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Journal articles on the topic "Slave trade. eng"
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Rawley, James A. "Richard Harris, Slave Trader Spokesman." Albion 23, no. 3 (1991): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051111.
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“So little is known of the separate traders,” lamented the historian of the Royal African Company, K. G. Davies, that he was reduced to perceptive speculation about their activity. The authority, Basil Williams, writing about the period 1714–1760, asserted, “The traffic in negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company.…“ In actuality a great deal can be discovered about the separate traders and their activity. The papers of Humphry Morice provide a rich source for a merchant who was perhaps London's and Great Britain's foremost slave trader in the 1720s. The assertion that the traffic in Negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company is easily refuted by materials in the Public Record Office. London separate traders dominated the trade for the first three decades of the eighteenth century giving way to Bristol traders in the 1730s, who in turn gave way to Liverpool ascendancy in the 1740s.The English slave trade between 1699 and 1729, energized by the end of monopoly and the booming international market for slaves in America, grew prodigiously. In these years England accounted for nearly one-half of all slaves exported from the west coast of Africa. London alone accounted for two-thirds of all slaves delivered by English ships.Although the period falls half a century and more before the classic exposition of the advantages of free trade over monopoly by Adam Smith, an English free trade doctrine had found expression in Sir Dudley North's pamphlet, Discourses upon Trade (1691), and parlimentary proceedings. Interlopers in the slave trade, smugglers in the lucrative Spanish-American trade who opposed parliamentary restriction on their activity, separate traders whose participation in the trade became legalized in 1698, and a variety of commercial, industrial, and planting interests all contributed in their fashion to an outlook favoring free trade in slaves.
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AHMAD, ABDUSSAMAD H. "TRADING IN SLAVES IN BELA-SHANGUL AND GUMUZ, ETHIOPIA: BORDER ENCLAVES IN HISTORY, 1897–1938." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007458.
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Like other empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, expansion and slavery went hand in hand in Ethiopia, contrary to imperial justifications based on the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian empire incorporated the northwestern border enclaves of Bela-Shangul and Gumuz into greater Ethiopia. Having obtained the subordination of the local Muslim warlords, the emperor then demanded tribute from them in slaves, ivory and gold. Slaves were used as domestics in the imperial palace at Addis Ababa and the houses of state dignitaries and as farm labor on their farms elsewhere in the country. Responding to the demands of the central government as well as their own needs, borderland chiefs raided local villages and neighbouring chiefdoms for slaves. Expanding state control thus led to intensified slave raiding and the extension of the slave trade from the borderlands into the centre of the empire in spite of Ethiopia's public commitment to end slavery and the slave trade as a member of the League of Nations. The end of slavery in Ethiopia only came with the Italian occupation in 1935.
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Teubner, Melina. "Cooking at Sea. Different forms of labor in the era of the Second Slavery." Población & Sociedad 27, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/pys-2020-270204.
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This paper deals with various forms of labor in the 19th century. Although Brazil officially banned the slave trade, the first half of the 19th century did no t bring a decline of this business. Rather, until at least 1851, large numbers of slaves were brought to Brazil. The structure of the slave trade was based on the labor needed to carry out the abduction of several million people. Slave ship cooks were resp onsible for feeding the people during their voyages, thus contributing to the infrastructure and reproduction of the slave trade. By using a micro - historical approach to examine the example of slave ship cooks, different forms of forced labor can be shown
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EDEN, JEFF. "Beyond the Bazaars: Geographies of the slave trade in Central Asia." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (July 2017): 919–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000505.
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AbstractThe slave trade in nineteenth-century Central Asia involved hundreds of thousands of slaves, predominantly Persian Shīʿites, and stopping the trade was alleged to be a major motivating factor in the Russian conquest of the region. Nevertheless, Central Asian slavery remains little-studied and little-understood. In this article I will argue, first, that the region's slave trade was characterized by decentralized trade networks and by abundant inter-nomadic trade; and, second, that Russian efforts to end the slave trade by decree and through military force in the 1860s and 70s were not as successful as has often been assumed.
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QUINAULT, ROLAND. "GLADSTONE AND SLAVERY." Historical Journal 52, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0900750x.
