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1
Meel, Peter. "Anton de Kom and the Formative Phase of Surinamese Decolonization." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2009): 249–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002453.
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Wij slaven van Suriname (We slaves of Suriname) by Anton de Kom (1898-1945) stands out as one of the classics of Surinamese historiography and one of the most debated books among contemporary scholars involved in Surinamese studies. In this article I argue that Wij slaven van Suriname marks a new stage in Surinamese history writing and a novel way of dealing with the Surinamese past. To determine the characteristics of the book and its contribution to Caribbean historiography I juxtapose Wij slaven van Suriname with two other groundbreaking works in Caribbean political thought: Capitalism and Slavery by Eric Williams (1911-81) and The Black Jacobins by C.L.R. James (1901-89). The three works display many similarities, but also important differences. In my opinion De Kom’s hitherto surprisingly weak Caribbean profile is not justified given that his work represents the formative phase of Surinamese decolonization. It therefore deserves a prominent place in twentieth-century Caribbean history writing.
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Čepo, Dario. "Slaven Ravlić: Liberalna demokracija. Izazovi i iskušenja." Drustvena istrazivanja 27, no. 2 (June 29, 2018): 367–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5559/di.27.2.10.
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Geiger Zeman, Marija. "Book Review Slaven Ravlić: Svjetovi ideologije. Uvod u političke ideologije." Drustvena istrazivanja 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2013): 379–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5559/di.22.2.09.
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Rounthwaite, Adair. "Citizen Action: Political Performance after Yugoslavia." TDR/The Drama Review 63, no. 2 (June 2019): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00838.
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Post–2000, the space of what was formerly socialist Yugoslavia saw the rise of politicized performance practices that interrogate the nation and national identity. The performance works of Grupa Spomenik (The Monument Group), Slaven Tolj, and the three artists who changed their names to Janez Janša all ask what it means to be a citizen, specifically by engaging with commemoration as a paradigmatic act of citizenship.
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Whitmer, Susan. "An Interview with Slaven Zivkovic on the 10th Anniversary of LibGuides." Public Services Quarterly 13, no. 4 (September 12, 2017): 281–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15228959.2017.1371095.
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Rogers, Andrew. "The Short & Curly Guide to Life, by Matt Beard and Kyla Slaven." Journal of Philosophy in Schools 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2020): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.46707/jps.v7i.113.
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Behrendt, Stephen D. "The Journal of an African Slaver, 1789-1792, and the Gold Coast Slave Trade of William Collow." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171908.
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In 1929 the American Antiquarian Society published an eighty-three-page manuscript that describes commercial transactions for slaves, ivory, and gold on the Gold and Slave Coasts from 1789 to 1792. George Plimpton owned this manuscript. As it includes a slave-trading ledger of the schooner Swallow, Plimpton entitled the manuscript “The Journal of an African Slaver.” The “journal” is one of the few published documents in the English language that specifies financial transactions for slaves between European and African traders on the coast of Africa during the late eighteenth century.In his four-page introduction to the journal Plimpton stated that:The name of the ship engaged in the traffic was the schooner ‘Swallow,’ Capt. John Johnston, 1790-1792. There is a reference to a previous voyage when ‘Captain Peacock had her,’ also some abstracts of accounts kept by Capt. David McEleheran in 1789 of trade in gold, slaves and ivory on the Gold Coast. None of these names can be identified as to locality, and there is, of course, the possibility, especially taking into consideration the English nature of the cargo bartered, that the vessel was an English slaver.The journal was included with some mid-nineteenth century South Carolina plantation accounts when it was purchased at an auction in New York, thus suggesting to Plimpton that the journal's author was perhaps a “South Carolinian who made this trip to Africa.”In this research note I will identify the various vessels and traders mentioned in this manuscript by referring to the data-set I have assembled from other sources concerning the slave trade during this period. We will seethat Plimpton's “journal” is a set of account books owned by the Gold Coast agents of London and Havre merchant William Collow. I then will discuss the importance of Collow as a merchant and shipowner in the late eighteenth-century British slave trade.
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Hezser, Catherine. "The Impact of Household Slaves on the Jewish Family in Roman Palestine." Journal for the Study of Judaism 34, no. 4 (2003): 375–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006303772777026.
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AbstractIn late antiquity most of the slaves owned by Jewish slave owners in Roman Palestine seem to have been domestic slaves. These slaves formed an integral part of the Jewish household and played an important role within the family economy. In a number of respects the master-slave relationship resembled the wife-husband, child-father, and student-teacher relationships, and affectionate bonds between the slave and his master (or nursling) would have an impact on relationships between other members of the family. Master and slave were linked to each other through mutual ties of dependency which counteracted the basic powerlessness of slaves. On the other hand, slaves had to suffer sexual exploitation and were considered honorless. Rabbinic sources reveal both similarities and differences between Jewish and Graeco-Roman attitudes toward slaves. The Jewish view of the master-slave relationship also served as the basis for its metaphorical use.
