Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Slave trade Slavery Nigeria / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Slave trade Slavery Nigeria.

Journal articles on the topic 'Slave trade Slavery Nigeria'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Slave trade Slavery Nigeria.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Ubah, C. N. "Suppression of the Slave Trade in the Nigerian Emirates." Journal of African History 32, no. 3 (November 1991): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031546.

Full text

Abstract:

This article has concentrated on the efforts made by the British colonial regime in Northern Nigeria to suppress the slave trade. It has shown that the slave trade disappeared gradually, in three phases. The first extended from 1900 to about 1908, the second lasted until about 1919, while the third continued until the disappearance of the slave trade at the end of the 1930s. The task of suppression was carried out by a variety of means: military, including the patroling of trade routes and policing of strategic locations; political and diplomatic, involving co-operation with other colonial powers in the area; and judicial, including arrest, prosecution and punishment of offenders. In all these efforts the colonial administration received assistance from the Native Authorities; by the third phase these Authorities and the Native Courts were the most active forces against slaving. The slave trade dealt to a very significant extent in children. In the environment in which the trade was conducted the dealers developed a range of tricks and subterfuges to evade detection by the law enforcement agencies. The long borders which the agencies had to patrol, the manpower problems which they faced, and the relative ease with which slaves could be obtained in times of adversity combined to make the struggle against slaving a protracted one. Time was not, however, on the side of the traders. Improvements in communications, a stronger administration, the growing effectiveness of patrols, and the deterrent effects of judicial action cut into and finally eliminated the slave trade.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Alpern, Stanley B. "What Africans Got for Their Slaves: A Master List of European Trade Goods." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171906.

Full text

Abstract:

A great deal has been written in recent decades about the Atlantic slave trade, including the mechanics and terms of purchase, but relatively little about what Africans received in return for the slaves and other exports such as gold and ivory. And yet, if one is trying to reconstruct the material culture of, say, the Guinea Coast of West Africa during the slave-trade period, the vast European input cannot be ignored.The written evidence consists of many thousands of surviving bills of lading, cargo manifests, port records, logbooks, invoices, quittances, trading-post inventories, account books, shipping recommendations, and orders from African traders. English customs records of commerce with Africa during the eighteenth century, when the slave trade peaked, alone contain hundreds of thousands of facts. A thorough analysis of all available data would call for the services of a research team equipped with computers, and fill many volumes. Using a portable typewriter (now finally abandoned for WordPerfect) and a card file, and sifting hundreds of published sources, I have over the years compiled an annotated master list of European trade goods sold on a portion of the Guinea Coast from Portuguese times to the mid-nineteenth century. The geographic focus is the shoreline from Liberia to Nigeria; from it more slaves left for the New World than from any comparable stretch of the African coast. I call the area “Kwaland” for the Kwa language family to which nearly all the indigenous peoples belong.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Taiwo, Rotimi. "The functions of English in Nigeria from the earliest times to the present day." English Today 25, no. 2 (May 26, 2009): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078409000121.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTThe use of the English language in Nigeria dates back to the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century when British merchants and Christian missionaries settled in the coastal towns called Badagry, near Lagos in the present day South Western Nigeria and Calabar, a town in the present day South Eastern Nigeria. The merchants initially traded in slaves until the slave trade was abolished in 1807, at which time freed slaves of Nigerian origin returned to the country. Many of them, who had been exposed to Western education and Christianity, later served as translators or interpreters for the Christian missionaries. The primary aim of the Christian mission was not to make their converts speak English; rather, it was to make them literate enough to read the bible in their indigenous languages. This must be the reason why Samuel Ajayi Crowder translated the English bible into Yoruba, the major language in South Western Nigeria.With the attainment of independence, English gradually grew to become the major medium for inter-ethnic communication. Like most African nations, the country, after independence, had to grapple with multi-ethnicity and acute multilingualism. In this article, we shall examine the expansion in the functions of English during the post-colonial period.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

UGO NWOKEJI, G., and DAVID ELTIS. "CHARACTERISTICS OF CAPTIVES LEAVING THE CAMEROONS FOR THE AMERICAS, 1822–37." Journal of African History 43, no. 2 (July 2002): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701008076.

Full text

Abstract:

On the basis of identifying the likely geographic origins of African names extracted from the Sierra Leone Liberated African registers, this essay estimates the provenance of the transatlantic slave trade that drew on the Cameroons estuary between 1822 and 1837. The sample, drawn from six separate vessels, is broken down by age and sex category and constitutes about 7 per cent of all Africans who left from the region in these years. It makes possible analysis of changes over time, comparisons of age and sex with distance between embarkation point and likely provenance zone, as well as interaction between Old Calabar and the Cameroons regions in the supply of slaves. The great majority of the captives originated within 200 miles of the coast and within 120 miles of the modern border with Nigeria.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Emanemua, Adebowale Bandele. "Human trafficking: a variant of the historic slave trade in contemporary Nigeria." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 5, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v5i3.21.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Elechi, Maraizu. "Western Racist Ideologies and the Nigerian Predicament." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 1 (2021): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du20213116.

