongside the Secretariat and the Club—to have a Church of England cathedral.
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Sheriff, A. "Localisation and social composition of the East African slave trade, 1858–1873." Slavery & Abolition 9, no. 3 (1988): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440398808574966.
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Matory, J. Lorand. "In-Depth Review: The Formation of Candomblé: Vodun History and Ritual in Brazil, by Luis Nicolau Parés." Americas 72, no. 4 (2015): 609–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.70.
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The Atlantic slave trade extracted kidnapped populations from the entirety of the western African coast between what are now Senegal and Angola, as well as parts of the east African coast in what is now Mozambique. Western slave traders and buyers regularly classified their human merchandise in terms of the African region, coastal town, or commercial fortress from which they had embarked, or in terms of an ethnic group that presumably derived from that place. With such presumptions, ethnic groupings such as Congo, Angola, Carabalí, Ibo, Nagô, Lucumí, Mina, Arará, Koromantee, and so forth were called “nations.”
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Fernandes, Veronica, Nicolas Brucato, Joana C. Ferreira, et al. "Genome-Wide Characterization of Arabian Peninsula Populations: Shedding Light on the History of a Fundamental Bridge between Continents." Molecular Biology and Evolution 36, no. 3 (2019): 575–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msz005.
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Abstract The Arabian Peninsula (AP) was an important crossroad between Africa, Asia, and Europe, being the cradle of the structure defining these main human population groups, and a continuing path for their admixture. The screening of 741,000 variants in 420 Arabians and 80 Iranians allowed us to quantify the dominant sub-Saharan African admixture in the west of the peninsula, whereas South Asian and Levantine/European influence was stronger in the east, leading to a rift between western and eastern sides of the Peninsula. Dating of the admixture events indicated that Indian Ocean slave trade and Islamization periods were important moments in the genetic makeup of the region. The western–eastern axis was also observable in terms of positive selection of diversity conferring lactose tolerance, with the West AP developing local adaptation and the East AP acquiring the derived allele selected in European populations and existing in South Asia. African selected malaria resistance through the DARC gene was enriched in all Arabian genomes, especially in the western part. Clear European influences associated with skin and eye color were equally frequent across the Peninsula.
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Austen, Ralph A. "The 19th Century Islamic Slave Trade from East Africa (Swahili and Red Sea Coasts): A Tentative Census." Slavery & Abolition 9, no. 3 (1988): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440398808574960.
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Banshchikova, Anastasia. "Representation of East African Slave Trade in Modern Tanzanian Schoolbooks: Text and Illustrations." ISTORIYA 11, no. 6 (92) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840010017-7.
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O’Dell, Emily Jane. "Yesterday is not Gone." Journal of Global Slavery 5, no. 3 (2020): 357–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00503006.
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Abstract Histories, memories, and legacies of slavery in Zanzibar have been rendered into words and images in autobiographies, novels, and films. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Zanzibar served as the main slave trading point in East Africa for the Indian Ocean slave trade, and its economy flourished on a slave-based plantation system. Memoirs by British missionaries and former slave owners from Zanzibar bear witness to the relational complexities of enslavement and the embodied realities of manumission, patronage, and (im)mobility. Postcolonial fiction writers from Zanzibar and the Sultanate of Oman have challenged the imposed silences around racialized and gendered violence in Zanzibar and Oman, and confronted the racism and Islamophobia inherent to the diasporic experience of Zanzibaris in Europe. In addition to the curation of former spaces related to slavery in Zanzibar, like the Slave Market, for tourist consumption, film has also emerged as a contested vehicle for representing Zanzibar’s slave past and breaking the silence on this still taboo topic. In the absence of a coherent narrative or archive of Zanzibar slavery past and modern revolutionary present, memories of slavery, sexual labor, and resistance embedded in memoirs, fiction, and film reveal the contested imaginaries of ethno-racial-cultural-national-religious identities, the imperial underpinnings of abolition, and the dissociative dissonance of the diaspora in the wake of Zanzibar’s revolutionary rupture.
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Parthasarathi, Prasannan, and Donald Quataert. "Migrant Workers in the Middle East: Introduction." International Labor and Working-Class History 79, no. 1 (2011): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547910000268.