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ABSTRACTWilliam Gladstone's views on slavery and the slave trade have received little attention from historians, although he spent much of his early years in parliament dealing with issues related to that subject. His stance on slavery echoed that of his father, who was one of the largest slave owners in the British West Indies, and on whom he was dependent for financial support. Gladstone opposed the slave trade but he wanted to improve the condition of the slaves before they were liberated. In 1833, he accepted emancipation because it was accompanied by a period of apprenticeship for the ex-slaves and by financial compensation for the planters. In the 1840s, his defence of the economic interests of the British planters was again evident in his opposition to the foreign slave trade and slave-grown sugar. By the 1850s, however, he believed that the best way to end the slave trade was by persuasion, rather than by force, and that conviction influenced his attitude to the American Civil War and to British colonial policy. As leader of the Liberal party, Gladstone, unlike many of his supporters, showed no enthusiasm for an anti-slavery crusade in Africa. His passionate commitment to liberty for oppressed peoples was seldom evident in his attitude to slavery.
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Johnson, Marion. "The Slaves of Salaga." Journal of African History 27, no. 2 (July 1986): 341–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700036707.
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Salaga was one of the leading slave-markets of West Africa in the 1880s. The story of the slaves – where they came from, who brought them to Salaga, who bought them, and what happened to them afterwards – can be pieced together from the reports of a great variety of travellers, black and white, officials, soldiers, merchants and missionaries, of various nationalities, African and European. Thus, on the eve of the European occupation which put an end to it, it is possible to lift the veil that usually conceals the internal slave trade of pre-colonial Africa, and gain some idea of its scale and workings, and of the range of attitudes towards slavery and the slave trade.
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Welie, Rik van. "Slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire: A global comparison." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 47–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002465.
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Compares slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire, specifically between the former trading and territorial domains of the West India Company (WIC), the Americas and West Africa, and of the East India Company (VOC), South East Asia, the Indian Ocean region, and South and East Africa. Author presents the latest quantitative assessments concerning the Dutch transatlantic as well as Indian Ocean World slave trade, placing the volume, direction, and characteristics of the forced migration in a historical context. He describes how overall the Dutch were a second-rate player in Atlantic slavery, though in certain periods more important, with according to recent estimates a total of about 554.300 slaves being transported by the Dutch to the Americas. He indicates that while transatlantic slave trade and slavery received much scholarly attention resulting in detailed knowledge, the slave trade and slavery in the Indian Ocean World by the Dutch is comparatively underresearched. Based on demand-side estimates throughout Dutch colonies of the Indonesian archipelago and elsewhere, he deduces that probably close to 500.000 slaves were transported by the Dutch in the Indian Ocean World. In addition, the author points at important differences between the nature and contexts of slavery, as in the VOC domains slavery was mostly of an urban and domestic character, contrary to its production base in the Americas. Slavery further did in the VOC areas not have a rigid racial identification like in WIC areas, with continuing, postslavery effects, and allowed for more flexibility, while unlike the plantation colonies in the Caribbean, as Suriname, not imported slaves but indigenous peoples formed the majority. He also points at relative exceptions, e.g. imported slaves for production use in some VOC territories, as the Banda islands and the Cape colony, and a certain domestic and urban focus of slavery in Curaçao.
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Ubah, C. N. "Suppression of the Slave Trade in the Nigerian Emirates." Journal of African History 32, no. 3 (November 1991): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031546.
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This article has concentrated on the efforts made by the British colonial regime in Northern Nigeria to suppress the slave trade. It has shown that the slave trade disappeared gradually, in three phases. The first extended from 1900 to about 1908, the second lasted until about 1919, while the third continued until the disappearance of the slave trade at the end of the 1930s. The task of suppression was carried out by a variety of means: military, including the patroling of trade routes and policing of strategic locations; political and diplomatic, involving co-operation with other colonial powers in the area; and judicial, including arrest, prosecution and punishment of offenders. In all these efforts the colonial administration received assistance from the Native Authorities; by the third phase these Authorities and the Native Courts were the most active forces against slaving. The slave trade dealt to a very significant extent in children. In the environment in which the trade was conducted the dealers developed a range of tricks and subterfuges to evade detection by the law enforcement agencies. The long borders which the agencies had to patrol, the manpower problems which they faced, and the relative ease with which slaves could be obtained in times of adversity combined to make the struggle against slaving a protracted one. Time was not, however, on the side of the traders. Improvements in communications, a stronger administration, the growing effectiveness of patrols, and the deterrent effects of judicial action cut into and finally eliminated the slave trade.