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Sikainga, Ahmad A. "The Paradox of the Female Slave Body in the Islamic Legal System: The Cases of Morocco and Sudan." Hawwa 9, no. 1-2 (2011): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920811x578557.
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AbstractThis chapter is concerned with the way in which Muslim jurisprudence dealt with the body of female slaves in two Muslim societies: Morocco and the Sudan. While the depiction and the representation of the slave body have generated a great deal of debate among scholars working on slavery in the New World, this subject has received little attention amongst both Islamicists and Africanists. The literature on slavery in the American South and in the Caribbean has shown that the depiction of the slave body reveals a great deal about the reality of slavery, the relations of power and control, and the cultural codes that existed within the slave societies. The slave physical appearance and gestures were used to distinguish between the slaves and free and to justify slavery. Throughout the Americas slaves were routinely branded as a form of identification right up to the eighteenth century. Although the body of the slaves from both sexes was subjected to the same depiction, the treatment of female slaves deserves further exploration. As many scholars have argued, slave women suffer the double jeopardy of being both a slave and a woman. Moreover, the body of the female slave in Muslim societies is of particular significance as many of them were used for sexual purposes, as mistresses and concubines. The chapter shows that the reproductive role of female slaves became a major justice issue, particularly in their struggle for freedom.
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Stilwell, Sean, Ibrahim Hamza, and Paul E. Lovejoy. "The Oral History of Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: An Interview with Sallama Dako." History in Africa 28 (2001): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172218.
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A powerful community of royal slaves emerged in Kano Emirate in the wake of Usman dan Fodio's jihad (1804-08), which established the Sokoto Caliphate. These elite slaves held administrative and military positions of great power, and over the course of the nineteenth century played an increasing prominent role in the political, economic, and social life of Kano. However, the individuals who occupied slave offices have largely been rendered silent by the extant historical record. They seldom appear in written sources from the period, and then usually only in passing. Likewise, certain officials and offices are mentioned in official sources from the colonial period, but only in the context of broader colonial concerns and policies, usually related to issues about taxation and the proper structure of indirect rule.As the following interview demonstrates, the collection and interpretation of oral sources can help to fill these silences. By listening to the words and histories of the descendents of royal slaves, as well as current royal slave titleholders, we can begin to reconstruct the social history of nineteenth-century royal slave society, including the nature of slave labor and work, the organization the vast plantation system that surrounded Kano, and the ideology and culture of royal slaves themselves.The interview is but one example of a series of interviews conducted with current and past members of this royal slave hierarchy by Yusufu Yunusa. As discussed below, Sallama Dako belonged to the royal slave palace community in Kano. By royal slave, we mean highly privileged and powerful slaves who were owned by the emir, known in Hausa as bayin sarki (slaves of the emir or king).
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Brown, Carolyn A. "Testing the Boundaries of Marginality: Twentieth-Century Slavery and Emancipation Struggles in Nkanu, Northern Igboland, 1920–29." Journal of African History 37, no. 1 (March 1996): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034794.
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In 1914 the Enugu Government Colliery and the construction of its railway link to the Biafran coast used slave-owning chiefs as labor recruiters. Although aware of slavery in the Nkanu clan area the state simply outlawed the slave trade and excessive treatment but left it to slaves to secure their ‘freedom’. Nkanu slavery was unusually pervasive, incorporating over half of some villages, with few opportunities for manumission or marriage to the freeborn. Severe ritualistic proscriptions excluded slave men from village politics. But forced labor destabilized slavery, causing unrest which reached crisis proportions in the fall of 1922. The revolt presents a unique opportunity for historical study of the goals, ideology and strategies of indigenous slave populations creating ‘freedom’ within the emergent colonial order.When owners demanded slaves' wages, the slaves resisted and demanded full social and political equality with the freeborn. Slaves who remained in the village struggled to provision Enugu's urban working class. For both slavery hindered opportunities in the colonial economy. In retaliation owners evicted slave families, increased their labor requirements and unleashed a reign of terror, abduction and sacrifice of slave women and children. By the fall of 1922 local government collapsed forcing the state to develop a policy on emancipation. It is significant that this struggle converted the slaves from a scattered subordinate group of patrilineages to an aggressive and cohesive community.
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Scheidel, Walter. "Human Mobility in Roman Italy, II: The Slave Population." Journal of Roman Studies 95 (November 2005): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000005784016270.