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Transnational labor migration is one of the most visible features of our globalizing world. The International Organization for Migration estimates that there are 214 million migrant workers crossing national borders in the world today. Migration both in and to the Middle East constitutes an important part of this movement of laborers and has deep roots. In the mid-fifteenth century, workers across a broad spectrum of occupations, including stevedores, boatmen, and bakers, trekked from areas in eastern and central Anatolia to the new imperial Ottoman capital, Istanbul, where they lived and worked for months and even years. Workers from outside the Middle East also have been part of the fabric of life in the region for several centuries, the slave trade from sub-Saharan Africa, which long supplied labor for a variety of purposes, being one of the most notable. Migrant workers took on new significance in the twentieth century, especially after the oil price hikes of 1973. Today the nations on the Arabian Peninsula, the destination for most workers, have the highest ratio of migrants to locals in the world.
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Christianson, E. H. "The Physician and the Slave Trade: John Kirk, the Livingstone Expeditions, and the Crusade Against Slavery in East Africa." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 282, no. 13 (1999): 1293—a—1294. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.282.13.1293-a.
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ALLEN, RICHARD B. "LICENTIOUS AND UNBRIDLED PROCEEDINGS: THE ILLEGAL SLAVE TRADE TO MAURITIUS AND THE SEYCHELLES DURING THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (2001): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007817.
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Census and other demographic data are used to estimate the volume of the illegal slave trade to Mauritius and the Seychelles from Madagascar and the East African coast between 1811 and c. 1827. The structure and dynamics of this illicit traffic, as well as governmental attempts to suppress it, are also discussed. The Mauritian and Seychellois trade is revealed to have played a greater role in shaping Anglo-Merina and Anglo-Omani relations between 1816 and the early 1820s than previously supposed. Domestic economic considerations, together with British pressure on the trade's sources of supply, contributed to its demise.
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Nicolini, Beatrice. "The Myth of the Sultans in the Western Indian Ocean during the Nineteenth Century: A New Hypothesis." African and Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (2009): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921009x458109.
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Abstract The power of the Al Bu Sa'id Sultans of Oman was widely known as based on delicate balances of forces (and ethnic-social groups), deeply different among them. In fact, the elements that composed the nineteenth century Omani leadership were, and had always been, generally 'divided' amongst three different ethnic groups: the Baluch, the Asian merchant communities and the African regional leaders (Mwiny Mkuu). Within this framework, the role played by European Powers, particularly by the Treaties signed between the Sultans of Oman and the East India Company for abolishing slavery, and by the arms trade was crucial for the development of the Gulf and the Western Indian Ocean international networks They highly contributed to the gradual 'shifting' of the Omanis from the slave trade to clove and spice cultivation – the major economic source of Zanzibar Island – along the coastal area of Sub-Saharan East Africa. The role played by the Omani Sultans – the myth – within the western traditional historiography, which often described them as firmly controlling both the Arabian and African littorals and the major trading ports of the Western Indian Ocean during the nineteenth century, will be reexamined in this paper, taking into account recent research studies and international debates in the topic. The new hypothesis consists of a different perception of the concepts of power and control (political and territorial) of the Western Indian Ocean littorals by the most famous of the Sultans of Oman during the nineteenth century: Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan Al Bu Sa'id.
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Prestholdt, Jeremy G., and Daniel Liebowitz. "The Physician and the Slave Trade: John Kirk, the Living-Stone Expeditions, and the Crusade against Slavery in East Africa." African Studies Review 42, no. 3 (1999): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525266.
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Kiple, Kenneth F. "The Physician and the Slave Trade: John Kirk, the Livingstone Expeditions, and the Crusade against Slavery in East Africa (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 75, no. 2 (2001): 340–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2001.0075.
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Kupriyanov, A., and I. Kramnik. "Prospects and Problems of the Use of New Order PMSC in East Africa." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2021): 84–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-1-84-98.