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Quartapelle, Alberto. "El comercio de los esclavos canarios en Italia a finales del siglo xv." Revista de Historia Canaria, no. 203 (2021): 189–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.histcan.2021.203.07.
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From the moment of the discovery, the Canary Islands have been the object of interest to Majorcans, Castilians and Portuguese, who saw in their inhabitants the opportunity to obtain slaves and make an easy profit. Thanks to the data collected by various authors and to new documents, the article reconstructs a synthetic picture of the Canarian slave trade in Spain and in Italy at the end of the 15th century. Special attention has been paid in their origin, destination, sex and age composition and in the structure of the sale price.
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HAMILTON, CYNTHIA S. "Dred: Intemperate Slavery." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 2 (August 2000): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006362.
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In 1825, Harriet Beecher Stowe's father, Lyman Beecher, gave a series of six sermons which helped to launch the temperance movement. In these sermons, published in 1826 and much reprinted thereafter, Beecher used the slave trade as a moral yardstick for the evils of intemperance. In doing so, he built on the moral outrage which brought an end to the legal importation of African slaves in 1808, and further criminalized the trade in 1820 when it was declared piracy. Beecher concluded that, morally reprehensible as the slave trade had been, intemperance was the greater evil, for it did greater damage to the individual soul, and cast a wider shadow of suffering. “We have heard of the horrors of the middle passage, the transportation of slaves, the chains, the darkness, the stench, the mortality and living madness of wo, and it is dreadful,” Beecher noted before counting the human cost of bondage to alcohol:Yes, in this nation there is a middle passage of slavery, and darkness, and chains, and disease, and death. But it is a middle passage, not from Africa to America, but from time to eternity; and not of slaves whom death will release from suffering, but of those whose sufferings at death do but just begin. Could all the sighs of these captives be wafted on one breeze, it would be loud as thunder. Could all their tears be assembled, they would be like the sea.Given the rhetorical power of the comparison between the evils of chattel slavery and the evils of alcohol dependency, it is hardly surprising that Lyman Beecher's daughter, writing some thirty years later, would build on her father's work, inverting, in Dred, the import of the comparison.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Slave trade. eng"
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Fernandes, Edson 1962. "A escravidão na fronteira : um estudo da escravidão negra numa "boca do sertão" paulista. Lençóes, 1860-1888 /." Araraquara : [s.n.], 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93458.
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Orientador(a): Dora Isabel Paiva da CostaBanca: Horácio Gutiérrez
Banca: José Flávio Motta
Resumo: O povoamento da porção ocidental da Província de São Paulo foi um processo que se desenvolveu ao longo do século XIX, conseqüência, em grande parte, do avanço da cultura cafeeira. Os povoados que aí se estabeleceram, com seus acanhados núcleos urbanos e seus inúmeros roçados e fazendas estavam, num primeiro momento, não interligados ao comércio de longa distância, o que fazia com que sua produção se destinasse aos mercados local e regional. Lençóes, vila desmembrada de Botucatu em 1865, não prescindiu do trabalho escravo em suas atividades econômicas. A análise de inventários post-mortem, de livros de notas cartoriais e registros paroquiais permite concluir que algumas características da população escrava desta vila de povoamento mais recente eram semelhantes às de outras áreas também não interligadas ao comércio de exportação. Deste modo, verificou-se em Lençóes uma ampla predominância dos proprietários de pequenos plantéis (de 1 a 5 escravos) que detinham uma pequena parcela da mão-de-obra. Por outro lado, algumas características da população escrava lençoense não eram comuns a outras áreas escravistas brasileiras. Entre elas, encontramos uma maior ocorrência de alforrias onerosas, ou seja, as que envolviam algum tipo de pagamento. Além disso, os preços alcançados pelas mulheres escravas eram, em média, semelhantes aos dos homens num determinado período, durante a década de 1860, resultado das dificuldades de reposição da mão-de-obra cativa e, conseqüentemente, valorização da mulher devido à sua condição de reprodutora
Abstract: The western part of the São Paulo province was settled throughout the 19th century, primarily due to coffee cultivation. Initially, settlements in this region, with its restricted urban areas and its countless fields and farmlands, were not connected to long distance trade, restricting trade to local and regional markets. Lençóes, a village that separated from Botucatu in 1865, did not give up slave labor as part of its economic activities. Through an analysis of post-mortem registers, books of registry offices and parish books we can infer that some later characteristics of the slave population in this village were similar to others that did not conduct export trade. For instance, there was a considerable predominance of small plantation owners (from 1 to 5 slaves) in Lençóes who did only a small amount of manual labor wore. In contrast, some characteristics of the slave population in Lençóes were not the same as in the other Brazilian slaveholding regions. Among them, we can find a wider occurrence of conditional liberations, in other words, liberation of slaves that involved some kind of payment. Moreover, during the 1860s average prices of slave women were similar to those of slave men. Because replacing slave labor was very difficult, the value of slave women increased due to their ability to reproduce.