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In this paper, I seek to delineate the build-up of the Italian slave population. My parametric model revolves around two variables: the probable number of slaves in Roman Italy, and the demographic structure of the servile population. I critique existing estimates of slave totals and propose a new ‘bottom-up’ approach; discuss the probable sex ratio, mortality regime and family structure of the Italian slaves; and advance a new estimate of the overall volume of slave transfers. I argue that the total number of slaves in Roman Italy did not exceed one-and-a-half million, and that this population had been created by the influx of between two and four million slaves during the last two centuries B.C.
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Heinze, Jürgen, Robin J. Stuart, Thomas M. Alloway, and Alfred Buschinger. "Host specificity in the slave-making ant Harpagoxenus canadensis M. R. Smith." Canadian Journal of Zoology 70, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/z92-024.
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The slave-making ant Harpagoxenus canadensis frequently parasitizes two host species in the genus Leptothorax (subgenus Leptothorax s.str.) which are part of the L. "muscorum" complex and are currently referred to as Leptothorax sp. A and Leptothorax sp. B. A sympatric member of this subgenus, L. retractus, is rarely enslaved. Of 48 complete slave-maker colonies from various sites, 26 contained only Leptothorax sp. A slaves (54.2%), 11 contained only Leptothorax sp. B slaves (22.9%), and 11 contained slaves of both species (22.9%). Of 65 partial slave-maker colonies from one site, 10 contained only Leptothorax sp. A slaves (15.4%), 55 contained only Leptothorax sp. B slaves (84.6%), and none contained slaves of both species. Leptothorax retractus was common at some sites but was never found as a slave in this study. Differences in host-utilization patterns within and between populations might reflect differing host densities but could be influenced by genetic or learned predispositions of the parasites or differential interspecific compatibilities among the various species. Possible collector bias must also be considered. Female reproductives of the host species (n = 13) were occasionally found in slave-maker nests. Most of these were Leptothorax sp. A intermorphs (workerlike females; n = 11) and were inseminated but not egg laying. The only Leptothorax sp. A gynomorph (a primarily winged female) was uninseminated and not egg laying, and the only Leptothorax sp. B gynomorph could not be dissected.
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Goodloe, Linda, Raymond Sanwald, and Howard Topoff. "Host Specificity in Raiding Behavior of the Slave-Making Ant Polyergus Lucidus." Psyche: A Journal of Entomology 94, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1987): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/1987/47105.
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In the pine barrens of Suffolk County, New York, at least three species of Formica (subgenus Neoformica) are used as slaves by the obligatory slave-making ant Polyergus lucidus. In any single nest, however, only one slave species may be found. This contrasts with the sympatric, facultative slave-making ants of the genus Formica (subgenus Raptiformica) in which single colonies often contain two or more species of slaves. The slave species exclusivity of P. lucidus might result in two ways: (1) raids could be made to only one slave species of the four available; or (2) raids could be made to more than one slave species, but the captured pupae could be consumed differentially by the resident slaves, favoring the survival to eclosion of only one slave species. This paper reports the results of a study demonstrating that colonies of P. lucidus will, if given a choice, raid only colonies of the slave species already present in the mixed nest. Since scouts typically lead nestmates to target Formica nests (Cool- Kwait & Topoff, 1984), this selective process must occur through the perceptions and actions of the scouts.
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Peretyatko, Artyom Yu. "The Experience of Employing the Slave Narrative Genre in Describing the History of the Caucasus." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 1 (2021): 302–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.119.
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The genre of the slave narrative is unique, and is essential to African-American culture. Yet, up to now, personally written stories describing the journey to freedom traveled by “heroic slaves”, writings that could well qualify as nonfiction, have received little attention outside of the US and UK. This makes all the more interesting the attempt by prominent Russian historian A. A. Cherkasov to employ the slave narrative genre in describing the history of the Caucasus, undertaken in his collection of documents “Circassian Slave Narratives”. This review of the collection attempts to analyze the phenomenon of the slave narrative and determine the degree to which it could be transposed to Russia. It is shown that while a portion of the documents published by A. A. Cherkasov, specifically interviews with slaves who escaped from Russia to Circassia, do seem to fit in with the slave narrative genre in theme, most of the Russian-Circassian slave narratives are completely different from classic slave narratives in content and style. These are not publicistic memoirs written for abolitionist purposes but documentation maintained to keep records of fugitives. In the end, the author of the article draws the conclusion that it is impossible to have an exact analogue of the slave narrative for Russian history as the figure of the heroic slave is not something that is typical for Russian history. Accordingly, despite the fact that fugitive slaves’ testimonies were widely written down at the time, as was the case in Circassia, the outcome was a completely different type of writing typologically. However, if the slave narrative is viewed in a broad sense, as an aggregate of first-hand slave accounts that can help provide the reader with a comprehensive documentary picture of the life of actual slaves, “Circassian Slave Narratives” may well be considered a worthy representative of the genre. A. A. Cherkasov provides 180 interviews with slaves and over 1,000 thematically contiguous record-keeping documents, which offer a unique insight into Circassian slavery specifically. Consequently, while it is hardly possible to use the classic slave narrative in describing Russian history, there may be considerable potential in its creative reconceptualization, as has been well substantiated by A. A. Cherkasov.
