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1

Porterfield, Laura Krystal. "Slaves waiting for sale: Abolitionist art and the American slave trade." Visual Studies 28, no. 1 (March 2013): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1472586x.2012.717774.

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2

Tamarkin, E. "Slaves Waiting for Sale: Abolitionist Art and the American Slave Trade." Journal of American History 99, no. 3 (December 1, 2012): 914–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas472.

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3

Wood, Marcus. "Slaves Waiting for Sale: Abolitionist Art and the American Slave Trade." Slavery & Abolition 34, no. 1 (March 2013): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2012.759675.

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4

Oostindie, Gert. "The slippery paths of commemoration and Heritage tourism: the Netherlands, Ghana, and the rediscovery of Atlantic slavery." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 79, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2005): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002501.

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Reflects upon the commemoration of the Atlantic slave trade and American slavery. Author describes how the slave trade and slavery was recently "rediscovered", as a part of Dutch history, and he compares this to the attention to this history in other European countries once engaging in slavery. He argues that despite the fact that the history of the slave trade and slavery is worthy of attention in itself, contemporary political and social factors mainly influence attention to the slave trade and slavery, noting that in countries with larger Afro-Caribbean minority groups the attention to this past is greater than in other once slave-trading countries. He further deplores the lack of academic accuracy on the slave trade and slavery in slavery commemorations and in the connected search for African roots among descendants of slaves, and illustrates this by focusing on the role of Ghana, and the slave fortress Elmina there, as this fortress also has become a much visited tourist site by Afro-Americans. According to him, this made for some that Ghana represents the whole of Africa, while African slaves in the Caribbean, also in the Dutch colonies, came from various parts of Africa. Author attributes this selectivity in part to the relatively large Ghanaian community in the Netherlands.
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Albert, Taneshia W., and Lindsay Tan. "Through the House of Slaves: A memorial to the origins of the Black diaspora." Art & the Public Sphere 10, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00046_1.

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The debate surrounding the removal of statues of imperialists, slave owners and slave traders raises the question of how to memorialize sombre historical truths with cultural humility. The House of Slaves on Gorée Island, Senegal, represents the connections of cultural identity, belonging and placemaking reclaimed from the enduring cultural trauma of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Using daughtering as a methodology (Evans-Winters 2019: 1), the authors present a discussion about the symbolic nature of art that memorializes a transformational passage shaped by imperialism and racist ideology. The critical relationship between art and culture as embodied in an architectural form is explored through (1) the anthropological notion of belonging as membership and identity, (2) the direct human affective/emotional impact of architecture as art in the social and political issues of past and present and (3) art as an intracultural interaction based in cultural trauma and community spaces. Theoretical Framework: critical race theory. Method: autoethnographic narrative. Results: The House of Slaves speaks of a critical cultural moment that shaped the creation of a new cultural diaspora. This historical structure has become a sacred, spiritual Mecca for those whose ancestors were displaced from continental Africa. The remains of its architectural form reveal the forgotten history of slave exploitation that happened here. This memorial speaks of the continued struggle to make a space safe for Black bodies, Black design and Black identity within the public sphere. The cultural memory of this artefact, and all moments and memorials shaped by imperialism and racism, haunt our present reality. Just as art played a role in celebrating now-outdated narratives, it may also reframe these sombre historical truths. Art can elevate contemporary narratives that embrace cultural humility and speak to cultural competence through the continued first-person experiences of these monuments, spaces and artefacts.
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6

Steckel, Richard H., and Richard A. Jensen. "New Evidence on the Causes of Slave and Crew Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 1 (March 1986): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700045502.

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The journals of slave ship surgeons of the 1790s are used to address questions on the relative importance of African conditions versus those on ships, crowding, the effectiveness of Dolben's Act, and the interaction between slave and crew health. In contrast with previous work we find that most slaves who died did so near the middle of the voyage. Crowding was important to health and mortality, but the restrictions of Dolben's Act did little to reduce losses. The crew was largely isolated from patterns of disease among slaves.
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7

Molineux, C. "MAURIE D. MCINNIS. Slaves Waiting for Sale: Abolitionist Art and the American Slave Trade." American Historical Review 118, no. 2 (April 1, 2013): 516–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.2.516.

