Academic literature on the topic 'Slave trade – Africa, West'
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Journal articles on the topic "Slave trade – Africa, West"
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Lovejoy, Paul E., and David Richardson. "British Abolition and its Impact on Slave Prices Along the Atlantic Coast of Africa, 1783–1850." Journal of Economic History 55, no. 1 (March 1995): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700040584.
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This article challenges the widely held view that slave prices in Africa fell substantially and permanently after Britain abolished its slave trade in 1807. Examination of slave-price data shows that, when allowance is made for movements in prices of trade goods bartered for slaves, real slave prices fell sharply between 1807 and 1820 but that the fall was confined to West Africa. In West Central Africa prices remained steady before 1820. Thereafter, prices rose strongly in both areas, and between 1830 and 1850 prices were generally close to the levels reached between 1783 and 1807, the height of the Atlantic slave trade.
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Lovejoy, Paul E. "The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa: A Review of the Literature." Journal of African History 30, no. 3 (November 1989): 365–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024439.
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Recent revisions of estimates for the volume of the trans-Atlantic slave trade suggest that approximately 11,863,000 slaves were exported from Africa during the whole period of the Atlantic slave trade, which is a small upward revision of my 1982 synthesis and still well within the range projected by Curtin in 1969. More accurate studies of the French and British sectors indicate that some revision in the temporal and regional distribution of slave exports is required, especially for the eighteenth century. First, the Bight of Biafra was more important and its involvement in the trade began several decades earlier than previously thought. Secondly, the French and British were more active on the Loango coast than earlier statistics revealed. The southward shift of the trade now appears to have been more gradual and to have begun earlier than I argued in 1982. The greater precision in the regional breakdown of slave shipments is confirmed by new data on the ethnic origins of slaves. The analysis also allows a new assessment of the gender and age profile of the exported population. There was a trend toward greater proportions of males and children. In the seventeenth century, slavers purchased relatively balanced proportions of males and females, and children were under-represented. By the eighteenth century, west-central Africa was exporting twice as many males as females, while West Africa was far from attaining such ratios. In the nineteenth century, by contrast, slavers could achieve those ratios almost anywhere slaves were available for export, and in parts of west-central and south-eastern Africa the percentage of males reached unprecedented levels of 70 per cent or more. Furthermore, increasing numbers of slaves were children, and again west-central Africa led the way in this shift while West Africa lagged behind considerably.This review of the literature on the demography of the slave trade provides a context to assess the revisionist interpretation of David Eltis, who has argued recently that the slave trade and its suppression were of minor importance in African history. It is shown that Eltis' economic arguments, based on an assessment of per capita income and the value of the export trade, are flawed. The demography of the trade involved an absolute loss of population and a large increase in the enslaved population that was retained in Africa. A rough comparison of slave populations in West Africa and the Americas indicates that the scale of slavery in Africa was extremely large.
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Curtin, Philip D. "African Health at Home and Abroad." Social Science History 10, no. 4 (1986): 369–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015558.
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In the nineteenth century, annual reports of European military medical authorities usually carried some such title as “The Health of the Army at Home and Abroad.” Though historians have recently studied the health of slaves in transit and the demographic patterns of slave populations in the New World, they have not paid much attention to these military data. For the West Indies they begin in 1803, for West Africa in 1810. After 1819, it is possible to trace the disease patterns of West Indian and West African populations in the last decades of the slave trade and on into the early twentieth century. These records help to show what happened epidemiologically to populations of African descent that crossed the Atlantic in both directions.
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ELBL, IVANA. "THE VOLUME OF THE EARLY ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE, 1450–1521." Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (March 1997): 31–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853796006810.
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ALTHOUGH slaves were the most common merchandise in the Portuguese-dominated opening period of the seaborne trade between Europe and Africa, relatively little conclusive information is available on their overall numbers. Even less is known about the distribution of these early exports of slaves in space and time, although these are two of the key factors in assessing the much debated societal impact of the early Atlantic slave trade and the role of slavery in West and West-Central African economic, social and political life.