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Sanjurjo, Ramos Jesús. "Abolitionism and the end of the slave trade in Spain's Empire (1800-1870)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21392/.
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Spain was the last country in the Atlantic World to tolerate the traffic in slaves across the Ocean. For four centuries, millions of men, women and children were banished from their homelands and forced into a life of slavery in the Americas. Spanish abolitionist activists challenged this reality and contested the public legitimacy of the odious commerce. This thesis analyses how abolitionist ideas were shaped, transformed and developed in Spain’s empire and the crucial role that British activists and diplomats played in advancing the abolitionist cause. It explores the complexity of abolitionist and anti- abolitionist ideas in Spain’s public life from the beginning of the nineteenth century to the end of the Atlantic slave trade.
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Ball, Lucy. "Memory, myth and forgetting : the British transatlantic slave trade." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2013. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/memory-myth-and-forgetting(85412377-1e7b-42a6-9bce-c088d916158a).html.
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Based on Halbwachs’ theory of collective memory and Connerton’s notion of collective forgetting, this thesis contends that the history of the British transatlantic slave trade has been deliberately omitted from British collective remembrance, replaced by a stylised image of the campaign for its abolition, in the interests of maintaining a consistent national identity built around notions of humanitarian and philanthropic concern. This thesis examines the way that this collective amnesia was addressed during the bicentenary of the passage of the Slave Trade Act in 2007 in museological display and the media, alongside its interrogation in novels published during the last seventeen years. The exploration of the bicentennial commemoration provided a unique opportunity to examine the way in which the nation presented its own history to the British public and the international community, and the divergent perspectives at play. Analysis of the artefacts and panel text featured at the International Slavery Museum, the Uncomfortable Truths exhibition at the Victoria & Albert Museum and the Chasing Freedom exhibition at the Royal Naval Museum reveals an emerging desire amongst curators to reduce attention garnered on the previously-lionised British abolitionists in favour of an increased representation of the experiences of the enslaved, including instances of their resistance and rebellion. Examination of neo-slave narratives scrutinises the way that postcolonial novelists draw attention to the process by which eighteenth-century slave narratives came to be published, demonstrating their unsuitability to be considered historical texts. S. I. Martin’s Incomparable World (1996), David Dabydeen’s A Harlot’s Progress (2000), Lawrence Hill’s The Book of Negroes (2009), Bernadine Evaristo’s Blonde Roots (2009) and Andrea Levy’s The Long Song (2010) re-write the slave experience and the process of writing, reframing abolitionist motivations around self-interest and political necessity rather than humanitarian concern. Media engagement was analysed through newspaper articles reporting on the bicentenary, the output of the BBC’s Abolition Season, and the representation of slavery in film, revealing a surface-level engagement with the subject, furthering the original abolitionist imagery, with any revisionist output needing to be specifically sought-out by the consumer. The thesis concludes that a revisionist approach to the history of the slave trade is becoming more apparent in challenges to collective memory occasioned by the bicentenary of its abolition; novelists make this challenge unavoidably clear to their readers, whilst those visiting museums are presented with an opportunity to reassess their understanding of this history by engaging with exhibits; the media, however, provides this revisionism but only in small ways, and has to be sought out by audiences keen to engage with it.