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8

Boylan, A. L. "Slaves Waiting for Sale: Abolitionist Art and the American Slave Trade. Maurie D. McInnis." MELUS: Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States 39, no. 2 (March 10, 2014): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlu001.

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9

Ivanov, Alexey. "Jews and Carolingians — Cooperation, Publicity, Slave Trade and Administrative Resource." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018804-3.

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The prohibitions on the possession of Christian slaves, adopted at the beginning of the 5th century, squeezed Jews out of the industrial sphere of activity, i.e. from agriculture and handicrafts, to trade and financial and economic services, previously not very revered in the Jewish environment. Since the trade of that period was predominantly the slave trade, Jews became the main slave traders of the early Middle Ages. The texts of sources of the 5th-7th centuries indicate that during this period of time Jewish merchants were not public and hid under Greek pseudonyms — Anthony, Vasily, Priscus. The Saxon Wars of Charlemagne, which began in 770, became manna from heaven for Jews - they gained access to the almost unlimited demographic resource of the pagans, whose sale in slavery was not limited to the Catholic Church. By gifts of Asian luxury items at the beginning of the 9th century Jews were able to significantly strengthen their position in the French court. In 825, Jews received official bulls from Louis the Pious on permission to sell foreign slaves (mancipia peregrina) to countries located “below our empire” (infra imperium nostrum). Here, for the first time, we see elements of publicity — the judgments contain the names of Rabbi Donatus and Samuel (most likely from Paris), David and Joseph from Lyon and Abram from Saragossa. From the letters of Bishop Agobard of Lyons for the period 826-828 follows that these permissions were not purely declarative — in the event of conflicts between Jewish slave traders and the local administration, a “Master of Jewish Affairs” (Iudęorum magister) arrived and settled the situation. In conclusion, we comment on the economy of the Elba-Cordoba slave trade route and give a brief overview of the Jewish slave trade of the 9—11th centuries.
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10

Nelson, Megan Kate. "Tracing Footsteps: Visual Art and the Landscape of the Slave Trade." Reviews in American History 41, no. 1 (2013): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2013.0000.

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11

Shepherd, Reginald. "Desire and the Slave Trade." Callaloo 17, no. 2 (1994): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2931767.

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12

Kamionowski, Jerzy. "“Dig, What Makes Your Mouth So Big?”: Off-Modern Nostalgia, Symbolic Cannibalism, and Crossing the Border of the Universal Language in Clarence Major’s “The Slave Trade: View from the Middle Passage”." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 52, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2017-0009.

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Abstract African American literature on the Middle Passage has always challenged white supremacy’s language with its power to define and control. This article demonstrates how the border of such a “Universal Language” is challenged and trespassed in Clarence Major’s ekphrastic poem “The Slave Trade: View from the Middle Passage” in order to communicate – through the implementation of the voice of a disembodied water spirit Mfu – the black perspective on understanding the slave trade and effectively resist the symbolic cannibalism of Western Culture. The trope of antropophagy often appears in Middle Passage poems in the context of (mis)communication (which results in the production of controlling, racist images of blacks) and stands as a sign of Euro-American power to create the historical, hierarchical, racial reality of the Atlantic slave trade in its economic and symbolic dimensions. The strategy implemented by Major in his poetic confrontation with representation of historical slave trade in European and American Fine arts may be classified as “off-modern” (to use Svetlana Boym’s (2001) nomenclature), which immediately places his poem in a “tradition of critical reflection on the modern condition that incorporates nostalgia” as a means of a critical analysis of the heritage and limitations of a given culture. My claim is that the poem’s “off-modern nostalgia” perspective is a version of textualist strategy which Henry Louis Gates (1988) identifies as Signifyin(g). Major/Mfu successfully perforates and destabilizes the assumed objectivity and neutrality of the images of blacks and blackness created and circulated within the realm of the visual arts of the dominant Western Culture. In “The Slave Trade: View from the Middle Passage” Signifyin(g) takes the form of what could be called an ekphrastic (re)interpretation of actual works of art and joins in the critique of essentialist views often associated with understanding of meaning.
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13

Meillassoux, Claude. "The Slave Trade and Development." Diogenes 45, no. 179 (September 1997): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219219704517903.