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Wahl, Jenny B. "The Jurisprudence of American Slave Sales." Journal of Economic History 56, no. 1 (March 1996): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700016053.
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An analysis of all appellate cases involving slave-sales reveals that southern courts helped minimize the costs of trading in slaves. Slave-sales law also surpassed other contemporaneous commercial law in sophistication. Why? Greater information gaps between slave buyers and sellers called for more complex institutional support. The enormous property value embodied by slaves also led to more litigation, greater need for settled law, and a more even match of power between plaintiff and defendant. Additionally, legal rules surrounding slave sales substituted for the employment law governing free-labor markets.
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Cussen, Celia, Manuel Llorca-Jaña, and Federico Droller. "THE DYNAMICS AND DETERMINANTS OF SLAVE PRICES IN AN URBAN SETTING: SANTIAGO DE CHILE, c. 1773-1822." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 34, no. 3 (January 22, 2016): 449–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610915000361.
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ABSTRACTThis paper provides the first survey of slave prices for Santiago de Chile, c. 1773-1822. It also establishes the main determinants of slave prices during this period. We gathered and analysed over 3,800 sale operations. Our series confirm the usual inverted U-shape when prices are plotted against age, and that age was a very important determinant of slave prices. We also found that: female slaves were systematically priced over male slaves, quite contrary to what happened in most other markets; the prime age of Santiago slaves was 16-34, a younger range than for most other places; male slave prices moved in the same direction as real wages of unskilled workers; and the impact of the free womb law on market prices in 1811 was dramatic.
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Webb, James L. A. "The Horse and Slave Trade Between the Western Sahara and Senegambia." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033338.
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Following the late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century cavalry revolution in Senegambia, the horse and slave trade became a major sector of the desert-edge political economy. Black African states imported horses from North Africa and the western Sahara in exchange for slaves. Over time, under conditions of increasing aridity, the zone of desert horse-breeding was pushed south, and through crossbreeding with the small disease-resistant indigenous horses of the savanna, new breeds were created. Although the savanna remained an epidemiologically hostile environment for the larger and more desirable horses bred in North Africa, in the high desert and along the desert fringe, Black African states continued to import horses in exchange for slaves into the period of French colonial rule.The evidence assembled on the horse trade into northern Senegambia raises the difficult issue of the relative quantitative importance of the Atlantic and Saharan/North African slave trades and calls into question the assumption that the Atlantic slave trade was the larger of the two. Most available evidence concerns the Wolof kingdoms of Waalo and Kajoor. It suggests that the volume of slaves exported north into the desert from Waalo in the late seventeenth century was probably at least ten times as great as the volume of slaves exported into the Atlantic slave trade. For both Waalo and Kajoor, this ratio declined during the first half of the eighteenth century as slave exports into the Atlantic markets increased. The second half of the eighteenth century saw an increase in predatory raiding from the desert which produced an additional flow of north-bound slaves. For Waalo and Kajoor – and probably for the other Black African states of northern Senegambia – the flow of slaves north to Saharan and North African markets probably remained the larger of the two export volumes over the eighteenth century. This northward flow of slaves continued strong after the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade and was only shut down with the imposition of French colonial authority.
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Handler, Jerome S. "Escaping slavery in a Caribbean plantation society : marronage in Barbados, 1650s-1830s." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1997): 183–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002605.
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Disputes the idea that Barbados was too small for slaves to run away. Author describes how slaves in Barbados escaped the plantations despite the constraints of a relatively numerous white population, an organized militia, repressive laws, and deforestation. Concludes that slave flight was an enduring element of Barbadian slave society from the 17th c. to emancipation.
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Bradley, Keith. "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction." Journal of Roman Studies 90 (November 2000): 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300203.