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Mungur, Lorna. "A persistent traffic: Portugal, Mozambique, and the slave export trade in the Mozambique channel at the end of the nineteenth century." Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=121407.
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This research examines the illegal slave trade in the Mozambique Channel at the end of the nineteenth century. Although outlawed by Portugal and then heavily regulated by colonial powers, the trade persisted in important numbers. The project describes the measures taken throughout the century to regulate and prohibit the slave trade, and demonstrates how they ultimately failed.Le sujet de cette recherche est la traite illégale d'esclave dans le canal du Mozambique à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. La traite fut interdite par le Portugal ainsi que durement prohibée par d'autres puissances coloniales telles que la Grande-Bretagne. Cependant, elle persista en nombres importants. Ce projet examine les mesures prises à travers le siècle afin d'interdire la traite des esclaves et conclut qu'elles échouèrent à réprimer la traite des esclaves.
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KATENDE, VIOLA. "DEAD END : The European Movement and Disappearance of Local Traditional African Clothing Designs, Styles, and Cultural Meaning. An Exchange of Cultural Identity." Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Institutionen Textilhögskolan, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-17997.
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This thesis aims at showcasing the movement of African cultural meaning from Africa to Europe by Europeans in their involvement in the African slave trade as well as the colonization of Africa, which was the imprisonment of the African cultural expression as well as a limitation of its development and further production. The thesis also addresses one of the reason for the global circulation of the European culture, which is the search and achievement of absolute power and control over the minds of its conquests in order to become a dominant culture. Note, however that the act of becoming a dominant culture stem from the European cultural persuasion of the dominance of its culture by its self and not a reflection of epistemological and ontological superiority. Note also that in claiming to be a dominant culture, the European culture is in reality only in control of its conquests, which are cultures whose nature is to its full knowledge, and whose meaning it distributes upon will and purpose. Therefore, the movement of African cultural values, norms and beliefs to Europe and the Euro‐Atlantic world, implies that the ideas from which the European fashion system´s inspiration is founded, are in essence not only European derived. This conclusion is based on a critical analysis of the nature of the European culture and its authentic self, a self that produces European culture.Program: Textilt management, fashion management
Books on the topic "Slave trade. eng"
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Law, Robin. Dahomey and the end of the Atlantic slave trade. Boston: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1992.
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Mlozi of Central Africa: Trader, slaver, and self-styled Sultan : the end of the slaver. Blantyre, Malawi: Central Africana, 2010.
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Beckles, Hilary. Saving souls: The struggle to end the transatlantic trade in Africans. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, 2007.
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The great abolition sham: The true story of the end of the British slave trade. Stroud: Sutton, 2005.
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Walvin, James. The Zong: A massacre, the law and the end of slavery. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011.
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Children of God's fire: A documentary history of black slavery in Brazil. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994.
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Eltis, David. Africa, Slavery, and the Slave Trade, Mid-Seventeenth to Mid-Eighteenth Centuries. Edited by Nicholas Canny and Philip Morgan. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199210879.013.0016.
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Which of the major components of the Atlantic world — the Americas, Africa, and Europe — was most immediately affected by the integration of the Old and New Worlds that Columbian contact triggered? On epidemiological grounds alone the Americas would be the choice of most scholars, with Europe, at least prior to the eighteenth century, the least affected. In terms of dramatic economic, demographic, and social consequences of the early stages of Atlantic integration, Africa lies somewhere between the two. Yet if we shift the focus to changes in the nature and size of connections between the continents as opposed to changes within them, the most striking developments between the 1640s and the 1770s relate to Africa, not Europe or the Americas. The Slave Coast was a major supplier of slaves to transatlantic markets. West Central Africa, by far the largest supplier of slaves to the Americas, experienced two diasporas. Captives from the northern ports went to the colonies of northern Europeans, those from Luanda and Benguela in the south went to Brazil. By the end of the third quarter of the eighteenth century, the transatlantic slave trade was close to the highest level it was ever to attain.