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Johnson, Marion. "The Slaves of Salaga." Journal of African History 27, no. 2 (July 1986): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700036707.
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Salaga was one of the leading slave-markets of West Africa in the 1880s. The story of the slaves – where they came from, who brought them to Salaga, who bought them, and what happened to them afterwards – can be pieced together from the reports of a great variety of travellers, black and white, officials, soldiers, merchants and missionaries, of various nationalities, African and European. Thus, on the eve of the European occupation which put an end to it, it is possible to lift the veil that usually conceals the internal slave trade of pre-colonial Africa, and gain some idea of its scale and workings, and of the range of attitudes towards slavery and the slave trade.
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Rawley, James A. "Richard Harris, Slave Trader Spokesman." Albion 23, no. 3 (1991): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051111.
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“So little is known of the separate traders,” lamented the historian of the Royal African Company, K. G. Davies, that he was reduced to perceptive speculation about their activity. The authority, Basil Williams, writing about the period 1714–1760, asserted, “The traffic in negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company.…“ In actuality a great deal can be discovered about the separate traders and their activity. The papers of Humphry Morice provide a rich source for a merchant who was perhaps London's and Great Britain's foremost slave trader in the 1720s. The assertion that the traffic in Negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company is easily refuted by materials in the Public Record Office. London separate traders dominated the trade for the first three decades of the eighteenth century giving way to Bristol traders in the 1730s, who in turn gave way to Liverpool ascendancy in the 1740s.The English slave trade between 1699 and 1729, energized by the end of monopoly and the booming international market for slaves in America, grew prodigiously. In these years England accounted for nearly one-half of all slaves exported from the west coast of Africa. London alone accounted for two-thirds of all slaves delivered by English ships.Although the period falls half a century and more before the classic exposition of the advantages of free trade over monopoly by Adam Smith, an English free trade doctrine had found expression in Sir Dudley North's pamphlet, Discourses upon Trade (1691), and parlimentary proceedings. Interlopers in the slave trade, smugglers in the lucrative Spanish-American trade who opposed parliamentary restriction on their activity, separate traders whose participation in the trade became legalized in 1698, and a variety of commercial, industrial, and planting interests all contributed in their fashion to an outlook favoring free trade in slaves.
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Richardson, David. "Slave Exports from West and West-Central Africa, 1700–1810: new estimates of volume and distribution." Journal of African History 30, no. 1 (March 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030851.
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Using new evidence on the British, French and North American slave-carrying trades, this article seeks to revise Lovejoy's recently published estimates of the levels of slave exports from West and West-Central Africa in the eighteenth century. The figures suggest that Lovejoy's estimate of the total volume of slave exports from the west coast of Africa to America between 1700 and 1810 was probably reasonably accurate, being only 8 per cent lower than the total indicated here. However, the new data reveal temporal and coastal distributions of slave exports that differ substantially from those proposed by Lovejoy. In particular, they suggest that previous work significantly understated levels of slave exports between 1713 and 1740, and again in the 1760s and 1770s. Contrary to earlier findings, in fact, it appears that slave exports from the west coast of Africa to America in the decade prior to the War of American Independence were very similar to levels attained after 1783. Furthermore, in terms of coastal distributions, it seems that the Bight of Biafra and West-Central Africa, particularly the Loango coast, contributed much more substantially to the slave traffic to America during the early decades of the century than was previously assumed. These revisions of Lovejoy's figures have important implications for movements in slave prices in Africa and for assessing the demographic effects of the trade on the slave-supplying regions. In addition, they help to improve our understanding of the relationship between the slave trade and changes in sugar and other commodity production in America during the eighteenth century.
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Law, Robin. "Ethnicity and the Slave Trade: “Lucumi” and “Nago” as Ethnonyms in West Africa." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172026.