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In his discussion of natural slavery in the first book of thePolitics(1254a17–1254b39), Aristotle notoriously assimilates human slaves to non-human animals. Natural slaves, Aristotle maintains (1254b16–20), are those who differ from others in the way that the body differs from the soul, or in the way that an animal differs from a human being; and into this category fall ‘all whose function is bodily service, and who produce their best when they supply such service’. The point is made more explicit in the argument (1254b20–4) that the capacity to be owned as property and the inability fully to participate in reason are defining characteristics of the natural slave: ‘Other animals do not apprehend reason but obey their instincts. Even so there is little divergence in the way they are used; both of them (slaves and tame animals) provide bodily assistance in satisfying essential needs’ (1254b24–6). Slaves and animals are not actually equated in Aristotle's views, but the inclination of the slave-owner in classical antiquity, or at least a representative of the slave-owning classes, to associate the slave with the animal is made evident enough. It appears again in Aristotle's later statement (1256b22–6) that the slave was as appropriate a target of hunting as the wild animal.
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Haslam, Emily. "International Criminal Law and Legal Memories of Abolition: Intervention, Mixed Commission Courts and ‘Emancipation’." Journal of the History of International Law 18, no. 4 (August 30, 2016): 420–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340074.
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This article provides a critical reading of four cases that took place before nineteenth century Mixed Commissions on the Slave Trade at Sierra Leone. Mixed Commissions were early institutional sites where international law was confronted with multiple victims. Although they had the power to emancipate slaves, Mixed Commissions did not do so as a result of rights attributed to slaves as human beings. Rather the capacity of Mixed Commissions to emancipate depended upon the legality of the detention of the slave ship on which slaves were found. This legal link between emancipation and lawful intervention left slaves in a potentially precarious legal position. However, in two of the cases examined here the worst effects of this were avoided through slave resistance. This article aims to contribute to ongoing scholarly critiques of international criminal legal histories by interrogating how abolition has been remembered in international law.
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Mason, John Edwin. "Hendrik Albertus and his Ex-slave Mey: A Drama in Three Acts." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031169.
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This essay draws on documents relating to a single extraordinary episode, and on supporting materials, to illustrate aspects of the mentalités of slaves, slave-owners, and Protectors of Slaves in the British South African colony of the Cape of Good Hope. The narrative follows the story of a slave, Mey, who was harshly beaten twice within six days in 1832. Mey, and several other slaves who had been whipped for the same offence, accepted the first punishment; Mey complained about the second, which he alone suffered, to a colonial official called the Protector of Slaves. The Protector vigorously investigated the complaint. Mey's master, Hendrik Albertus van Niekerk, co-operated only reluctantly with the investigation. As the Protector pursued the case, van Niekerk suddenly brought it to an end by manumitting Mey, giving cash compensation to the other slaves he had whipped, and paying legal fines.The behaviour of each of the men fails to conform to the roles conventional wisdom has prepared for masters, slaves, and colonial officials. The essay demonstrates that the men were not eccentric, but that they were both rational and representative of their class. Mey acted as he did because the slaves had developed a ‘moral economy of the lash’ and because the second beating fell outside the boundaries of acceptable punishment by those standards. The Protector prosecuted van Niekerk with determination because he believed the punishment had been brutal and capricious and because Mey was a good slave who had been wronged. Hendrik Albertus freed Mey and compensated the other slaves because he refused to accept the legitimacy of the Protector. He settled the case before he was forced to visit the Protector's office or face Mey in court. To have honored the law and to have answered Mey's charge directly would have been to dishonor himself. He would have compromised the power and authority on which his honor as a slave-owner rested. Hendrik Albertus valued his honor more highly than one slave and a few pounds Sterling.
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Burnard, Trevor. "Slave Naming Patterns: Onomastics and the Taxonomy of Race in Eighteenth-Century Jamaica." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 31, no. 3 (January 2001): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219500551550.
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An analysis ofthe naming patterns of Jamaican slaves in the mid-eighteenth century shows that whites considered blacks to be entirely different from themselves. The taxonomic differences between European naming practices and slave naming practices were both considerable and onomastically significant. Slaves could be recognized by their names as much as by their color. Slaves reacted to such naming practices by rejecting their slave names upon gaining their freedom, though they adopted methods of bricolage common to other aspects of Afro-Caribbean expressive culture.
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Stark, David. "The family tree is not cut: marriage among slaves in eighteenth-century Puerto Rico." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 76, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2002): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002542.
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Examines the frequency of slave marriage in 18th-c. Puerto Rico, through family reconstitution based on parish baptismal, marriage, and death registers. Author first sketches the development of slavery, and the work regimens and conditions of the not yet sugar-dominated slavery in Puerto Rico. Then, he describes the religious context and social implications of marriage among slaves, and discusses, through an example, spousal selection patterns, and further focuses on age and seasonality of the slave marriages. He explains that marriage brought some legal advantages for slaves, such as the prohibited separation, by sale, of married slaves. In addition, he explores how slaves pursued marital strategies in order to manipulate material conditions. He concludes from the results that in the 18th c. marriage among slaves was not uncommon, and appear to have been determined mostly by the slaves own choice, with little direct intervention by masters. Most slaves married other slaves, with the same owner.