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Brown, Christopher Leslie. Slavery and Antislavery, 1760–1820. Edited by Nicholas Canny and Philip Morgan. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199210879.013.0035.
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In 1760, the ownership of African slaves was common across the Americas, ubiquitous in Atlantic Africa, and tolerated if not always officially permitted in much of Western Europe. By 1820, a new moral critique of colonial slavery and the Atlantic slave had led to the first organised efforts for their abolition. It would seem that the revolutionary era brought with it the beginning of the end for slavery in the Atlantic world. Yet, at the same time, there had never been more slaves in the Americas than there were in 1820. The expansion of the Atlantic slave trade and its increasing concentration on Brazil had profound consequences for the peoples and societies of West Africa. The Age of Revolutions was an era of spectacular growth in the institution of slavery in the Americas, when considered from a hemispheric perspective. This article suggests that the history of warfare has particular relevance to the history of slavery, and, as will become apparent, anti-slavery, in the Atlantic world.
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The Great Abolition Sham: The True Story of the End of the British Slave Trade. The History Press, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Slave trade. eng"
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Miguel, Marlon. "Representing the World, Weathering its End." In Cultural Inquiry, 247–76. Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-17_12.
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This chapter explores the intrinsic relationship between weather/weathering and the imaginary of the sea, which features in the work of artist Arthur Bispo do Rosário. Bispo was a black man who spent most of his life in psychiatric institutions. There is an important interplay between his psychotic deliriums and the production of hundreds of objects, many of them ships or forms that relate to the sea. These objects open up a discussion on decoloniality as they are embedded with marks left by the transatlantic slave trade.
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Childs, Matt D. "Cuba, the Atlantic Crisis of the 1860s, and the Road to Abolition." In American Civil Wars. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631097.003.0011.
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Matt D. Childs’s essay shows how two key external events set the stage for abolition in Cuba. The Lyons-Seward Treaty of 1862 between the United States and Britain banned participation by U.S. citizens in the Atlantic slave trade. An antislavery movement in Madrid pressured Spain to end its involvement in the trans-Atlantic slave trade as well, which meant an end to the replenishment of Cuba’s slave population. Then, in 1868, the revolutionary independence movement that began the Ten Years’ War promised freedom to slaves who joined the cause. In 1870, Spain countered with its own emancipation plan by promising freedom to all slaves who fought for Spain and to all children born to slave mothers.
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Engerman, Stanley L. "Monitoring the Abolition of the International Slave Trade: Slave Registration in the British Caribbean." In Registration and Recognition. British Academy, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265314.003.0013.
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This chapter deals with the background and implementation of the registration of slaves on the island of Trinidad after 1813. Registration was introduced by James Stephen in the British Colonial Office as a means of limiting the inflow of slaves in the illegal slave trade. Slave registration was extended to the other British colonies and then extended every three years until the end of slavery in 1834. Other registrations of slaves are noted, including the manifests of the coastal shipping of slaves in the USA after 1808.
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Fracchia, Carmen. "Introduction." In 'Black but Human', 1–10. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767978.003.0008.
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The African presence in imperial Spain, from the last quarter of the fifteenth century until the end of the eighteenth century, was due to institutionalization of the transatlantic slave trade that brought 700,000–800,000 Africans as slaves to the Crowns of Portugal, Aragon, and Castile. During the same period and in the same territories, the Mediterranean slave trade was responsible for the presence of 300,000–400,000 Moor, Berber, and Turk slaves. According to Alessandro Stella, if we add those born in these European territories, there were approximately two million slaves living in the Iberian Peninsula and islands during the early modern period. The black presence was ubiquitous in the south of these territories and in the main cities of the centre and the north, as we shall see in ...
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Helg, Aline. "Conspiracy and Revolt." In Slave No More, translated by Lara Vergnaud, 82–110. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649634.003.0005.