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14

Freitas, Judy Bieber. "Slavery and Social Life: Attempts to Reduce Free People to Slavery in the Sertão Mineiro, Brazil, 1850–1871." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 3 (October 1994): 597–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00008531.

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In 1859 the district attorney of Montes Claros, in a long dispatch to the provincial chief of police, enumerating the many evils prevailing in his jurisdiction, included ‘craven traffickers who abduct little free children of colour whom they trick and seduce with fruits and presents, to sell as if they were slaves, trading them for livestock or mere trinkets’. This complaint was not an isolated incident; it reflected a larger trade in free people of colour which took place in the sertão of northern Minas Gerais after the closing of the transatlantic slave trade in 1851 and before the passage of the law of the free womb in 1871. The internal trade in free persons ceased in the early 1870s, when mandatory slave matriculation made illicit transactions more detectable.
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15

Jones, Ebony. "“[S]old to Any One Who Would Buy Them”." Journal of Global Slavery 7, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2022): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00701007.

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Abstract The British Parliament passed the Slave Trade Abolition Act in 1807, making the transatlantic trade in human beings illegal. Intended to eliminate Atlantic high-sea slave trading, the 1807 Act placed limitations on how the merchant and planter class could move their human property between British holdings while also forbidding intercolonial slave trading. Included was an imperial-sanctioned exception to the rule—the “convict slave” clause—that allowed authorities in the British Caribbean to sell enslaved people to foreign colonies under transportation sentences allocated by colonial courts. This article pays particular attention to criminal transportation and its use to punish the enslaved. Execution of such sentences occurred at a time when Britain began its maritime abolition campaign and Spanish participation in the transatlantic slave trade simultaneously intensified. It provides evidence of operations of a local market in convicted enslaved people in Jamaica that was only possible because of the island’s intra-American slave trading connections with the Spanish Americas, and in particular, the commercial connections it held with the nearby-island of Cuba.
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16

Serebrennikova, А. V., and А. V. Staroverov. "Socio-criminological and legal nature of trafficking in human beings (the slave trade, the slave trade)." E-Journal of Dubna State University. A series "Science of man and society -, no. 1 (February 2020): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37005/2687-0231-2020-0-2-24-31.

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Human trafficking as a social phenomenon originated in the period of antiquity, the greatest spread reached in the early middle ages. Until the mid-19th century in many countries of the world, and in some countries until the mid-20th century, it was carried out quite legally. Modern trafficking in human beings, committed in the form of the purchase and sale of a person, his recruitment, transportation and concealment, is a criminal act, so it is carried out in disguise or completely hidden. Modern human trafficking dates back to ancient forms of the slave trade, which allows it to be defined as a modern form of slavery. Since the object of trafficking is currently a free person, it would be wrong to replace the terms trafficking in persons with slave trade, despite the fact that they are used as equivalent in international legal instruments.
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17

Scheidel, Walter. "Quantifying the Sources of Slaves in the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 87 (November 1997): 156–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301373.

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The relative importance of different sources of slaves in the Roman Empire during the Principate cannot be gauged from ancient texts. However, simple demographic models show that, for purely statistical reasons, natural reproduction made a greater contribution to the Roman slave supply than child exposure, warfare, and the slave trade taken together and was in all probability several times as important as any other single source. The most plausible projections also suggest that on average the incidence of manumission was rather low. By implication, overall fertility of ex-slaves in general and of freedwomen in particular would be low as well, which must have reduced their chances of acquiring legal privileges that accrued from sexual reproduction.
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18

Berry, Daina Ramey. "Slaves Waiting for Sale: Abolitionist Art and the American Slave Trade by Maurie D. McInnis (review)." American Studies 52, no. 2 (2013): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ams.2013.0007.