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Steckel, Richard H. "A Peculiar Population: The Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 3 (September 1986): 721–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700046842.
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The debate over the health and nutrition of slaves has focused on the typical working adult. Height and mortality data, however, indicate that the greatest systemativ variation in health and nutrition occured by age. Nourishment was exceedingly poor for slave childrenm but workers were remarkably well fed. The unusayal growth-by-age profile for slaves has implications for views on the postwar economic fortunes of blacks, the interpretation of findings of other height studies, and conceptions of slaveowner decision making, the slave family, and the slave personality.
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Alston, David. "Scottish Slave-owners in Suriname: 1651–1863." Northern Scotland 9, no. 1 (May 2018): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.2018.0143.
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This is an account of Scots in the Dutch colony of Suriname from 1651 until the emancipation of slaves in the Dutch Empire in 1863, when Scottish owners of slaves received nine per cent of the compensation paid to slave-owners in the colony by the Dutch Government. Before 1790 the small Scots presence in Suriname was a product of the outward looking nature of the Dutch Atlantic and the willingness of some Scots, most with with family, religious or military ties to the Netherlands, to seize the opportunities this offered. After 1790 the British presence in Suriname expanded, with a significant involvement of Highland Scots who came to work new plantations in the colony from the neighbouring British controlled colonies of Berbice and Demerara. After the emancipation of slaves in the British Empire in 1834, a number of these Scottish slave-owners campaigned against emancipation in the Dutch Empire. Despite buying and selling slaves in breach of British law, and despite public criticism, none of these British-based slave-owners were prosecuted. The article concludes with an examination of the legacies of this Scottish slave-ownership, both in Scotland and in Suriname.
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EL HAMEL, CHOUKI. "THE REGISTER OF THE SLAVES OF SULTAN MAWLAY ISMA‘IL OF MOROCCO AT THE TURN OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (March 2010): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000186.
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ABSTRACTIn late-seventeenth-century Morocco, Mawlay Isma‘il commanded his officials to enslave all blacks: that is, to buy coercively or freely those already slaves and to enslave those who were free, including the Haratin (meaning free blacks or freed ex-slaves). This command violated the most salient Islamic legal code regarding the institution of slavery, which states that it is illegal to enslave fellow Muslims. This controversy caused a heated debate and overt hostility between the ‘ulama’ (Muslim scholars) and Mawlay Isma‘il. Official slave registers were created to justify the legality of the enforced buying of slaves from their owners and the enslavement of the Haratin. An equation of blackness and slavery was being developed to justify the subjection of the free Muslim black Moroccans. To prove the slave status of the black Moroccans, the officials in charge of the slavery project established a fictional hierarchy of categories of slaves. This project therefore constructed a slave status for all black people, even those who were free.
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Dornan, Inge. "“Whoever Takes Her Up, Gives Her 50 Good Lashes, and Deliver Her to Me”." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00601009.
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Abstract This study establishes that women slave-owners were specifically inscribed into South Carolina’s laws on slave management from the first decades of English colonization. Mistresses were explicitly named alongside masters or incorporated into the gender-neutral rubric of owner in a common understanding that absolute ownership and authority over enslaved people was as much rooted in female mastery as male. Remarkably, neither the scholarship on women slave-owners nor the far more voluminous scholarship on American slave laws and slave management have explored, or even acknowledged, how gender influenced the formulation of American slave laws, and how mistresses, in particular, featured in the roles and duties assigned to slave-owners in the management of slaves. This study seeks to redress this by examining how South Carolina’s lawmakers incorporated women slave-owners into the colony’s slave laws, culminating with an assessment of the 1740 slave code, which marked a key turning point both in the colony’s laws governing the management of slaves and in an evolving ideology of female mastery.
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Adu-Boahen, Kwabena. "A Worthwhile Possession: A Reading of Women's Valuation of Slaveholding in the 1875 Gold Coast Ladies' Anti-abolition Petition." Itinerario 33, no. 3 (November 2009): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016272.
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In late 1874, the Colonial Government of the Gold Coast passed an abolition measure which was designed to end slavery, all other forms of compulsory labour, and slave trading in the colony. The measure took the form of two laws: the Gold Coast Slave-Dealing Abolition Ordinance (1874) and the Gold Coast Emancipation Ordinance (1874). The Gold Coast Legislative Council passed the laws on 17 December 1874 and they received the assent of the Governor on 28 December. On 30 December 1874, the measure was proclaimed. The first of the ordinances absolutely and immediately outlawed the importation of slaves into the Gold Coast, and abolished slave dealing and pawning. The other ordinance provided for the emancipation of slaves by abolishing the legal status of slavery and empowering slaves to leave their owners at will.