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According to most historians, the first 250 years that followed the conquest of the Americas were interspersed with conspiracies and slave revolts. This chapter shows that, in reality, many of those rebellions only existed in the frightened imaginations of colonial elites and numerous whites. Fears and rumors prior to 1700 led to the making of the slave conspiracy narrative. This chapter discusses various rumored slave revolts and the events leading up to the Seven Years' War. The Seven Years' War would suddenly offer slaves new possibilities for liberation by visibly weakening the colonial powers, thus inciting groups of slaves to take extraordinary risks. At the end of the Seven Years' War, the slave trade resumed and reached unprecedented heights, bringing dozens of thousands of Africans to American ports each year. At the same time, slave escapes and protests increased, prompting increasingly bloody crackdowns. That escalation highlighted the fundamental barbarism of slavery - and the equally fundamental humanity of those subjected to it.
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"AN END TO THE SLAVE TRADE." In Pastors, Partners and Paternalists, 41–49. BRILL, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004319974_005.
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Forrest, Alan. "The Illegal Slave Trade." In The Death of the French Atlantic, 250–69. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199568956.003.0013.
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The Congress of Vienna did not end the slave trade in French ports, nor across the North Atlantic, and the return of peace restricted the activities of naval vessels in boarding and arresting suspect vessels. Nantes merchants, in particular, were eager to return to slaving and dreamed of the return of pre-revolutionary prosperity. But the French government showed less tolerance of slaving and took an increasingly active part in policing the trade. The chapter discusses the extent of French illegal slaving under the Restoration and the increased dangers it faced, following vessels from Nantes and Bordeaux on illegal voyages to the African coast, noting the higher risks of death and disease, and discussing the various ruses adopted to avoid the attention of the authorities.
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Helg, Aline. "Revolts and Abolitionism." In Slave No More, translated by Lara Vergnaud, 245–73. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649634.003.0011.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter covers the various revolts and eventual emancipation of all enslaved people. Very few slave uprisings disrupted slaveholding regions in the Americas after 1815 because enslaved people understood the risks. It was therefore not by chance that the three largest uprisings over the subsequent fifteen years occurred in Great Britain's colonies: enslaved people could both rely on the abolitionist movement that had led to the end of the slave trade and give it renewed momentum by demanding the total and immediate emancipation of every slave in British America. These three slave revolts that erupted in the British colonies between 1816 and 1831 were prompted by rumors of emancipation or of improved living conditions for slaves. All three demonstrated that at least some enslaved men and women considered their situation to be unacceptable, inhuman, unjust, and revolting.
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Marshall, P. J. "The Negro Code." In Edmund Burke and the British Empire in the West Indies, 177–201. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841203.003.0010.
Full textAbstract:
What came to be known as Burke’s ‘Negro Code’ was a draft for an act of Parliament, whose aim was to put an end over a long period to ‘all traffic in the persons of men’ and to the holding of them in ‘a state of slavery’. The measures to bring this about were comprehensive and detailed. ‘Civilization and improvement’ were to be spread in Africa by the exertion of British influence, so that other forms of trade would replace slaving. Improved conditions for the slaves were to be imposed in the West Indies, so that the enslaved population would reproduce itself and there would be no need to import new slaves. By religious instruction, the cultivation of family life, and the acquisition of property rights, the enslaved were to be gradually prepared to become a free labour force. Underlying this very ambitious programme were assumptions about the backwardness of Africa on the universal scale of human progress, which necessitated outside influence for it to develop beyond the barbarism of enslaving its people, and about the degradation of the slave populations, which meant they would not be fit for freedom for a very long time. Probably drafted in 1780, Burke’s Code was almost immediately overtaken by the mass popular movement to abolish the slave trade.
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Coleman, Deirdre. "Doldrums." In Henry Smeathman, the Flycatcher, 160–86. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786940537.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
Smeathman returns to the Bananas where, instead of collecting, he cultivates a large provision garden for the slave ships. His chief staples were Palma Christi, pepper, and Guinea rice but rice cultivation was James Cleveland’s preserve. Cleveland also objected to Smeathman’s attempts to intensify the women’s methods of growing and harvesting the rice. In the end Cleveland’s cattle destroy Smeathman’s garden. Broken in health, and dreading the oncoming wet season, Smeathman joins a fully slaved and leaky ship bound for the West Indies. As a passenger unconnected to the trade, Smeathman’s experience of the middle passage offers new perspectives and insights.