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In recent decades, some researchers and experts have written a lot about the fact that the monopoly of nation-states on external violence is gradually disappearing, and non-state entities are becoming more and more proactive, challenging the state. Among these actors are criminal groups, underground trade networks, smugglers, slave traders, drug traffickers, gun runners, terrorist groups, pirates. All of them pose so-called non-traditional threats and challenges to states. In the context of the new Cold War, their activities are intensifying. This article is devoted to the analysis of the situation in the coastal waters of East Africa, one of the so-called gray zones, where non-state shadow actors are especially active. The authors investigate the capabilities of the East African states to withstand non-traditional maritime challenges and threats and come to the conclusion that these states are unable to cope on their own. The great powers, on the other hand, are focused on confronting each other and have no capacity to divert forces for operations to maintain order in distant regions. The authors believe that in these conditions, Russia is faced with new opportunities: it can create and send to the region private maritime security companies of a new type, New Order PMSC, which will be financed through a contract with the client state and at the same time will help to strengthen Russia's influence. Unlike ordinary PMSCs, they are not interested in dragging out the conflict, their goal is to eliminate hotbeds of danger and prepare the coast guard forces of client states to deal with potential threats. The activities of these companies will be equally beneficial to the states of East Africa and Russia. The authors propose an approximate composition of such PMSCs, outline the goals and objectives they face, and make certain that with the help of relatively low costs, Russia can improve the effectiveness of its policy in the region.
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Houndjo, Théophile. "The Double Failure of the Master and the Slave Highlighted in Selected Works by Chinua Achebe and Amma Darko." International Journal of Social and Administrative Sciences 3, no. 2 (2018): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.136.2018.32.91.104.
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Colonization was sealed by the Berlin Conference in 1885 and represents the second main stage in the contact between Africa and Europe after slave trade. The aftermaths of colonization are still noticeable in Africa and will still be in the future. Although many documents, through ages, have dealt with what the relationships between Europe and Africa have usually been some African novelists have also dealt with either the colonization of their continent or its aftermath or both. Among them are Chinua Achebe and Amma Darko. This paper, based on Things Fall Apart and No Longer At Ease by Chinua Achebe, and on Beyond The Horizon by Amma Darko, aims at pointing out the failures of both the colonizer and the colonized. Marxism as a literary theory and the qualitative analysis approach have enabled me to realize that the two novels by Achebe and the one Amma Darko under study depict, in one way or the other, the socio-political and religious situations in most black (African) countries from pre-colonial to the post-independence periods. The study has reached the following conclusions. First both Europeans Africans are responsible for the underdevelopment situation Africa has experienced so far which is a failure. Then the Europeans’ failure to prevent by all costs Africans from immigrating to their continent. Last Africans’ failure to adopt adequate political and economic systems that can help develop their continent, compelling then their fellows to emigrate to Europe, where most of them end in despair and misery.
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McDonald, John, and Ralph Shlomowitz. "Mortality on Convict Voyages to Australia, 1788–1868." Social Science History 13, no. 3 (1989): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016412.
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During the past two decades, there has been an outpouring of research on the seaboard mortality associated with intercontinental migration during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. The focus of historical interest in this linkage between mortality and migration has been the Atlantic slave trade. We now have mortality rates on voyages from various regions in Africa to various destinations in the Americas, from the late seventeenth century to the mid-nineteenth century (see Curtin, 1968, 1969: 275-286; Klein and Engerman, 1976, 1979; Klein, 1978; Postma, 1979; Miller, 1981; Cohn and Jensen, 1982a, 1982b; Cohn, 1985; Eltis, 1984, 1987; Steckel and Jensen, 1986; Galenson, 1986). These slave studies have spawned renewed interest in the mortality associated with other seaborne populations, and mortality rates have been calculated on Dutch immigrant voyages to the East Indies during the eighteenth century, European convict and immigrant voyages to North America and European immigrant voyages to Australia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and Indian and Pacific Islander indentured labor voyages to Fiji and Queensland, Australia, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (see Riley, 1981; Eltis, 1983; Cohn, 1984, 1985, 1987, 1988; Grubb, 1987; Ekirch, 1987; Morgan, 1985; Shlomowitz, 1986, 1987, 1989; McDonald and Shlomowitz, 1988, forthcoming).
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Mark, Andrew. "Gnawa Confusion: The Fusion of Algeria’s Favorite French Band." Ethnologies 33, no. 2 (2013): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015031ar.