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Ethnicity was evidently critical for the operation of the Atlantic slave trade, on both the African and the European sides of the trade. For Africans, given the general convention against enslaving fellow citizens, ethnic identities served to define a category of “others” who were legitimately enslavable. For African Muslims this function was performed by religion, though here too, it is noteworthy that the classic discussion of this issue, by the Timbuktu scholar Ahmad Baba in 1615, approaches it mainly in terms of ethnicity, through classification of West African peoples as Muslim or pagan. Europeans, for their part, regularly distinguished different ethnicities among the slaves they purchased, and American markets developed preferences for slaves of particular ethnic origins. This raises interesting (but as yet little researched) questions about the ways in which African and European definitions of African ethnicity may have interacted. Both Africans and Europeans, for example, commonly employed, as a means of distinguishing among African ethnicities, the facial and bodily scarifications (“tribal marks”) characteristic of different communities—a topic on which there is detailed information in European sources back at least into the seventeenth century, which might well form the basis for a historical study of ethnic identities.In this context as in others, of course, ethnicity should be seen, not as a constant, but as fluid and subject to constant redefinition. The lately fashionable debate on “the invention of tribes” in Africa concentrated on the impact of European colonialism in the twentieth century, rather than on that of the Atlantic slave trade earlier—no doubt because it was addressed primarily to Southern, Central and Eastern rather than Western Africa.
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McGowan, Winston. "African resistance to the Atlantic slave trade in West Africa." Slavery & Abolition 11, no. 1 (May 1990): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399008574997.
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Alpern, Stanley B. "What Africans Got for Their Slaves: A Master List of European Trade Goods." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171906.
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A great deal has been written in recent decades about the Atlantic slave trade, including the mechanics and terms of purchase, but relatively little about what Africans received in return for the slaves and other exports such as gold and ivory. And yet, if one is trying to reconstruct the material culture of, say, the Guinea Coast of West Africa during the slave-trade period, the vast European input cannot be ignored.The written evidence consists of many thousands of surviving bills of lading, cargo manifests, port records, logbooks, invoices, quittances, trading-post inventories, account books, shipping recommendations, and orders from African traders. English customs records of commerce with Africa during the eighteenth century, when the slave trade peaked, alone contain hundreds of thousands of facts. A thorough analysis of all available data would call for the services of a research team equipped with computers, and fill many volumes. Using a portable typewriter (now finally abandoned for WordPerfect) and a card file, and sifting hundreds of published sources, I have over the years compiled an annotated master list of European trade goods sold on a portion of the Guinea Coast from Portuguese times to the mid-nineteenth century. The geographic focus is the shoreline from Liberia to Nigeria; from it more slaves left for the New World than from any comparable stretch of the African coast. I call the area “Kwaland” for the Kwa language family to which nearly all the indigenous peoples belong.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Slave trade – Africa, West"
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Strickrodt, Silke. "Afro-European trade relations on the western slave coast, 16th to 19th centuries." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2616.
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This thesis deals with the Afro-European trade on the Western Slave Coast from about 1600 to the 1880s, mainly the slave trade but also the trade in ivory and agricultural produce. The Western Slave Coast comprises the coastal areas of modem Togo and parts of the coastal areas of Ghana and Benin. For much of the period under discussion, this region was dominated by two kingdoms, the kingdom of the Hula (or Pla), known to European traders as Great or Grand Popo, after its coastal port (in modern Benin), and the kingdom of the Ge (Gen/Guin/Genyi), known to European traders as Little Popo, after its main coastal port (in modern Togo). In the nineteenth century, two more ports of trade appeared in the region, Agoud (in modem Benin) and Porto Seguro (in modern Togo). In terms of the Afro-European trade, this was an intermediate area between regions of greater importance to slave traders, the Gold Coast to the west and the eastern Slave Coast (mainly the kingdom of Dahomey) to the east. This thesis gives a detailed reconstruction of the political and commercial developments in the region, especially for the period from the 1780s and the 1860s. The discussion is based mainly on archival material from British, French and African archives, but also makes use of a wide range of published accounts, mainly in English, French and German, and information from oral traditions. Beyond its immediate local interest, the thesis contributes to our understanding of the operation of the Afro-European trade and its impact on African middleman societies. The intermittent commercial success of 'the Popos' illustrates the dynamics of the trade especially clearly. The Western Slave Coast is placed into the wider transatlantic trade network and its role in the trade re-evaluated. The link between the local and overseas economy is illustrated by the centrality of the lagoon, which is discussed in detail. Other important issues that are addressed include the role of the canoemen in the trade, the transition from the slave trade to the palm oil trade and the Afro-Brazilian settlement at Agoue.