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19

Hudson, L. M. ""Inhuman Traffic: The Business of the Slave Trade." "Portraits, People, and Abolition." "Uncomfortable Truths: The Shadow of Slave Trading on Contemporary Art and Design"; and "Traces of the Trade: Discovery Trails Exploring the Links between Art, Design, and the Transatlantic Slave Trade."." Journal of American History 94, no. 3 (December 1, 2007): 886–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25095152.

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20

Henige, David. "Measuring the Immeasurable: The Atlantic Slave Trade, West African Population and the Pyrrhonian Critic." Journal of African History 27, no. 2 (July 1986): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700036689.

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No problem has exercised Africanists for so long and so heatedly as the slave trade. Now that any difference of opinion as to its morality has ended, debate tends to concentrate on its economic and political aspects, particularly on its magnitude and regional characteristics. In the past few scholarly generations, sophisticated statistical manipulations have supplied more evidence, but it has been concentrated on the number of slaves who arrived in the New World. Nonetheless, dearth of evidence (sometimes total) regarding the other components of the trade has not seemed to discourage efforts to arrive at global figures and, by extension, to determine its effects on African societies.The present paper asks why this should be so, and wonders how any defensible conclusions can ever be reached about almost any facet of the trade that can go beyond ideology or truism. It concludes that no global estimate of the slave trade, or of any ‘underdevelopment’ or ‘underpopulation’ it may have caused, are possible, though carefully constructed micro-studies might provide limited answers. Under the circumstances, to believe or advocate any particular set or range of figures becomes an act of faith rather than an epistemologically sound decision
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21

Browne, Ray B. "London: Metropolis of the Slave Trade." Journal of American Culture 27, no. 1 (March 2004): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1537-4726.2004.121_16.x.

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22

Walvin, James. "THE SLAVE TRADE, ABOLITION AND PUBLIC MEMORY." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (November 12, 2009): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440109990077.

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ABSTRACTThe bicentenary of the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act in 1807 prompted a remarkable wave of public commemorations across Britain. In contrast to the low-key events of 1907, 2007 saw a sustained and nation-wide urge to commemorate, publicise and discuss the Atlantic slave trade and its abolition. Government interest proved an important influence, and was reflected in a lively educational debate (resulting in changes to the National Curriculum.) This political interest may have stemmed from the parallel debate about modern human trafficking, and contemporary slave systems. Equally, the availability of funding (from the Heritage Lottery Fund) may have persuaded a host of institutions to devise exhibitions, displays and debates about events of 1807. Perhaps the most striking forms of commemoration were in broadcasting and publishing: the BBC was especially active. There were few regions or localities which remained unaffected by the year's commemorations.But why was there such interest? Was 1807, with the outlawing of an unquestioned evil, seen as a moment of national virtue? But if so, how are we to recall the role played by the British in the perfection of Atlantic slavery and the slave trade? The lively debates in 2007, from major national institutions to small local gatherings, revealed the problematic nature of abolition itself. After all, slavery survived, and even the slave trade continued after 1807. So what was important about 1807? The commemorations of 2007 raised public awareness about an important transformation in the British past; it also exposed those intellectual and political complexities about the ending of the Atlantic slave trade which have proved so fascinating to academic historians.
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23

Niane, Djibril Tamsir. "Africa's Understanding of the Slave Trade." Diogenes 45, no. 179 (September 1997): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219219704517906.

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24

Powell, Amy Knight. "Life and death according to the ‘episteme’ of the fort." Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek Online 72, no. 1 (November 14, 2022): 272–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22145966-07201010.