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Gnawa Diffusion was a successful musical group of first- and second-generation North African immigrants that achieved significant fame in North Africa, the Middle East and Europe during the last two decades. Based in France, though from Algeria, their politicized egalitarian message reached the world. Their musical skills, instrumentation, tastes and appeal to youth sounds, sentiments and meanings gave their globalized music a prominent place on the global stage. In their work Gnawa Diffusion addressed a panoply of political issues and sought to represent and reach their audience. Their greatest popularity came at the height and conclusion of the Algerian civil war. By parsing the meanings of the band’s name, this paper engages the events and cultures that informed Gnawa Diffusion, exploring the history of the Gnawa, the history of Algeria, and the relationships between France, North Africa and contemporary “French” music. Issues of cultural authenticity and representation are tightly layered within the band’s purposes and process of artistic production. Because Gnawa Diffusion was envisioned, organized and led by Amazigh Kateb Yassin, and because the band and media recognized him as the spokesperson and principal author for Gnawa Diffusion, Amazigh’s life story and words accompany this paper’s arguments and analysis. Through a selective sketch of the various musical consequences of the North African slave trade, the spread of Islam, the colonization of North Africa and the immigration of Algerians to France, we can begin to comprehend how these histories combined and harmonized through Gnawa Diffusion to form the new musical forms of a generation of people who seek to overcome their often divisive cultural heritage. In this case, the intent of the music challenges common notions of authenticity and thereby affirms it.
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Small, Scott T., Frédéric Labbé, Yaya I. Coulibaly, et al. "Human Migration and the Spread of the Nematode Parasite Wuchereria bancrofti." Molecular Biology and Evolution 36, no. 9 (2019): 1931–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msz116.
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Abstract The human disease lymphatic filariasis causes the debilitating effects of elephantiasis and hydrocele. Lymphatic filariasis currently affects the lives of 90 million people in 52 countries. There are three nematodes that cause lymphatic filariasis, Brugia malayi, Brugia timori, and Wuchereria bancrofti, but 90% of all cases of lymphatic filariasis are caused solely by W. bancrofti (Wb). Here we use population genomics to reconstruct the probable route and timing of migration of Wb strains that currently infect Africa, Haiti, and Papua New Guinea (PNG). We used selective whole genome amplification to sequence 42 whole genomes of single Wb worms from populations in Haiti, Mali, Kenya, and PNG. Our results are consistent with a hypothesis of an Island Southeast Asia or East Asian origin of Wb. Our demographic models support divergence times that correlate with the migration of human populations. We hypothesize that PNG was infected at two separate times, first by the Melanesians and later by the migrating Austronesians. The migrating Austronesians also likely introduced Wb to Madagascar where later migrations spread it to continental Africa. From Africa, Wb spread to the New World during the transatlantic slave trade. Genome scans identified 17 genes that were highly differentiated among Wb populations. Among these are genes associated with human immune suppression, insecticide sensitivity, and proposed drug targets. Identifying the distribution of genetic diversity in Wb populations and selection forces acting on the genome will build a foundation to test future hypotheses and help predict response to current eradication efforts.
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Ross, David. "The Dahomean Middleman System, 1727–c. 1818." Journal of African History 28, no. 3 (1987): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030085.
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During the first quarter of the eighteenth century, European merchants bought more slaves in the Bight of Benin than on any other part of the West African coast. From c. 1720 until 1727 much of their buying was concentrated in Savi, the capital of a small Aja state called Whydah. When the Dahomeans overran Savi in 1727 they stopped the inland slave suppliers from travelling to the coast, prevented the local Hueda from going inland to collect slaves, and insisted that the Europeans bought slaves only from Dahomean dealers. In an attempt to make sure that the Europeans had nothing more to do with their former trading partners the Dahomeans burned the factories in Savi and forced their European occupants to retire to Grehue, Savi's port, a spot on the coast where the Europeans maintained a number of fortified warehouses.The middleman policy did not at first operate satisfactorily. There were two reasons for this. The first was that the Dahomeans were, in practice, unable to prevent the Europeans from continuing to trade with the Hueda. The second was that the inland suppliers refused to sell slaves to Savi's conquerors. The Dahomeans solved their ‘coastal’ problem in the 1740S by placing a garrison in Grehue. This garrison kept the exiled Hueda at bay and held the Europeans in what amounted to open captivity. The Dahomeans were never able completely to solve their ‘supply’ problem. In the 1730s and 1740S the inland merchants took their slaves to ports which opened up on the Bight to the east of Grehue. Only in the 1750s and 1760s did they channel substantial numbers of slaves through Dahomey. In the last decades of the century they again boycotted the Dahomean market. Dahomey therefore prospered as a middleman state only between c. 1748 and c. 1770.An examination of their eighteenth century trading suggests that the Dahomeans were a slave-raiding community whose members realised in 1727 that they would soon run out of fresh raiding grounds. They appear to have introduced their middleman policy in an attempt to ensure that they would continue to profit from slave trading even after they had ceased to be able to take large numbers of captives themselves. Although the policy was by no means a complete success, it was important in that it seems to have led the Dahomeans to begin placing garrisons in the territories they ravaged. It appears, in fact, to have been the pursuit of their middleman goals that led them to begin creating the often described nineteenth century ‘greater’ Dahomean state. The middleman programme ceased to be of much importance after c. 1818, when the fall of Oyo enabled the Dahomeans to resume raiding widely in unexploited territory.