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Axiotou, Georgia. "Breaking the silence : West African authors and the Transatlantic slave trade." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3270.
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This thesis explores how Syl Cheney Coker’s The Last Harmattan of Alusine Dunbar (1990), Ama Ata Aidoo’s The Dilemma of a Ghost (1964), Ayi Kwei Armah’s Fragments (1970), and Buchi Emecheta’s The Slave Girl (1979) respond to the need to revisit and re-think the history of transatlantic slavery. The texts of these four contemporary West African authors provide symptomatic instantiations of the problematic of writing silence, and narrating a history whose archives are impossible to fully retrieve. By attending to the violence and silencing committed on the history of slavery, as well as the difficulty of writing, and narrating, history from the perspective of silence all the texts considered in this study perform acts of resistance against the forgetting enacted in and among their communities, and the silencing of colonial modernity, which has turned the history of transatlantic trade into a footnote. Although, all four authors come from different historical specificities and localities, and, thus, the ways they stage slavery in their narratives are informed by the local/historical urgencies they encounter in each contemporary political context, each, within their respective domain, provides powerful and influential examples of undoing historical silences and absences, not by imposing voices or presences, but by tracing the voids/gaps in the historical representation of slavery. The silent, but not silenced stories of the slave trade that these authors narrate in their attempts to speak to the history of slavery bring dis/order to the national and communal milieu, by unsettling a number of myths such as this of ethnic purity (Coker); of ideal “homes” for the diaspora (Aidoo); of national revolutions that putatively disrupt the colonial past (Armah); and of communal/national discourses that include the gendered racialised subaltern (Emecheta). These authors reveal the exclusionary practices of these myths, bearing witness to the fact that they proliferate at the expense of what they exclude. By bringing forth the excluded, the marginal, the “the othered” in place of the dominant, the central and “the same” they raise the impossible, and yet imperative, question of justice towards the “others”. The study intends to introduce the work of these authors to the current resurgence of interest on the literary trajectories of the Black Atlantic that tend to focus on the narratives of diasporic writers dwarfing the voices that speak form within the African continent. As I argue, close, symptomatic, readings of their texts through the lens of slavery attest to the fact that its spectral presence is intertwined in the cultural and communal fabric, and is used to comment and rethink issues such as questions of belonging and ethnicity, the quandaries associated with the neo-colonial condition, the role of the intellectual, violence and gender issues. Following the complexities raised by each text, my chapters explore a number of concepts such as “diaspora”, “ethnicity”, “trauma”, “memory”, “violence”, “the city”, “subaltern agency” and “the body” that invite cross-disciplinary links between post-colonial studies and a number of fields such as history, geography, feminism, psychoanalysis, philosophy and political theory. One of the ambitions of this study is that these initial forays into a largely unexplored field will lead to further research in African representations of the history of slavery; at the same time, its larger goal is to provide the stepping stone for trans-Atlantic dialogues between African and diasporic writers, who will re-think the history of the Atlantic from the perspective of its spectres, from the perspective of the footnoted.
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Hernaes, Per O. "Slaves, Danes, and African coast society : The Danish slave trade from West Africa and Afro-Danish relations on the Eighteenth-Century Gold Coast /." Trondheim : NTNU, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38868537r.
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Omuku, S. A. G. "Representations of slavery and the slave trade in the Francophone West African novel." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1397876/.