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Abstract In Amy Powell’s essay social death’ offers a prism through which to analyse the said painting and specifically what it conceals – namely, the bodies of Black Africans sold into the transatlantic slave trade from storerooms located immediately beneath the sumptuous chamber depicted here. Wilre, portrayed as director of the WIC at the Dutch fort of Elmina on the ‘gold coast’ of West Africa, profited hugely from this trade even as he obfuscated the source of his wealth in images like this portrait. Powell’s analysis asks us to consider how those basement storerooms, and victims of the slave trade they contained, are ever present in De Wit’s painting, even as they are not figuratively represented. Her reading of two pictures within this picture draws attention to those who have suffered social death. The embedded pictures appear to reflect back to aspects of Wilre’s experience at Elmina as well as the impossibility of fully seeing the bodies marked, dismembered, and ultimately annihilated through the slave trade.
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Brennan, Fernne. "Slave Trade Legacies, Reparations and Risk Allocation." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 8, no. 10 (2011): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v08i10/43040.

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26

Solar, Peter M., and Nicolas J. Duquette. "Ship Crowding and Slave Mortality: Missing Observations or Incorrect Measurement?" Journal of Economic History 77, no. 4 (November 24, 2017): 1177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050717001073.

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Inconsistent measurement of ship tonnage, the denominator in the usual measures of crowded conditions on slave vessels, may confound estimated associations between crowding and slave mortality on the Middle Passage. The tonnages reported inLloyd's Registersare shown to be consistent over time and are used to demonstrate that both the unstandardized and standardized tonnages in the Transatlantic Slave Trade Database are deeply flawed. Using corrected tonnages, we find that crowding increased mortality only on British slave ships and only before the passage of Dolben's Act in 1788.
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Sherwood, Marika. "Britain, the slave trade and slavery, 1808-1843." Race & Class 46, no. 2 (October 2004): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396804047726.

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Britain congratulated itself on having made trading in slaves illegal with the 1807 Act. While later legislation ostensibly strengthened the original Act’s provisions, there were persistent allegations, supported by evidence from the British Foreign and Anti-Slavery society among others, that British companies still profited from it. One of the few prosecutions against the owner of one such company, Pedro Zulueta, ended in his acquittal despite evidence to the contrary. The exploration of the economic, political and social factors underlying both trial and acquittal sheds light on the nineteenth-century British economy’s continuing semi-covert involvement in the trade.
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Clarence-Smith, William Gervase. "The dynamics of the African slave trade." Africa 64, no. 2 (April 1994): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160985.

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29

Chatelet, Luc. "Het Humanitaire Optreden van Leopold II in Kongo-Vrijstaat. De Anti-Slavernijconferentie van Brussel (1889-1890)." Afrika Focus 4, no. 1-2 (January 15, 1988): 5–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0040102002.

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The Humanitarian Action of Leopold II in Congo Free State. The Antislavery-Conference of Brussels (1889-1890). Already from the time he was a crown prince Leopold II dreamt of acquiring a colony. He firmly believed in the economic importance for the motherland of overseas territories. However, when he appeared on the African scene he presented himself as a champion of the struggle against slave trade. This disinterested humanitarian image was meant as a means of bypassing Belgian indifference towards colonization and also the foreign rivalry. But in Africa he was forced into an opportunist policy. A total lack of means left him no other choice but resorting to political and economic collaboration with the Arabs, who played a major role in the slave trade. It was at the moment when the European colonization met the Arabic resistance in East-Africa that Cardinal Lavigerie’s campaign called for renewed public interest in the struggle against the Arabic slave trade. Great Britain asked Belgium to summon a diplomatic conference on the subject, In 1889 seventeen nations gathered to discuss a whole range of measures to limit slave trade on land and sea, arms trade and liquor traffic. The hottest issue on the agenda was the imposition of import duties in the Congo bassin. The main obstacle to the introduction of these taxes was the Dutch opposition against the changing of the terms of the Berlin Act (1885). The General Brussels Act did not include import tax regulations. These were the subject of a separate declaration, which Leopold however managed to connect to the General Act in such a way that neither could be ratified singly. Hence, the customs committee, convened after the Brussels negotiations to define more clearly the import duties, was an essential factor in the Antislavery Conference. It was not until 1892 that all obstacles were overcome and the final discussions rounded off. The Brussels Antislavery Conference did not induce Leopold to come to grips with slave trade and did not alter his Arabic policy. For the sovereign the conference was primarily a matter of economy and taxes. He wanted his colony to have more promising financial prospects. His attitude was conditioned by the precarious budget of the Congo Free State. The conference fitted in his new economic policy which consisted in carrying out his domanial projects.
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Johnson, William. "Confrontations: Biùùtiful Cauntri and Traces of the Trade." Film Quarterly 62, no. 1 (2008): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2008.62.1.66.