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Perinbam, B. Marie. "The Salt-Gold Alchemy in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Mande World: If Men are Its Salt, Women are Its Gold." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171943.
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Given its enduring association with “civilized Africa,” “urban Africa,” “rich Africa,” and “commercial Africa,” it is hardly surprising that the trans-Saharan salt-gold trade caught the imagination of Arab authors between the eighth and sixteenth centuries. We recall, for example, that al-Ya'qubi (872/73), the principal source on the Mande empire of Ghana before al-Bakri's Kitab al-masalik wa-'lmamalik (1067/68) first revealed “commercial Africa” to the Islamic world, drawing attention to the two major trans-Saharan routes leading south to the Sudan from Zawila in the east and Sijilmasa in the west, both roads eventually conjoining at the kingdom of Ghana, an ancient heartland of the Mande world. Or that Ibn Hawqal (988) astonished the Islamic world with accounts of “rich Africa” by thrice repeating (at least) his story of the promissory note for 42,000 dinars owed by one Muhammad b. Abi Sa'dun—a salt-gold trade from Awdaghost dealing with the Soninke of Ghana—to his counterpart(s) in Sijilmasa. Or that al-Bakri (1068) confirmed the stories of “urban Africa” with his account of Sijilmasa, the trading entrepot “built in the year 575-758,” and surrounded by “numerous suburbs with lofty mansions and other splendid buildings (where) there are also many gardens.” Or that traveling south from Sijilmasa to Mali—a later heartland of the Mande world—Ibn Battuta (1355), not in the least impressed with Taghaza (the western Sahara's major saline), nonetheless acknowledged as its only virtue the “qintar upon qintar of gold” arriving there from the Malian mines, which Taghaza's inhabitants (“slaves of the Masufa,” he sniffed) exchanged for salt.
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Conceição, Emilyn Costa, Guislaine Refregier, Harrison Magdinier Gomes, et al. "Mycobacterium tuberculosis lineage 1 genetic diversity in Pará, Brazil, suggests common ancestry with east-African isolates potentially linked to historical slave trade." Infection, Genetics and Evolution 73 (September 2019): 337–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.meegid.2019.06.001.
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Nyang, Sulayman S. "EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (2008): 142–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1505.
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The arrival of Islam in the United States ofAmerica has been dated backto the coming of slaves fromAfrica. During this unfortunate trade in humancargo from the African mainland, many Muslim men and women came tothese shores. Some of these men and women were more visible than others;some were more literate in Arabic than the others; and some were betterremembered by their generations than the others. Despite these multiple differencesbetween the Muslim slaves and their brethren from various parts oftheAfrican continent, the fact still remains that their Islam and their self-confidencedid not save them from the oppressive chains of slave masters. Thereligion of Islam survived only during the lifetime of individual believerswho tried desperately to maintain their Islamic way of life. Among theMuslims who came in ante bellum times intoAmerica one can include YorroMahmud (erroneously anglicized as Yarrow Mamout), Ayub Ibn SulaymanDiallo (known to Anglo-Saxons as Job ben Solomon), Abdul Rahman(known as Abdul Rahahman in the Western sources) and countless otherswhose Islamic ritual practices were prevented from surfacing in public.1Besides these Muslim slaves of ante bellumAmerica, there were otherswho came to these shores without the handicap of slavery. They came fromSouthern Europe, the Middle East and the Indian Subcontinent. TheseMuslimswere immigrants to America at the end of the Nineteenth Century andthe beginning of the Twentieth Century. Motivated by the desire to come toa land of opportunity and strike it rich, many of these men and women laterfound out that the United States ofAmerica was destined to be their permanenthomeland. In the search for identity and cultural security in their newenvironment, these Muslim immigrants began to consolidate their culturalresources by building mosques and organizing national and local groups forthe purpose of social welfare and solidarity. These developments among theMuslims contributed to the emergence of various cultural and religious ...