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Representations of domestic slavery and the trans-Saharan and transatlantic systems of the slave trade in Francophone West African literature incorporate remembering and forgetting through oral, corporeal and spatial narratives. With respect to the oral epic and the postcolonial novel, this thesis approaches the paucity of literature on slavery and the slave trade from the perspective of cultural memory and trauma theory. Through the presence of the slave voice in the West African oral epics of Segou, Macina, and the Songhay Empire and the use of this genre in the novels of Aminata Sow Fall and Yambo Ouologuem, this thesis explores the notion of the manipulation of oral memory through omission, invention, and fictionalisation, and examines the marginalisation of the slave past and the reclaiming of this record via an alternative slave narrative within the novel. Corporeal narratives of slavery and the slave trade in the novels of Timité Bassori, Ibrahima Ly, Yambo Ouologuem and Ali Zada depict the body both as a site and a memory of slavery. Through the body, slavery is re-enacted by the repetition of the corporeal wound as a manifestation of the physiological and psychological trauma of slavery, and the transmission of that memory through the reproductive capacity of the female body. The novels of M’Barek Ould Beyrouk and Ahmed Yedaly interrogate the concept of ex-slavery in the Sahara with reference to Mauritania, whilst Kangni Alem and Tierno Monénembo navigate transatlantic notions of departure and return within the context of Brazil, specifically Salvador de Bahia. By examining slavery from a geographical perspective, these authors highlight the significance of spatial remembering within a trans-Saharan and transatlantic memory of slavery and the slave trade.
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Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline. "Badagry 1784-1863 : the political and commercial history of a pre-colonial lagoonside community in south west Nigeria." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2641.
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By tracing the history of Badagry, from its reconstruction after 1784 until its annexation in 1863, it is possible to trace a number of themes which have implications for the history of the whole 'Slave Coast' and beyond. The enormous impact of the environment in shaping this community and indeed its relations with other communities, plays a vital part in any understanding of the Badagry story. As a place of refuge, Badagry's foundation and subsequent history was shaped by a series of immigrant groups and individuals from Africa and Europe. Its position as an Atlantic and lagoonside port enabled this community to emerge as an important commercial and political force in coastal affairs. However, its very attractions also made it a desirable prize for African and European groups. Badagry's internal situation was equally paradoxical. The fragmented, competitive nature of its population resulted in a weakness of political authority, but also a remarkable flexibility which enabled the town to function politically and commercially in the face of intense internal and external pressures. It was ultimately the erosion of this tenuous balance which caused Badagry to fall into civil war. Conversely, a study of Badagry is vital for any understanding of these influential groups and states. The town's role as host to political refugees such as Adele, an exiled King of Lagos, and commercial refugees, such as the Dutch trader Hendrik Hertogh, had enormous repercussions for the whole area. Badagry's role as an initial point of contact for both the Sierra Leone community and Christianity in Nigeria has, until now, been almost wholly neglected. Furthermore, the port's relations with its latterly more famous neighbours, Lagos, Porto-Novo, Oyo, Dahomey and Abeokuta, sheds further light on the nature of these powers, notably the interdependence of these communities both politically and economically. Badagry's long-standing relationship with Europe and ultimate annexation by Britain is also an area which has been submerged within the Lagos story. But it is evident that the, annexation of Badagry in 1863 was a separate development, which provides further evidence on the nature of nineteenth century British imperialism on the West Coast of Africa.
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Michaels, Paul J. "New England Slave Trader: The Case of Charles Tyng." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2019. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2083.
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Charles Tyng has been heralded as an American hero after the posthumous publication of his memoir, Before the Wind: The Memoir of an American Sea Captain, 1808-1833, in 1999. Recent research involving British Treasury report books from the nineteenth century suggest otherwise – that Tyng actively promoted and was engaged in the illicit trade of African captives. A Boston Brahmin, Tyng applied the lessons of his time at sea with Perkins & Company, the opium trading firm, to his occupation as an agent of notorious slave trading firms in Havana. This paper uses as evidence records of the captures of several vessels that implicate Tyng directly in equipping ships for the slave trade to correct the historical record and exposing a supposed hero as a predatory capitalist ignoring ethics for financial gain.