Full text

Abstract:

Racism is responsible for discrimination against some citizens in Nigeria. It influences government's policies and actions and militates against equity and equal opportunity for all. It has effaced indigenous values and ebbed the country into groaning predicaments of shattered destiny and derailed national development. Racism hinges on superciliousness and the assumed superiority of one tribe and religion over the others. These bring to the fore two forms of racism in Nigeria: institutional and interpersonal racisms. The Western selfish motive to dominate, marginalize, and sustain economic gains, political expansion, psycho-mental control, and socio-cultural devaluations escalated racism in Nigeria. Racist ideologies were entrenched through the selfish ventures of slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism, which enforced an unprecedented unjust harvest of impugnable systemic practices. Neo-colonial forces continue to promote ethnocentrism, cultural imperialism, and the dehumanization, exploitation, oppression, and suppression of Africans. Adopting a methodical approach of critical analysis, this article spotlights the negative effects of racism on Nigeria's development. However, the bristling challenges of racist ideologies can be resolved within the epistemological compass of gynist deconstruction approach to human thought and action for a better universe of one human race.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Arasli, Huseyin, Maryam Abdullahi, and Tugrul Gunay. "Social Media as a Destination Marketing Tool for a Sustainable Heritage Festival in Nigeria: A Moderated Mediation Study." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (May 31, 2021): 6191. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13116191.

Full text

Abstract:

This study explored how social media is used as a destination marketing tool for the sustainability of heritage festival quality in Nigeria, drawing on the theory of planned behavior. The festival, which is an exploration of heritage, was specifically premeditated to celebrate the slave trade period by highlighting the unique connection of African American history to the diaspora ancestors who were literally taken away as slaves through “the point of no return” in Badagry, Nigeria. A structured questionnaire was utilized as a research instrument to gather information aimed at examining the influence of social media (SM), website quality (WQ), and online word of mouth (eWOM) on tourists’ festival satisfaction (FS) and festival revisiting intention (FRI). Data were gathered from samples of 473 diaspora tourists at Badagry Diaspora Festival in Nigeria and analyzed using partial least square structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM) with the aid of WarpPLS (7.0). The findings of the study revealed that social media (SM), festival quality (FQ), website quality (WQ), and electronic word of mouth (eWOM) had a positive and significant relationship with tourists’ festival satisfaction. Additionally, this study found that festival quality had a positive impact on the intention of the tourists to revisit the Badagry Diaspora Festival because tourist attitude is influenced by the socio-cultural background of tourists. Moreover, the result revealed the partial mediating effect of festival satisfaction in the relationship between (a) SM, (b) FQ, (c) WQ, and (d) eWOM and tourists’ festival satisfaction. Similarly, cultural motivation was also found to mediate the relationship between tourists’ festival satisfaction and festival revisiting intension (RI). Based on the findings, the implications of the festival sustainability and future research directions were discussed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Omonijo, Dare O., Michael C. Anyaegbunam, Chidozie B. Obiorah, Samuel N. C. Nwagbo, Caleb A. Ayedun, Victoria Ajibola Adeleke, Elizabeth I. Olowookere, Jonathan A. Odukoya, and Chioma Agubo. "Examining the Social Problem of Kidnapping as a Reaction Against Injustice in Nigeria." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2019-0029.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Although, studies have shown several cases of kidnapping in both developed and developing countries but the case of a developing country like Nigeria is seems to be pathetic and worrisome, largely because of its contributions to the ancient slave trade that greatly affected several Nigerians for many centuries in the past. With such awful experiences in the past and its contribution to backwardness of the human race, one would have thought that cases of kidnapping would never occur in Nigeria, but the reverse has been the case in the contemporary. Hence, several studies have emerged on the subject of kidnapping in recent times. However, it could be observed that these studies are strongly connected with rituals power, wealth and traditional purposes. While the nature of the Nigerian society which is characterised by injustice and its contributions to the menace of kidnapping has been hitherto neglected in academic literature. The present study intends to address this flaw in knowledge by addressing the three research questions raised. Being a review paper, the study engaged secondary data in collecting relevant information to analyse and illustrate questions raised. The study argues that if the current high level of injustice in Nigeria could be reduced, there may be a corresponding reduction in the cases of kidnapping.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Anderson, Richard. "Uncovering testimonies of slavery and the slave trade in missionary sources: the SHADD biographies project and the CMS and MMS archives for Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and the Gambia." Slavery & Abolition 38, no. 3 (September 22, 2016): 620–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2016.1223709.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Wild, Johanna. "The Currency of Memory: Ndidi Dike'sWaka-into-Bondageand the Materiality of the Slave Trade in Nigeria and Britain." Critical Interventions 10, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 237–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2016.1205386.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Gaudio, Rudolf P. "TRANS-SAHARAN TRADE: THE ROUTES OF ‘AFRICAN SEXUALITY’." Journal of African History 55, no. 3 (September 22, 2014): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000619.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe idea that homosexuality is ‘un-African’ is widely regarded, at least among Western scholars, as a myth concocted during the colonial era. The evidence adduced to support this consensus is largely convincing, but it does not account for all the features of contemporary African leaders’ homophobic discourses. In particular, it does not account for differences between Christian and Muslim rhetorics with respect to a putative ‘African sexuality’. Historical, ethnographic, and literary evidence suggests these differences can be traced in part to the trans-Saharan slave trade, which gave rise to racialized sexual tropes of blacks and Arabs that circulated and continue to circulate on both sides of the Sahara. In Nigeria and perhaps elsewhere, it seems that sexual stereotypes of Arabs and black Africans derived from both the trans-Saharan trade and European colonial rule have been respectively, if unevenly, mapped onto Muslims and Christians, in a way that hinders national integration. This is so even when the leaders of both groups seem to be in agreement, as when they join forces to condemn homosexuality. To ignore such religious, racial, and sexual contradictions is to ignore some of the major cultural faultlines within contemporary African nation-states and the continent overall.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