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Jiagge, Evelyn Mawunyo, Aisha Jibril, George Divine, et al. "Beyond triple-negative breast cancer and African ancestry: Tumor phenotypes among internationally diverse patient populations." Journal of Clinical Oncology 35, no. 15_suppl (2017): 1101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2017.35.15_suppl.1101.
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1101 Background: Population-based incidence rates of breast cancers that are negative for estrogen receptor (ER), progesterone receptor (PR), and HER2/ neu(triple negative breast cancer {TNBC}) are higher among African American (AA) compared to White American (WA) women. Several studies show higher TNBC frequency among selected populations of African patients. The colonial-era trans-Atlantic slave trade resulted in shared West African ancestry between contemporary AA and Ghanaian (Gh) populations. The extent to which TNBC susceptibility is related to East African versus West African ancestry, and whether these associations extend to expression of other biomarkers such as Androgen Receptor (AR) and mammary stem cell marker ALDH1 is unknown. Methods: We used immunohistochemistry to assess ER, PR, HER2/ neu, AR and ALDH1 among WA (n = 153); AA (n = 76); Ethiopian (Eth)/East African (n = 90) and (Gh)/West African (n = 286) breast cancers through an IRB-approved international research program. Results: Mean age at breast cancer diagnosis was 43; 49; 60; and 57 years for the Eth; Gh; AA; and WA patients, respectively. Frequency of TNBC was significantly higher for AA and Gh patients (54% and 41%, respectively) compared to WA and Eth patients (23% and 15%, respectively); p < 0.001. These associations were unchanged when limited to patients age 50 and younger (47% and 49% for AA and Gh, respectively; versus 18% and 16% for WA and Eth, respectively); p < 0.001. Frequency of ALDH1 positivity was also higher for tumors from AA and Gh patients (32% and 36%, respectively) compared to those from WA and Eth patients (23% and 17%, respectively); p = 0.007. Significant differences were observed for distribution of AR positivity, which was 71%; 55%; 42% and 50% for the WA; AA; Gh; and Eth cases, respectively (p = 0.008). Conclusions: We found a correlation between extent of African ancestry and risk of particular BC phenotypes. West African ancestry was associated with increased risk of TNBC and breast cancers that are positive for ALDH1. Future studies of hereditary TNBC susceptibility among women with African ancestry are warranted.
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WRIGHT, MARCIA. "The Physician and the Slave Trade: John Kirk, the Livingstone Expeditions, and the Crusade against Slavery in East Africa. By DANIEL LIEBOWITZ. New York and Basingstoke: W. H. Freeman. 1998. Pp. xii + 314. $27.95/£17.95 (ISBN 0-7167-3098-7)." Journal of African History 41, no. 3 (2000): 487–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700437837.
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Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.
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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.
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Fabian, Steven. "East Africa's Gorée: slave trade and slave tourism in Bagamoyo, Tanzania." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 47, no. 1 (2013): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2013.771422.
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Lovejoy, Paul E., and David Richardson. "British Abolition and its Impact on Slave Prices Along the Atlantic Coast of Africa, 1783–1850." Journal of Economic History 55, no. 1 (1995): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700040584.
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This article challenges the widely held view that slave prices in Africa fell substantially and permanently after Britain abolished its slave trade in 1807. Examination of slave-price data shows that, when allowance is made for movements in prices of trade goods bartered for slaves, real slave prices fell sharply between 1807 and 1820 but that the fall was confined to West Africa. In West Central Africa prices remained steady before 1820. Thereafter, prices rose strongly in both areas, and between 1830 and 1850 prices were generally close to the levels reached between 1783 and 1807, the height of the Atlantic slave trade.
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Manning, Patrick. "Slavery and the Slave Trade in Colonial Africa." Journal of African History 31, no. 1 (1990): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024828.
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Omotoso, Tunji. "Slavery, Slave Trade and Reparation Movement in Africa." History Research 2, no. 1 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.history.20140201.11.