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Wajiansyah, Agusma, and Supriadi Supriadi. "Implementasi Master-slave pada Embedded system menggunakan komunikasi RS485." ELKHA 12, no. 1 (October 10, 2020): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/elkha.v12i1.39166.
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The use of multiprocessor methods in robotics systems has a significant impact on overall robot performance. The Master-slave method is a model of a multiprocessor system where there are several processors that communicate with each other to carry out the robot's overall function. RS-485 can be used as a communication model in the master-slave method. RS-485 is a development of RS-232 which has the ability to communicate with several nodes. In this research, an experiment will be conducted to implement RS-485 to support the master-slave processor communication. Stages of research began with making system design, which includes the design of embedded hardware systems, the design of data communication protocols on RS-485 networks, software design, followed by implementation and testing. The test is carried out to measure the time response of the device to three data transmission models, namely broadcast, addressing slaves without responding and addressing slaves with responses. The test results carried out on three slaves with a communication speed of 9600 bps. Measured response time on broadcast data transmission is 8ms, and address slave without response is 7ms. Whereas delivery by addressing slaves with responses, shows that the measurement method cannot be applied.
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Nast, Heidi J. "The impact of British imperialism on the landscape of female slavery in the Kano palace, northern Nigeria." Africa 64, no. 1 (January 1994): 34–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161094.
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AbstractSpatial analysis of the Kano palace shows that colonial abolitionist policies enacted in northern Nigeria after the British conquest of 1903 affected the lives and places of female and male slaves differently. The differences derived from historical differences in the placement and function of slave women and men in the palace: whereas slave women lived and/or worked in a vast secluded private domain and engaged in state household reproduction on behalf of the emir, male state slaves inhabited ‘public’ places and held state-related offices. Colonial abolitionist policies, which restructured traditional ‘public’ spheres of state, accordingly forcefully altered male slave spaces while the private domain of female slavery initially went largely undisturbed. In time, as palace slave patronage was more severely undermined, domestic slave women left the palace to follow slave husbands and/or heads of households who had been exiled or who were in search of better outside opportunities, resulting in a decrease in the reserve of slave women from which concubines were chosen. The reserve declined further as slave men were permitted to marry freeborn women, resulting in a marked decrease in concubine numbers and a marked transformation of the internal organisation of the inner household. The spatial organisation of female slavery in the palace was thus affected indirectly and later than that of male slavery.The article demonstrates the utility of spatial analysis in understanding historical change and points to the need for greater sensitivity to issues of gender, ‘class’ and power in analyses of slavery and its abolition. It was the gender, wealth and power of royal patrons as well as the state-level skills and authority of male palace slaves, for example, that initially led British officials to promote state slavery for their own ends—advantages for slaves that women and/or masters of lesser means could not provide. Ironically, it was because male slaves held so much authority that British officials eventually intervened directly to erode their places and powers. The analysis establishes that the spatial organisation of slavery was constructed and eroded variably across time and place.
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Hill, Peter M., and Heinrich Kunstmann. "Die Slaven: Ihr Name, ihre Wanderung nach Europa und die Anfange der russischen Geschichte in historisch-onomastischer Sicht." Slavic and East European Journal 42, no. 4 (1998): 741. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/309788.
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Emmer, P. C. "A.F. Paula, 'Vrije' slaven. Een sociaal-historische studie over de dualistische slavenemancipatie op Nederlands Sint Maarten 1816-1863." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 110, no. 2 (January 1, 1995): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.4032.
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HUBBELL, ANDREW. "A VIEW OF THE SLAVE TRADE FROM THE MARGIN: SOUROUDOUGOU IN THE LATE NINETEENTH-CENTURY SLAVE TRADE OF THE NIGER BEND." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (March 2001): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007805.
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The region of Souroudougou played a dynamic role in the regional slave trade of the western Niger Bend during the nineteenth century, supplying slaves to neighboring states. A number of mechanisms, termed here ‘indirect linkages’, connected sources of slaves in Souroudougou to the broader regional slave trade. These took the form of commercial activity by Muslim mercantile groups, banditry and alliances formed between neighboring states and local power brokers in Souroudougou. At the same time, the growing slave trade triggered important internal processes of change in the local social landscape, termed here the ‘espace de compétition’. In particular, heightened individual and group competition transformed established codes of behavior and social networks.
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Twomey, Christina. "Protecting Slaves and Aborigines." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2018): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.1.10.