LAW, ROBIN. "THE SLOW SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE IN SOUTHEASTERN NIGERIA - The Abolition of the Slave Trade in Southeastern Nigeria, 1885–1950. By A. E. Afigbo. Rochester, NY:University of Rochester Press, 2006. Pp. xv+208. $75/£45 (isbn1-58046-242-1)." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (March 2008): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003472.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Afeadie, Philip Atsu. "Ambiguities of Colonial Law: the Case of Muhammadu Aminu, Former Political Agent and Chief Alkali of Kano." History in Africa 36 (2009): 17–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0002.

Full text

Abstract:

Colonial law in Africa involved European moral and legal codes representing some rules of western law, as well as elements of African customary law. However, the colonial situation embodying political and economic domination necessarily negated the ideal practice of the rule of law. Nevertheless, the need arose to introduce some aspects of western law and codes of administration, including salary and benefits schemes for African employees of the colonial government, and legal entitlements such as court trials for accused government employees. These considerations were deemed necessary, if at least to propitiate metropolitan critics of the colonial establishment. Also some rule of law was required for the organization of the colonial economy, including regulation of productive systems and commercial relations. As well, the need for indigenous support necessitated dabbling in indigenous customary conventions. In Muslim polities such as Kano in northern Nigeria, customary conventions included Islamic law.On the establishment of colonial rule in Kano, judicial administration was organized on three principal institutions, involving the resident's provincial court, the judicial council (emir's court), and the chief alkali's court in Kano City with corresponding district alkali courts. The resident's provincial court had jurisdiction over colonial civil servants, including African employees such as soldiers, police constables, clerks and political agents. Also, the provincial court was responsible for enforcing the abolition of the slave trade in the region. The judicial council, classified as “Grade A” court, was composed of the emir, thewaziri(chief legal counselor), the chiefalkaliof Kano (chief judge), theimam(the religious leader of Kano mosque), thema'aji(treasurer), and general assistants including some notable scholars of Kano city. The council adopted thesha'ria(Muslim law) and local Hausa custom, and its jurisdiction extended over “matters of violence, questions of taxation and administration, and cases involving property rights, whether over land, livestock, trade goods, or slaves.” On the issue of capital sentencing, the judicial council required the approval of the resident. The council was also prohibited from authorizing punishments involving torture, mutilation, or decapitation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Martino, Enrique. "Panya: Economies of Deception and the Discontinuities of Indentured Labour Recruitment and the Slave Trade, Nigeria and Fernando Pó, 1890s–1940s." African Economic History 44, no. 1 (2016): 91–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aeh.2016.0004.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Nana Opare Kwakye, Abraham. "Returning African Christians in Mission to the Gold Coast." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0203.

Full text

Abstract:

The transatlantic slave trade created an African diaspora in the Western world. Some of these diaspora Africans encountered and embraced the religion of their Western masters. Life in the Caribbean diaspora provided an opportunity for the nestling of ideas that were to shape the establishment of the Christian faith in Africa. Following the failures of European missionaries to make an impact in Africa in the early nineteenth century, freshly emancipated Christians from the Caribbean became agents of social transformation in the Gold Coast, Cameroun and Nigeria. Using archival records from Basel in Switzerland and Ghana, this paper explores the missionary initiative of Jamaican Christians who worked under the aegis of the Basel Evangelical Missionary Society from 1843 to 1918. It provides evidence that these Jamaican Christians became principal agents for the success of the Basel Mission's enterprise in the Gold Coast in the nineteenth century. The paper argues against a Eurocentric approach to mission historiography that has obviated the roles of Africans in the nineteenth century and demonstrates the legacy which these returning Africans have left the church in Africa.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