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Dumas, Paula Elizabeth Sophia. "Defending the slave trade and slavery in Britain in the Era of Abolition, 1783-1833." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9715.
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This study seeks to explore the nature and activities of the anti-abolitionists in the era of British abolition. There were Britons who actively opposed the idea of abolishing the slave trade and West Indian slavery. They published works promoting and defending the trade and the institution of slavery. They challenged abolitionist assertions and claims about life in the colonies and the nature of the slaves and attacked the sentimental nature of abolitionist rhetoric. Proslavery MPs argued in Parliament for the maintenance of slavery and the slave trade. Members of the West Indian interest formed committees to produce their own propaganda and petitions. They also worked with Parliament to develop strategies to ameliorate slavery and end British slaveholding, whilst securing several more years of plantation labour and financial compensation for slaveholders. Politicians, writers, members of the West Indian interest, and their supporters actively fought to maintain colonial slavery and the prosperity of Britain and the colonies. A wide range of sources has been employed to reveal the true nature of the proslavery arguments advanced in Britain in the era of abolition. These include committee minutes, petitions, pamphlets, reviews, manuals, travel writing, scientific studies, political prints, portraits, poetry and song, plays, and the records of every parliamentary debate on slavery, the slave trade, and the West Indian colonies. Specific proslavery and anti-abolitionist arguments have been identified and analysed using these sources, with some commentary on how the setting or genre potentially impacted on the argument being presented. This analysis reveals that economic, racial, legal, historical, strategic, religious, moral, and humanitarian arguments were all used to counter the growing popularity of abolition and emancipation. Proslavery rhetoric in Parliament is also analysed, revealing an active proslavery side committed to fighting abolition. Overall, this study contributes to our current understanding of the timing, nature, and reception of British abolition in Britain by showing that the process was influenced by a serious debate.
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Nayeyo, Anita Huba. "Economic welfare analysis of coarse grain trade under a trade liberalization policy within the Economic Community of West African States." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23416.
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This study analyzed the economic welfare implications of the 1990 intraregional trade liberalization scheme within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on member country producers and consumers. Four countries were chosen as a point of focus: Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Mali, and two commodities: millet and sorghum. The supply and demand functions were estimated using time series data from 1970 to 1990 obtained at the level of administrative regions within each of the four countries. Optimal production, consumption, trade quantities and trade flows were determined using the REACTT model, a spatial price equilibrium solution algorithm. Two trade scenarios were simulated. The first examined trade flows under the 1990 tariff structures and the second examined trade flows under the proposed zero tariff rates.The REACTT model results showed that removal of the tariffs would increase the crossborder trade flows between the four countries by about 12% for millet and 38% for sorghum. The welfare calculations showed that in the case of millet, all four countries would have net positive gains to the tune of $4.6 million in total. For sorghum, Burkina Faso, Ghana and Mali would have net positive gains, C ote d'Ivoire would have a net welfare loss, and the net impact on all four countries would be a positive gain of about $9.3 million. The results of the REACTT model and the welfare calculations suggest that intra-ECOWAS trade liberalization would increase total trade flows and total economic well being of the member countries.
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Nicholls, Peter A. "'The door to the coast of Africa' : the Seychelles in the Mascarene slave trade, 1770-1830." Thesis, University of Kent, 2018. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/67029/.