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Abstract This essay reviews two documentaries: Biùùtiful Cauntri, an exposéé of waste-disposal criminality in the Naples area of Italy, and Traces of the Trade, in which members of New England family uncover their ancestors' deep involvement in the slave trade.
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Amin, Samir. "Trans-Saharan Exchange and the Black Slave Trade." Diogenes 45, no. 179 (September 1997): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219219704517904.

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Bénot, Yves. "The European Conscience and the Black Slave Trade." Diogenes 45, no. 179 (September 1997): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219219704517908.

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33

BENNETT, HERMAN L. "““Sons of Adam””: Text, Context, and the Early Modern African Subject." Representations 92, no. 1 (2005): 16–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2005.92.1.16.

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ABSTRACT Seeking to dislodge the prism that a singular political practice——represented as the story from savage to slave——informed the slave trade, this essay points to a distinct genealogy shaping the earliest encounters between Europeans and Africans.
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34

Maurie D. McInnis. "Mapping the Slave Trade in Richmond and New Orleans." Buildings & Landscapes: Journal of the Vernacular Architecture Forum 20, no. 2 (2013): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/buildland.20.2.0102.

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35

Inozemtseva, E. I. "DERBENT IN CULTURAL AND CIVILIZATION SPACE OF THE MIDDLE AGES: FEATURES AND PECULIARITIES." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (June 15, 2017): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch13214-22.

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The article covers the place and role of Derbent in the cultural and civilization space of the Medieval Caucasus. Basing on written sources, the author highlights important features and peculiarities of the town situated at the ‘eternal crossing’, its polyethnic nature was the main structure-forming factor and the cultural environment was a kind of symbiosis based on centuries of interaction of traditions of historically developed ethnic, confessional and social groups of townspeople. A certain negative balance in the historical and cultural process of Medieval Derbent was accounted for the slave trade. Traditionally being one of the transit centers of the slave trade in the Eastern Caucasus, in the 11th-13th centuries Derbent acquired the status of the most well-known and active slave trade market. During the process of Islamization, Dagestan people found themselves under direct influence of the Arab-Muslim civilization. Together with the religion, the rich scientific literature and fiction of the peoples of the Middle East came here and had an entirely fruitful influence on the development of spiritual life of the region. Representatives of the Muslim elite of Derbent were recognized authorities in the field of hadith science and Muslim law. Medieval Derbent was not only a religious but also a major center of spiritual culture, a kind of intellectual base and foundation of the local Muslim spiritual elite. The Arabic language and writing were critical for the formation of the local culture and science. In the comparative historical aspect, the development of Medieval Derbent had a strongly-pronounced specific character conditioned, first of all, by the centuries-old history of the town, which created unique conditions for the formation of the ethno-confessional composition of the town’s population, for the development of economic and social life. As polyethnicity was the main structure-forming factor in Derbent, it should be considered as a specific model of stable long-term interethnic interaction. For many centuries, Derbent was a well-known center of large-scale transit trade in the Eastern Caucasus. Realizing the natural needs of peoples for the exchange of goods, trade was a powerful factor of creation because it stimulated the development of crafts, science, art, development of new territories, and construction of towns. Trade was also an important factor of peace as it required political stability. At the same time, trade was a factor of dialogue culture, the culture of civilized communication, respect for customs and faith of partners in trade. An important feature of Derbent was its unique socio-cultural function: it was the center of not only economic, but also considerable cultural attraction.
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Maat, Harro, and Tinde van Andel. "The history of the rice gene pool in Suriname: circulations of rice and people from the eighteenth century until late twentieth century." Historia Agraria. Revista de agricultura e historia rural 75 (June 1, 2018): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.075e04m.