OFFIONG, EKWUTOSI ESSIEN. "LANGUAGE AND DISCOURSE IN NIGERIAN EDUCATION: HISTORIC IMPLICATION OF GENDER ISSUES." Society Register 3, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2019.3.4.03.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This paper examines the influence and power of language in education in Nigeria from the precolonial to colonial and post-colonial times. This is with regards to the effect of language on gender issues within the country. Nigeria, a country on the west coast of Africa is multi-ethnic with over 150 (one hundred and fifty) ethnic groups with their different indigenous languages and cultures. As a colony of the British, the Christian missionaries who first introduced western form of education in Nigeria used the British English language as a medium of communication and subsequently with the establishment of colonial administration in the country, English language was made the official language of the country. This paper contains a critical analysis of the use of English Language in the country and its implications on communication in social and economic interactions of individuals within the various communities across the country. It argues that the proliferation of the English language was through education of which the male gender benefitted more than their female counterparts due to the patriarchal dominance in the country. The data for the study was collated from random interviews and other written sources. The research discovered that the knowledge and ability to speak fluently and write the English language had a direct influence on the socio-political and economic status of individuals within the country. The women who benefitted from this were comparatively fewer than the men due to some prevailing conditions of what could be called in the present the subjugation of women the society. Critical discourse analysis is adopted for this study. It argues that English language dependency by Nigerians shows that forms of the colonial experience is still evident and these were all initiated during the past interactions with west through the transatlantic slave trade and colonial rule. This is because discourse as a social construct is created and perpetuated by the persons who have the language power and means of communication. The Nigerian family being of a conservative orientation derives its power directly from the father who is the patriarch of the family as obtained in the traditional set up of communities and the Nigerian society in general. This has grave effect on the opposite gender

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Heywood, Linda M. "Slave Trade and Slavery." Americas 46, no. 4 (April 1990): 531–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500076975.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

QUINAULT, ROLAND. "GLADSTONE AND SLAVERY." Historical Journal 52, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0900750x.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTWilliam Gladstone's views on slavery and the slave trade have received little attention from historians, although he spent much of his early years in parliament dealing with issues related to that subject. His stance on slavery echoed that of his father, who was one of the largest slave owners in the British West Indies, and on whom he was dependent for financial support. Gladstone opposed the slave trade but he wanted to improve the condition of the slaves before they were liberated. In 1833, he accepted emancipation because it was accompanied by a period of apprenticeship for the ex-slaves and by financial compensation for the planters. In the 1840s, his defence of the economic interests of the British planters was again evident in his opposition to the foreign slave trade and slave-grown sugar. By the 1850s, however, he believed that the best way to end the slave trade was by persuasion, rather than by force, and that conviction influenced his attitude to the American Civil War and to British colonial policy. As leader of the Liberal party, Gladstone, unlike many of his supporters, showed no enthusiasm for an anti-slavery crusade in Africa. His passionate commitment to liberty for oppressed peoples was seldom evident in his attitude to slavery.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Morgan, Kenneth. "Slavery and the transatlantic slave trade." International History Review 30, no. 4 (December 2008): 785–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2008.10416649.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Oostindie, Gert. "The slippery paths of commemoration and Heritage tourism: the Netherlands, Ghana, and the rediscovery of Atlantic slavery." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 79, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002501.

Full text

Abstract:

Reflects upon the commemoration of the Atlantic slave trade and American slavery. Author describes how the slave trade and slavery was recently "rediscovered", as a part of Dutch history, and he compares this to the attention to this history in other European countries once engaging in slavery. He argues that despite the fact that the history of the slave trade and slavery is worthy of attention in itself, contemporary political and social factors mainly influence attention to the slave trade and slavery, noting that in countries with larger Afro-Caribbean minority groups the attention to this past is greater than in other once slave-trading countries. He further deplores the lack of academic accuracy on the slave trade and slavery in slavery commemorations and in the connected search for African roots among descendants of slaves, and illustrates this by focusing on the role of Ghana, and the slave fortress Elmina there, as this fortress also has become a much visited tourist site by Afro-Americans. According to him, this made for some that Ghana represents the whole of Africa, while African slaves in the Caribbean, also in the Dutch colonies, came from various parts of Africa. Author attributes this selectivity in part to the relatively large Ghanaian community in the Netherlands.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Oostindie, Gert. "The slippery paths of commemoration and Heritage tourism: the Netherlands, Ghana, and the rediscovery of Atlantic slavery." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 79, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2005): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002501.

Full text

Abstract:

Reflects upon the commemoration of the Atlantic slave trade and American slavery. Author describes how the slave trade and slavery was recently "rediscovered", as a part of Dutch history, and he compares this to the attention to this history in other European countries once engaging in slavery. He argues that despite the fact that the history of the slave trade and slavery is worthy of attention in itself, contemporary political and social factors mainly influence attention to the slave trade and slavery, noting that in countries with larger Afro-Caribbean minority groups the attention to this past is greater than in other once slave-trading countries. He further deplores the lack of academic accuracy on the slave trade and slavery in slavery commemorations and in the connected search for African roots among descendants of slaves, and illustrates this by focusing on the role of Ghana, and the slave fortress Elmina there, as this fortress also has become a much visited tourist site by Afro-Americans. According to him, this made for some that Ghana represents the whole of Africa, while African slaves in the Caribbean, also in the Dutch colonies, came from various parts of Africa. Author attributes this selectivity in part to the relatively large Ghanaian community in the Netherlands.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Sellers, Patricia Viseur, and Jocelyn Getgen Kestenbaum. "Missing in Action." Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 517–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa012.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The slave trade prohibition is among the first recognized and least prosecuted international crimes. Deftly codified in, inter alia, the 1926 Slavery Convention, the 1956 Supplementary Convention, Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions (AP II), the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the norm against the slave trade — the precursor to slavery — stands as a peremptory norm, a crime under customary international law, a humanitarian law prohibition and a non-derogable human right. Acts of the slave trade remain prevalent in armed conflicts, including those committed under the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Shām (ISIS) Caliphate. Despite the slave trade’s continued perpetration and the prohibition’s peremptory status, the crime of the slave trade has fallen into desuetude as an international crime. Precursory conduct to slavery crimes tends to elude legal characterization; therefore, the slave trade fails to be prosecuted and punished as such. Several other factors, including the omission from statutes of modern international judicial mechanisms, may contribute to the slave trade crime’s underutilization. Also, the denomination of human trafficking and sexual slavery as ‘modern slavery’ has lessened its visibility. This article examines potential factual evidence of slave trading and analyses the suggested legal framework that prohibits the slave trade as an international crime. The authors offer that the crime of the slave trade fills an impunity gap, especially in light of recent ISIS-perpetrated harms against the Yazidi in Iraq. Therefore, its revitalization might ensure greater enforcement of one of the oldest core international crimes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Harrison, Thomas. "Classical Greek Ethnography and the Slave Trade." Classical Antiquity 38, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 36–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2019.38.1.36.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper draws upon analogy with better documented slave societies (the medieval Islamic world, and the 18th-century Caribbean) to argue, first, that the institution of slavery was a major factor in fostering a discourse on the differences among foreign peoples; and secondly, that Greek ethnographic writing was informed by the experience of slavery, containing implicit justifications of slavery as an institution. It then considers the implications of these conclusions for our understanding of Greek representations of the barbarian world and for Greek contact with non-Greeks.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Walvin, James. "Slavery, the Slave Trade and the Churches." Quaker Studies 12, no. 2 (March 2008): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/quaker.12.2.189.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Nettleford, Rex. "The trans-atlantic slave trade and slavery." UN Chronicle 44, no. 3 (January 15, 2008): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/cf7a6252-en.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Murray, David. "The slave trade, slavery and Cuban independence." Slavery & Abolition 20, no. 3 (December 1999): 106–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399908575288.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Bucy, E. "The Transatlantic Slave Trade and American Slavery." OAH Magazine of History 17, no. 3 (April 1, 2003): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/17.3.55.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Usman, Mohammed. "Impact of Employee Involvement in Trade Unions on Employee Well Being in Federal University Kashere Gombe State, Nigeria." Scholedge International Journal of Business Policy & Governance ISSN 2394-3351 5, no. 9 (April 4, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/journal.sijbpg050901.

Full text

Abstract:

<p>Effective trade unions in Nigeria play crucial roles in protecting the interest of their members. Without employee unions in Nigerian organization’s workers would be turned to slaves. Therefore, there is a need for employees to form unions for their welfare and well being. The paper aimed at examining the impact of employee involvement in trade unions on employee well being in Federal University Kashere of Gombe State Nigeria. Data were collected through interview and observation. The respondents of the study were the employees of Federal University Kashere who are members and some executives of ASUU, NASUU, SSANU and NAAT. Literature was reviewed through journal articles, bulletins, internet and prior knowledge on text books. The study found that the four trade unions in Federal University Kashere played significant roles in protecting the interest of their members which leads to the well being of the employees. The study recommended that the trade unions should seek for full certification from the national body to progress from an observer’s status in order to function fully. By pioneering research on staff unions in Federal University Kashere and adding on existing literature on trade unions, the paper contributes to knowledge.</p>

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Irving, T. B. "King Zumbi and the Male Movement in Brazil." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 397–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2577.

Full text

Abstract:

Three great regions of America deserve a Muslim's attedon because oftheir Islamic past: Brazil in South America; the Caribbean, which scarcely hasbeen explored in this tespect; and the United States. Over 12 percent of theUnited States' population, and even more in the Caribbean, is of African origin,whereas Brazil has a similar or greater proportion of African descent.The enslavement and transportation of Africans to the New World continuedfor another three or four centuries after the region's indigenous Indianpopulations had either been killed off or driven into the plains and wooc1s.While knowledge of the original African Muslims in Notth America is vaguely acknowledged, teseatch is still required on the West Indies. Brazil's case,however, is clearer due to its proud history of the Palmares republic, whichalmost achieved its freedom in the seventeenth century, and the clearly Islamicnineteenth-century Male movement. As a postscript, the Canudos movement in 1897 also contained some Islamic features.In the Spanish colonies, the decline of the indigenous Indian populationsbegan quickly. To offset this development, Bartolome de Las Casas (1474-1566), Bishop of Chiapas, Mexico, suggested the importation of enslavedAfricans to the new colonies, whete they could then be converted to Christianity.Few persons have exercised such a baneful effect on society as thisman, who is often called the "Apostle of the Indies." However, othes knewhim as the "Enslaver of Africans," especially the Muslims, who he called"Moots." These facts of African slavery apply to almost all of the Atlanticcoast of the Americas, from Maryland and Virginia to Argentina, as well asto some countries along the Pacific coast such as Ecuador and Peru. If thisaspect of Muslim history and the Islamic heritage is to be preserved for humanhistory, we need to devote more study to it.This tragedy began in the sixteenth century and, after mote than four hundredyears, its effects are still apparent. If those Africans caught and sold intoslavery were educated, as many of them were, they were generally Muslimsand wrote in Arabic. Thus, many educated and literate slaves kept the recordsfor their sometimes illiterate plantation masters, who often could not read ormake any mathematical calculations, let alone handle formal bookkeeping.In 1532, the first permanent European settlement was established in Brazil,a country which since that date has never been wholly cut off from WestAfrica: even today trade is carried on with the Guinea coast. Yoruba influencefrom Nigeria and Benin has been almost as pervasive in some regions of ...

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Craemer, Thomas. "International Reparations for Slavery and the Slave Trade." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 7 (June 4, 2018): 694–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718779168.

Full text

Abstract:

This article compares German Holocaust reparations with reparations regarding slavery and the slave trade in the United States and beyond. I review many historical reparations measures (proposed and realized) making them comparable in 2016 U.S. dollars. Based on slave-ship manifests, I investigate how reparations for the slave trade may be distributed. I propose that European slave-trade reparations could be used in Africa and the New World to indemnify the descendants of the formerly enslaved. Total and per-recipient amounts provide a wide range for possible negotiations. They range from only US$71.08 per recipient demanded by James Forman in 1969 to US$3.6 million per recipient actually paid by the descendants of Haiti’s enslaved to the descendants of their former oppressors. The German example suggests that a political solution can be worked out if the representatives of the perpetrating side reach out to the representatives of the victimized side for negotiations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Saccal, Alessandro. "Fathoming Slavery." International Journal of Finance & Banking Studies (2147-4486) 10, no. 2 (June 27, 2021): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijfbs.v10i2.1225.

Full text

Abstract:

Wherever dechristianisation could not have possibly materialised, in those polities which abandoned God to start with, since the Fall to the eschaton, slavery was never substantially execrated, having continued to this day, net of abolitionism, in globalisation. Thence the perduring Arab slave trade over one millennium and the improbability of an end to the Atlantic one absent abolitionism, which would have withal flowed indeed into globalisation. No sooner was Western Europe by contrast dechristianised at heart, in the tares of Protestantism, than the internal slave raids ended together with the tutelage of feudalism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Johnstone, Owain. "Legal object commentary: anti-slavery medallion." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 68, no. 3 (November 7, 2017): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v68i3.40.

Full text

Abstract:

This anti-slavery medallion was cast in 1787, based on the symbol of the London Society for the Suppression of the Slave Trade. It was a key object and image within the movement to abolish the slave trade in Britain. The medallion conveys a particular understanding of the slave trade as a social problem (such as assuming the vulnerability and passivity of the slave). Consequently, the medallion speaks to recent literature on the social construction of social problems. That literature, however, has tended to focus on the role of discourse in problem construction – rather than material objects like the medallion. This article interrogates the nature of the medallion as a material problem representation, bringing it into dialogue with discursive representations of a related contemporary issue: human trafficking. The article suggests ways in which the medallion challenges and develops those discursive representations. It concludes that the material dimension of the representation – and construction – of social problems is easily overlooked despite its significance, and that it merits further investigation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Chakraborty, Titas, and Matthias van Rossum. "Slave Trade and Slavery in Asia—New Perspectives." Journal of Social History 54, no. 1 (2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shaa004.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Recent years have witnessed an expanding body of scholarship indicating the importance of slave trade and slavery in different parts of the Indian Ocean and Indonesian archipelago worlds. This work has not only challenged the dominant focus of slavery scholarship on the Atlantic context but has also encouraged scholars to reassess wider perspectives on Asian and global social histories. This special issue brings together contributions that explore these new horizons. Together, they take up the issue of slavery and mobility in different parts of the Indian Ocean and Indonesian archipelago worlds from a comparative perspective, dealing not only with the existence and patterns of slave trade itself but also with its social and sociopolitical implications. These articles require us to rethink some of the dominant perspectives in a historiography that for a long time has emphasized the unique and local character of “Asian” slaveries, positing dichotomies between slavery in the Atlantic and elsewhere, as well as between Western and non-Western slaveries. The contributions to this special issue challenge several of these existing dichotomies and provide new contributions to the understanding of the role and importance of slavery from a global perspective, as well as to the history of the Indian Ocean and Indonesian archipelago worlds. This introduction reflects on this collective contribution and aims to provide an outline for a relevant research agenda.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Burnard, Trevor. "Slaves and Slavery in Kingston, 1770–1815." International Review of Social History 65, S28 (February 21, 2020): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000073.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractHistorians have mostly ignored Kingston and its enslaved population, despite it being the fourth largest town in the British Atlantic before the American Revolution and the town with the largest enslaved population in British America before emancipation. The result of such historiographical neglect is a lacuna in scholarship. In this article, I examine one period of the history of slavery in Kingston, from when the slave trade in Jamaica was at its height, from the early 1770s through to the early nineteenth century, and then after the slave trade was abolished but when slavery in the town became especially important. One question I especially want to explore is how Kingston maintained its prosperity even after its major trade – the Atlantic slave trade – was stopped by legislative fiat in 1807.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Manning, Patrick. "Slavery and the Slave Trade in Colonial Africa." Journal of African History 31, no. 1 (March 1990): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024828.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Omotoso, Tunji. "Slavery, Slave Trade and Reparation Movement in Africa." History Research 2, no. 1 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.history.20140201.11.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Minkema, Kenneth P. "Jonathan Edwards on Slavery and the Slave Trade." William and Mary Quarterly 54, no. 4 (October 1997): 823. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953884.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Giulia Bonacci and Alexander Meckelburg. "Revisiting Slavery and the Slave Trade in Ethiopia." Northeast African Studies 17, no. 2 (2017): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.17.2.0005.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Walsh, L. S. "The Transatlantic Slave Trade and Colonial Chesapeake Slavery." OAH Magazine of History 17, no. 3 (April 1, 2003): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/17.3.11.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Sherwood, Marika. "Britain, the slave trade and slavery, 1808-1843." Race & Class 46, no. 2 (October 2004): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396804047726.