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Rejecting the customary scholarly distinction between legal and illegal slave trades, this research explores the relationship between the Seychelles islands and the south- western Indian Ocean's slave trade to the Mascarenes from the time of the Seychelles' colonisation in 1770 to the demise of the slave trade in c. 1830. The work begins by locating the French colonisation of the Seychelles within the context of the changing dynamics of the trade, specifically the shift from Madagascar to Mozambique as the primary supplier of slaves for the Mascarenes and the growing slave-exporting role of the Swahili coast at the end of the eighteenth century. When set against this backdrop, the colonisation of the Seychelles appears in a novel light, and the thesis advances the argument that - contrary to what has commonly been assumed - slave trading ambitions and activity were central to the settlement project. Since growing numbers of slaving voyages between East Africa and Mauritius and Réunion made use of the Seychelles in subsequent decades, the dissertation next turns its attention to discussing the socio-economic life of early Seychellois and, specifically, the various services which they provided to slavers. It is here demonstrated that the Seychelles were used as a provisioning station and, most important of all, as a sanatorium for passing slaves. The Seychelles could perform this latter function - and thus impact on slave mortality rates during sea crossings - thanks to the presence of small islands which were employed as quarantine stations, the availability of clean water and the abundance of wild food sources, especially tortoise and turtle meat. The intermediary role of the Seychelles is shown to have increased in the aftermath of the British takeover and the subsequent criminalisation of the slave trade in 1810. Following repressive measures in the 1820s, the Seychelles became the centre of a wide-ranging smuggling network that drew on the outer islands of the archipelago to move East African and Malagasy slaves predominantly to Réunion. The inner islands, for their part, were more central to the large-scale abuse of the so-called ̳transfer system', which resulted in thousands of newly purchased slaves being imported into Mauritius following a period of acclimatisation in the Seychelles. The thesis' overarching argument is that the Seychelles were much more significant to the slave trade of the Mascarenes than has been previously assumed and that, were it not for the Seychelles, such trade might not have expanded as rapidly as it did in both geographical and demographic terms.
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Essien, E. E. "Competition between air and sea transport in the overseas trade of West Africa." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373126.
Full textBooks on the topic "Slave trade – Africa, West"
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Law, Robin. The slave coast of West Africa, 1550-1750: The impact of the Atlantic slave trade on an African society. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991.
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The West African slave plantation: A case study. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
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Mann, Kenny. Kongo Ndongo: West Central Africa. Parsippany, N.J: Dillon Press, 1996.
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Mann, Kenny. Kongo Ndongo: West Central Africa. Parsippany, N.J: Dillon Press, 1996.
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L, Clark Nancy, and Alpers Edward A, eds. Africa and the West: A documentary history. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.
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Deep roots: Rice farmers in West Africa and the African diaspora. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008.
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Hernæs, Per O. Slaves, Danes, and the African coast society: The Danish slave trade from West Africa and Afro-Danish relations on the eighteenth-century Gold Coast. Trondheim: Dept. of History, University of Trondheim, 1995.
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Murphy, Laura. Metaphors of the slave trade in West African literature. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2012.
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Metaphors of the Slave Trade in West African Literature. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2012.
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Greene, Sandra E. West African narratives of slavery: Texts from late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ghana. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Slave trade – Africa, West"
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Kobayashi, Kazuo. "West African Seaborne Trade, 1750–1850: The Transition from the Transatlantic Slave Trade to ‘Legitimate’ Commerce." In Indian Cotton Textiles in West Africa, 29–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18675-3_2.
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Shillington, Kevin. "West Africa in the nineteenth century and the ending of the slave trade." In History of Africa, 230–46. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-00333-1_17.
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Jeychandran, Neelima. "A Theatre of Memory for the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: Cape Coast Castle and Its Museum." In Shadows of Empire in West Africa, 273–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39282-0_9.
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"West Africa." In The African Slave Trade and Its Suppression, 32–49. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315810379-11.
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Williams, Heather Andrea. "1. The Atlantic slave trade." In American Slavery: A Very Short Introduction, 1–16. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199922680.003.0001.
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Slavery had long existed in Europe and Africa, but the history of the Atlantic slave trade begins in the 1440s with Portuguese exploration of West Africa. ‘The Atlantic slave trade’ charts the increased demand for slave labor in Portugal and the Christian justification of African enslavement. In the 1490s, the journeys of Christopher Columbus to the Caribbean and North and South America opened up mineral-rich and fertile lands on which European countries planted their flags and the Christian cross. More than 12 million Africans boarded the ships, but nearly 2 million died during the Middle Passage. Of those who survived, only about 5 percent went to North America, with most going to South America and the Caribbean.