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Alongside the trans-Atlantic slave trade, plant species travelled from Africa to the Americas and back. This article examines the emerging rice gene pool in Suriname due to the global circulation of people, plants and goods. We distinguish three phases of circulation, marked by two major transitions. Rice was brought to the Americas by European colonizers, mostly as food on board of slave ships. In Suriname rice started off as a crop grown only by Maroon communities in the forests of the Suriname interior. For these runaway slaves cultivating several types of rice for diverse purposes played an important role in restoring some of their African culture. Rice was an anti-commodity that acted as a signal of protest against the slave-based plantation economy. After the end of slavery, contract labourers recruited from British India and the Dutch Indies also brought rice to Suriname. These groups grew rice as a commodity for internal and global markets. This formed the basis of a second transition, turning rice into an object of scientific research. The last phase of science-driven circulation of rice connected the late-colonial period with the global Green Revolution.
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37

Murray, D. R. "Slavery and the Slave Trade: New Comparative Approaches." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 1 (1993): 150–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100035160.

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Soucek, Svat, and Ehud R. Toledano. "The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression, 1840-1890." Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, no. 3 (July 1987): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603501.

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Miller, Shelley. "THE AZULEJO AS COLONIAL SYMBOL OF POWER: A DECONSTRUCTION THROUGH SUGAR AND ART." ARTis ON, no. 8 (December 30, 2018): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.37935/aion.v0i8.220.

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I create murals that look like azulejos, depicting caravels and many decorative features seen in traditional azulejos, but my murals are made entirely of sugar. I make the sugar tiles and hand paint them with edible inks. I am interested in the azulejo, specifically with imagery of ships, as a symbol of colonial power and of national pride (the Nation of Portugal), but only for the means to subvert this pride. I developed this work in Brazil, addressing the country’s history of colonization and the slave trade that supported Portugal’s sugar empire. I continue to use the blue tile reference, even outside the context of Brazil, because I want to reference the general construct of colonization and slavery, showing how oppression has found new forms. I install my ephemeral murals on city walls, where they wash away, fade, crumble and decay, animating a more realistic version of history.
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40

Gale, Richard. "Archibald MacLaren's “The Negro Slaves” and the Scottish Response to British Colonialism." Theatre Survey 35, no. 2 (November 1994): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400002805.

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As the end of the eighteenth century approached, Britain experienced many changes in power and prestige: the American colonies had broken away; the philosophy of expansionism and imperial domination was being attacked from within and without, and the primacy of the British fleet and trade organizations was fast becoming a thing of the past. All of these factors, and others, forced a mood of re-evaluation upon the British government and people. Throughout the empire and its colonies the discussion of the merits and morality of the slave trade, for example, reached previously unheard of proportions, as the newly-rediscovered sciences of free-trade economics, moral philosophy, and cultivation technology turned towards the examination of slavery. Nowhere was this more active and adamant than in the Scottish university cities, which had become the centers of intellectual and scientific thought and practice. Thus it is no surprise to find this thematic focus upon the newly strengthened and emboldened Scottish stage. One manifestation was Archibald MacLaren's The Negro Slaves, a play in which can be found the seeds and fruits of the Scottish Enlightenment as it relates to the British abolitionist movement, the economic shift in overseas trade, and the overall milieu of colonial perception.
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Olien, Michael D. "After the Indian Slave Trade: Cross-Cultural Trade in the Western Caribbean Rimland, 1816-1820." Journal of Anthropological Research 44, no. 1 (April 1988): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.44.1.3630124.

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42

Hendrix, Melvin K. "Africana Resources in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England." History in Africa 14 (1987): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171852.