Full text

Abstract:

Britain congratulated itself on having made trading in slaves illegal with the 1807 Act. While later legislation ostensibly strengthened the original Act’s provisions, there were persistent allegations, supported by evidence from the British Foreign and Anti-Slavery society among others, that British companies still profited from it. One of the few prosecutions against the owner of one such company, Pedro Zulueta, ended in his acquittal despite evidence to the contrary. The exploration of the economic, political and social factors underlying both trial and acquittal sheds light on the nineteenth-century British economy’s continuing semi-covert involvement in the trade.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Collins, Gregory M. "Edmund Burke on slavery and the slave trade." Slavery & Abolition 40, no. 3 (April 21, 2019): 494–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2019.1597501.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Reece, Robert L. "Whitewashing Slavery: Legacy of Slavery and White Social Outcomes." Social Problems 67, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spz016.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractLegacy of slavery research has branched out into an important new niche in social science research by making empirical connections between the trans-Atlantic slave trade and contemporary social outcomes. However, the vast majority of this research examines black-white inequality or black disadvantage without devoting corresponding attention to the other side of inequality: white advantage. This study expands the legacy of slavery conversation by exploring whether white populations accrue long-term benefits from slave labor. Specifically, I deploy historical understandings of racial boundary formation and theories of durable inequality to argue that white populations in places that relied more heavily on slave labor should experience better social and economic outcomes than white population in places that relied less on slave labor. I test this argument using OLS regression and county-level data from the 1860 United States Census, the 2010–2014 American Community Survey (ACS), and the 2014 United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service (USDA ERS). The results support my hypothesis. Historical reliance on slave labor predicts better white outcomes on five of six metrics. I discuss the implications of these findings for race, slavery, whiteness studies, and reparations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Luban, Daniel. "Hobbesian Slavery." Political Theory 46, no. 5 (October 6, 2017): 726–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591717731070.

Full text

Abstract:

Although Thomas Hobbes’s critics have often accused him of espousing a form of extreme subjection that differs only in name from outright slavery, Hobbes’s own striking views about slavery have attracted little notice. For Hobbes repeatedly insists that slaves, uniquely among the populace, maintain an unlimited right of resistance by force. But how seriously should we take this doctrine, particularly in the context of the rapidly expanding Atlantic slave trade of Hobbes’s time? While there are several reasons to doubt whether Hobbes’s arguments here should be taken at face value, the most serious stems from the highly restricted definition that he gives to the term “slave,” one that would seem to make his acceptance of slave resistance entirely hollow in practice. Yet a closer examination of Hobbes’s theory indicates that his understanding of slavery is less narrow than it might initially appear—and thus that his argument carries a genuine political bite.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Huzzey, Richard. "THE MORAL GEOGRAPHY OF BRITISH ANTI-SLAVERY RESPONSIBILITIES." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 22 (December 2012): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440112000096.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTBy examining British anti-slavery debates across a longue durée – before and after West Indian emancipation – the basis of moral responsibility for political action may be reassessed. Recent interest in humanitarian or transnational compassion may have underappreciated the geographical limitations of the moral responsibility Britons assumed for slavery and the slave trade. The notion of national complicity was crucial in mobilising individual Britons to petition, abstain from slave-grown produce or otherwise pressure parliament. While the peculiar aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars created a British responsibility for other nations’ slave trading, there was little comparable appetite for the internationalising responsibility for the slave-labour origins of traded goods. This meant that transnational obligations to police the slave trade did not translate into concern about the slave production behind overseas trade. By tracing these national debates over time, it is possible to discern the dominant and recessive arguments for how and when moral revulsion should translate into political action by Britons and the British state. This suggests a need to revisit scholarly conclusions about abolitionist campaigning, the basis of moral responsibility for slavery, and the antecedents of modern consumer responsibility.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Emmer, Pieter. "Regimes of Memory: the Case of the Netherlands." European Review 21, no. 4 (October 2013): 470–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871300046x.