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Nunn, Nathan, and Leonard Wantchekon. "The Slave Trade and the Origins of Mistrust in Africa." American Economic Review 101, no. 7 (2011): 3221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.101.7.3221.
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We show that current differences in trust levels within Africa can be traced back to the transatlantic and Indian Ocean slave trades. Combining contemporary individual-level survey data with historical data on slave shipments by ethnic group, we find that individuals whose ancestors were heavily raided during the slave trade are less trusting today. Evidence from a variety of identification strategies suggests that the relationship is causal. Examining causal mechanisms, we show that most of the impact of the slave trade is through factors that are internal to the individual, such as cultural norms, beliefs, and values. (JEL J15, N57, Z13)
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Sunseri, Thaddeus. "Slave Ransoming in German East Africa, 1885-1922." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 3 (1993): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220476.
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Lovejoy, Paul E., and Vanessa S. Oliveira. "An Index to the Slavery and Slave Trade Enquiry: The British Parliamentary House of Commons Sessional Papers, 1788-1792." History in Africa 40, no. 1 (2013): 193–255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2013.11.
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AbstractThe article describes volumes pertaining to slavery and the slave trade in the British Parliament House of Commons Sessional Papers of the eighteenth century, published by Sheila Lambert in 1975 but seldom used by historians of Africa and the trans-Atlantic slave trade. In addition, the article provides an index for the eight volumes from 1788 to 1792 that concern the slave trade. The index is arranged according to the names of individuals who provided testimony to the House of Commons or who are referred to in the testimonies, as well as according to places in Africa and the Americas that are mentioned in the testimonies. There is also a list of tables that are included in the texts and a list of ships mentioned in the testimonies, which are referenced with respect to the ships inVoyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. The materials were assembled in connection with the campaign to abolish the British slave trade, which was eventually achieved in 1807. As is clear from the testimonies and statistical information, the enquiry into the slave trade is a valuable source of documentary material that is relevant to scholars studying the coastal regions of Atlantic Africa in the eighteenth century and the trans-Atlantic slave trade during the period when the British trade was at its height.
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Ribeiro da Silva, Filipa. "The slave trade and the development of the Atlantic Africa port system, 1400s–1800s." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 1 (2017): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871416679116.
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Scholarly work on the transatlantic slave trade has tended to focus on the volume, conditions and the profits of this hideous commerce and its demographic, economic and social impact on the coastal areas of Atlantic Africa. Much has therefore been published about the history of specific ports and coastal regions, but still little is known about the contribution of the slave trade to the overall formation and shaping of the Atlantic Africa port system and its regional port sub-systems, the links between various ports, their commercial struggles, and the variable factors that conditioned changes in their role within the system. This study will partly address these issues by examining how the slave trade, in conjunction with other local, regional and international economic and political dynamics, contributed to the rise and fall of ports in Atlantic Africa and helped shape its port system. In doing so, the analysis is based on shipping information gathered from the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, and on the specific literature on various slave ports in Atlantic Africa.
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Pérez Morales, Edgardo. "Tricks of the Slave Trade." New West Indian Guide 91, no. 1-2 (2017): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09101001.
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Around 1808, Spaniards’ ability to outfit and successfully complete slaving expeditions to Africa paled in comparison to the skill of French and British slavers. In the wake of British Abolitionism and the Cuban sugar revolution, however, some Spaniards learned the tricks of the slave trade and by 1835 had brought over 300,000 captives to Cuba and Puerto Rico (most went to Cuba). This article presents evidence on the process through which some Spaniards successfully became slave traders, highlighting the transition from early trial ventures around 1809–15 to the mastering of the trade by 1830. It pays particular attention to the operations and perspectives of the Havana-based firm Cuesta Manzanal & Hermano and to the slave trading activities on the Pongo River by the crewmen of the Spanish ship La Gaceta. Although scholars have an increasingly solid perception of the magnitude and consequences of the Cuba-based trade in human beings in the nineteenth century, the small-scale dynamics of this process, ultimately inseparable from long-term developments, remain elusive. This article adds further nuance to our knowledge of the post-1808 surge in the Spanish transatlantic slave trade.
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Morgan, K. "Crossings: Africa, the Americas, and the Atlantic Slave Trade." Journal of American History 101, no. 2 (2014): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau493.
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