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Beginning in the latter part of the sixteenth century British naval and shipping interests gradually emerged as one of the major maritime forces operating in African waters and, by the end of the eighteenth century, British shipping dominated the export slave trade. The establishment of colonial plantation economies in the Americas, the global expansion of British political and commercial interests resulting from the Napoleonic Wars, and the anti-slave trade suppression campaign in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century all brought British seafarers into intimate association with African peoples. This relationship became more intense with the scramble for colonial territories throughout the continent in the late nineteenth century.As a direct consequence of this extensive political and economic relationship a voluminous amount of documentary material exists. One of the principal depositories of this material is the National Maritime Museum (NMM) of Great Britain located in Greenwich, southeast of Central London. This essay reviews some of the documentary holdings found in the Library of the NMM, resources that scholars might find useful in reconstructing British maritime activities in relation to peoples of African descent. Located within the Museum its holdings include printed books and other printed materials, maps and atlases, rare and original manuscripts, ship's plans and drawings, collections on shipwrecks, piracy, and boats, together with various photographic and art collections. While the Library is free and open to the public, it is helpful to contact the Secretary of the NMM with a letter of introduction prior to a first visit.
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Diaz-Briquets, Sergio. "Book Review: World of Sorrow: The African Slave Trade to Brazil." International Migration Review 21, no. 3 (September 1987): 876–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838702100336.

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44

MINTZ, SIDNEY. "The Diligent: A Voyage through the Worlds of the Slave Trade." American Anthropologist 107, no. 1 (March 2005): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2005.107.1.150.

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45

Iswahyudi. "Raffles's observations of the arts of visual culture in Java during his reign in 1811-1816." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 8, no. 10 (October 26, 2021): 6671–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v8i10.08.

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Raffles introduced government directly in Java and tried to do various things that he considered useful for his government. It abolished the slave trade, forced labor and permanent surrender of cash crops, and gave farmers the freedom to choose their own crops to grow. Later he also introduced the land tenure system, which abolished the unpopular forced farming system established by the Dutch, in which crops were grown and handed over to the government. In addition, he ordered the restoration of the Borobudur temple and other temples, and allowed research related to these cultural buildings. During his reign, Raffles increased his knowledge of Javanese customs, history, beliefs, geography, and natural history and compiled information for a book which he would later publish. This has a very big influence when it is associated with the end of the British rule in Java, it has a direct and indirect impact on the development of information and appreciation of the reception of art and culture observers of the indigenous Javanese population from Europe. Keywords: Raffles, Java, art, culture, landrente, picture plate
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Collicott, Sylvia L. "The 200th Anniversary of the Slave Trade Abolition Act: a North London perspective." Race Equality Teaching 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/ret.26.1.05.

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Bruner, Edward M. "Routes of remembrance: refashioning the slave trade in Ghana - By Bayo Holsey." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 15, no. 2 (June 2009): 420–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9655.2009.01566_11.x.

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48

McCusker, M. "Troubling Amnesia: The Slave Trade in French and Francophone Literature and Culture." Eighteenth-Century Life 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-2010-039.

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Fromont, Cécile. "Paper, Ink, Vodun, and the Inquisition: Tracing Power, Slavery, and Witchcraft in the Early Modern Portuguese Atlantic." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 88, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 460–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfaa020.

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Abstract In 1730, the Inquisition of Lisbon arrested José Francisco Pereira, a man raised in West Africa and enslaved in Brazil then Portugal, who had learned along his transatlantic journeys the art of making amulets known in the eighteenth century Portuguese-speaking world as bolsas de mandinga. Mixing European esoteric material into objects of Afro-Atlantic agency, bolsa-makers such as José Francisco created objects of trustworthy might that brought empowerment and security of body and mind to a diverse clientele. The bolsas, as well as similar empowered objects created in Atlantic Africa reveal the deep and mutually transformative spiritual and material connections that the slave trade engendered between Europeans and Africans in the early modern period. Common concerns produced similar answers, not least newly defined or redefined notions of witchcraft and fetish and, more broadly, conceptions about the nature of power and its multivalent entanglements with the material world.
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Murray, D. R. "The Slave Trade and Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean." Latin American Research Review 21, no. 1 (1986): 202–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100021956.

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