Full text

Abstract:

The Netherlands is not known for its opposing regimes of memory. There are two exceptions to this rule: the history of the German Occupation during the Second World War and the Dutch participation in the Atlantic slave trade and slavery. The relatively low numbers of survivors of the Holocaust in the Netherlands, as well as the volume and the profitability of the Dutch slave trade and slavery, and the importance of slave resistance in abolishing slavery in the Dutch Caribbean have produced conflicting views, especially between professional historians and the descendants of slaves living in the Netherlands.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Bailey, Ronald. "The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England." Social Science History 14, no. 3 (1990): 373–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002085x.

Full text

Abstract:

The significance of the slave trade and slavery-related commerce—what I will call the slave(ry) trade—in contributing to the development of colonial America and the United States has been a persistent theme in the work of Afro-American scholars. Two scholars in particular should be cited in this regard. W. E. B. DuBois (1896: 27) pointed out that slave labor was not widely utilized because the climate and geography of New England precluded the extensive development of agriculture: “The significance of New England in the African slave-trade does not therefore lie in the fact that she early discountenanced the system of slavery and stopped importation; but rather in the fact that her citizens, being the traders of the New World, early took part in the carrying slave trade and furnished slaves to the other colonies.” DuBois’s account of the role of Massachusetts and of Rhode Island, which later became “the clearing house for the slave trade of other colonies,” was similar to what was popularized as the “triangular trade” thesis.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Hammond, Lauren. "Book Review: A.E Afigbo, (2006) The Abolition of the Slave Trade in Southeastern Nigeria, 1885—1950. Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2006. pp 129 + Appendix, Index and Illustrations. ISBN: 9781580462426. Price: US$75 (hbk)." Journal of Asian and African Studies 43, no. 2 (April 2008): 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607087222.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Hall, Catherine. "TROUBLING MEMORIES: NINETEENTH-CENTURY HISTORIES OF THE SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVERY." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 21 (November 4, 2011): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440111000077.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the memories and histories of the slave trade and slavery produced by three figures, all of whom were connected with the compensation awarded to slave owners by the British government in 1833. It argues that memories associated with slavery, of the Middle Passage and the plantations, were deeply troubling, easier to forget than remember. Enthusiasm for abolition, and the ending of ‘the stain’ upon the nation, provided a way of screening disturbing associations, partially forgetting a long history of British involvement in the slavery business. Yet remembering and forgetting are always interlinked as different genres of text reveal.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

AHMAD, ABDUSSAMAD H. "TRADING IN SLAVES IN BELA-SHANGUL AND GUMUZ, ETHIOPIA: BORDER ENCLAVES IN HISTORY, 1897–1938." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007458.

Full text

Abstract:

Like other empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, expansion and slavery went hand in hand in Ethiopia, contrary to imperial justifications based on the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian empire incorporated the northwestern border enclaves of Bela-Shangul and Gumuz into greater Ethiopia. Having obtained the subordination of the local Muslim warlords, the emperor then demanded tribute from them in slaves, ivory and gold. Slaves were used as domestics in the imperial palace at Addis Ababa and the houses of state dignitaries and as farm labor on their farms elsewhere in the country. Responding to the demands of the central government as well as their own needs, borderland chiefs raided local villages and neighbouring chiefdoms for slaves. Expanding state control thus led to intensified slave raiding and the extension of the slave trade from the borderlands into the centre of the empire in spite of Ethiopia's public commitment to end slavery and the slave trade as a member of the League of Nations. The end of slavery in Ethiopia only came with the Italian occupation in 1935.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Vos, Jelmer, and Paulo Teodoro de Matos. "The Demography of Slavery in the Coffee Districts of Angola, c. 1800–70." Journal of African History 62, no. 2 (July 2021): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000396.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article uses demographic data from nineteenth-century Angola to evaluate, within a West Central African setting, the widely accepted theory that sub-Saharan Africa's integration within the Atlantic world through slave and commodity trading caused significant transformations in slavery in the subcontinent. It specifically questions, first, whether slaveholding became more dominant in Angola during the last phase of the transatlantic slave trade; second, whether Angolan slave populations were predominantly female; and third, whether slavery in Angola expanded further during the cash crop revolution that accompanied the nineteenth-century suppression of the Atlantic slave trade. Besides making a significant contribution to understanding the demographic context of slavery in the era of abolition, the article aims to display ways in which historians can use the population surveys the Portuguese Empire carried out in Africa from the late eighteenth century.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!