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Klooster, Wim, and Gert Oostindie. "West Africa." In Realm between Empires, 98–120. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705267.003.0004.
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The Dutch forts in West Africa were a crucial link in the Dutch gold and ivory trades, and even if the Gold Coast never dominated the Dutch slave trade, the forts were indispensable to the functioning of the commerce in enslaved Africans. The nature of Dutch “society” in this area was distinct from that in Guiana or the Caribbean islands. Housing only sojourners, not settlers, the forts were home almost exclusively to male Europeans. Their high mortality rate – and eagerness to return to Europe – helped shape a community in perpetual flux, as its individual members were constantly replaced by newcomers, and, increasingly, Eurafricans.
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Marshall, P. J. "The Working of the Slave Trade." In Edmund Burke and the British Empire in the West Indies, 155–76. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841203.003.0009.
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The slave trade was an essential link in Britain’s system of Atlantic trade. As an MP who specialized in commercial questions, although Burke disliked it, he could hardly have avoided some involvement with it. Two particular instances are discussed in this chapter. As MP for Bristol in 1775, Burke supported his constituents’ objections to the Board of Trade against duties being levied on slave imports into Jamaica with an ostensible aim of controlling the growth of the African population of the island. The duties were disallowed. Between 1772 and 1779 Burke took a close interest in the affairs of the Company of Merchants Trading to Africa, a body set up to facilitate the slave trade through its posts on the African coast. In Parliament he defended the Company against proposals to change its constitution, and he vindicated the conduct both of the London members of the Company’s committee, which included a close family friend, and of the Company’s servants in Africa. In doing so, he implicitly endorsed the Company’s raison d’être, the supply of slaves from Africa, even though he also publicly expressed his unhappiness about the inhumanity of such a trade.
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"West Africa during the slave trade era." In A History of Africa, 275–303. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315812014-20.
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Shannon, Timothy J. "West Africa and the Atlantic Slave Trade." In Atlantic Lives, 65–81. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351266246-6.
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Blake, John W. "English trade with the Portuguese Empire in West Africa 1581–1629." In The Atlantic Slave Trade, 331–53. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351147682-15.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Slave trade – Africa, West"
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Koita, Mohamed El Bechir, and Hakan Adanacıoğlu. "Marketing Channels of Mango Farmers in Mali." In International Students Science Congress. Izmir International Guest Student Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52460/issc.2021.008.
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Mango (Mangifera indica Linn) plays a central role as fruit crop among the horticultural fruits in Mali. Mali is among the largest mango producers in West Africa and among the fastest growing mango exporters in the world. The volume of mangoes produced is estimated at 575000 tons per year. Mango production is an important socio-economic activity in Mali, providing employment in rural areas and income through exportation. The study focused on marketing channels of mango famers in Mali. The secondary data were used to investigate marketing channels of mango in Mali. This paper consists of three parts. In the first part, the socio-economic characteristics of mango farmers in Mali were explained. In the second part, information about the development of Mango production and trade in Mali was given. In the third part, marketing channels of Mango farmers were examined. In general, it is difficult to say that Mango marketing channels operate effectively in Mali. The ineffectiveness of marketing channels occurs mostly at the local market level. It is important to strengthen the marketing infrastructure for Mango's marketing channels in Mali to be more effective. The government of Mali needs to implement a special incentive program, especially for wholesalers, who play an important role in increasing post-harvest losses. There is a need for financial support and training of wholesalers during the transportation, storage and processing of fresh mango. It is also important to extend these supports for mango producers.
Reports on the topic "Slave trade – Africa, West"
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Nunn, Nathan, and Leonard Wantchekon. The Slave Trade and the Origins of Mistrust in Africa. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w14783.
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