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The historiography on protection in the nineteenth-century British Empire often assumes that British humanitarians were the progenitors of protection schemes. In contrast, this article argues that the position of Protector or Guardian for slaves and Indigenous peoples in the British Empire drew on Spanish, Dutch, and French legal precedents. The legal protections and slave codes operative in these European colonies are compared to British colonial territories, where there was no imperial slave code and no clear status of slaves at common law. Drawing on debates in the House of Commons, Parliamentary Commissions of Inquiry, and the published work of abolitionists and anti-slavery societies, the article examines how the pressure for amelioration in the British Empire coincided with the acquisition of new colonies that offered ready-made models for slave protection. British reformers combined their calls for greater protection for slaves with their extant knowledge of European protective regimes.
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Peralta, Dan-el Padilla. "Slave Religiosity in the Roman Middle Republic." Classical Antiquity 36, no. 2 (October 1, 2017): 317–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2017.36.2.317.
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This article proposes a new interpretation of slave religious experience in mid-republican Rome. Select passages from Plautine comedy and Cato the Elder's De agri cultura are paired with material culture as well as comparative evidence—mostly from studies of Black Atlantic slave religions—to reconstruct select aspects of a specific and distinctive slave “religiosity” in the era of large-scale enslavements. I work towards this reconstruction first by considering the subordination of slaves as religious agents (Part I) before turning to slaves’ practice of certain forms of religious expertise in the teeth of subordination and policing (II and III). After transitioning to an assessment of slave religiosity's role in the pursuit of freedom (IV), I conclude with a set of methodological justifications for this paper's line of inquiry (V).
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K, Chellapandian. "Impact of slavery System in America with Reference to Colson Whitehead’s the Underground Railroad." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i2.10402.
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This article tells you that how the slavery system flourished in America and the impact of slavery system in America. Slavery system in America started when Christopher Columbus discovered America in the year 1492. In 1508 the first colony settlement was established by Ponce de Leon in Samjuan. The first African slaves arrived in South Carolina in 1526. During the 16th and 17th century the city St. Augustine was the Hub of the slave trade. Once Britishers established colonies in America, they started importing slaves from Africa. At one point Mary land and Virginia full of African slaves. After the discovery America Britishers came to know that America is suitable for cotton cultivation so they dawned with an idea that for cultivating cotton in America, Africans are the most eligible persons. On the other hand Britishers believed that Africans know the methods of cultivation and they are efficient labours. So they brought African through the Atlantic slave trade to work in cotton plantation. The amounts of slaves were greatly increased because of rapid expansion of the cotton industry. At the beginning of 17th century Britishers were cultivating only cotton and later on they invented the cotton gin. The invention of the cotton gin demanded more manpower and they started importing more slaves from Africa.At the same time southern part of America continued as slave societies and attempted to extend slavery into the western territories to keep their political share in the nation. During this time the United States became more polarized over the issue of slavery split into slaves and free states. Due to this in Virginia and Maryland a new community of African and American culture developed. As the United States expanded southern states, have to maintain a balance between the number slave and free state to maintain political power in the united states senate.
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Law, Robin. "Slave-Raiders and Middlemen, Monopolists and Free-Traders: the supply of slaves for the Atlantic trade in Dahomey c. 1715–1850." Journal of African History 30, no. 1 (March 1989): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030875.
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This article, which extends and modifies the analysis offered in an earlier article in this journal (1977), examines what is known of the organization of the supply of slaves for the trans-Atlantic trade in Dahomey, with particular emphasis on the relative importance of local slave-raiding and the purchase of slaves from the interior, and on the evolution of a group of private merchants within Dahomey. It is argued that initially the kings of Dahomey sought to operate the slave trade as a royal monopoly, and relied exclusively upon slave-raiding rather than purchasing slaves from the interior. From the mid-eighteenth century, however, Dahomey did seek to operate as a ‘ middleman’ in the supply of slaves from the interior, and since its kings did not normally attempt to control this aspect of the trade this involved the emergence of a private sector in the slave trade. Although merchants in Dahomey were in origin state officials, licensed to trade on behalf of the king or ‘caboceers’ (chiefs), they subsequently acquired the right to trade on their own account also and thus became in some measure independent of the state structure. The autonomy and wealth of the merchant community in Dahomey were further enhanced by the transition from slave to palm oil exports in the nineteenth century, when leading merchants moved into large-scale oil production, using slave labour supplied by the king. There were recurrent tensions between the monarchy and the merchants over commercial policy and over the monarchy's expropriatory fiscal practices, and the conflict of interests between the two was exacerbated by the development of the oil trade, undermining the solidarity of Dahomey in the face of the European imperialism of the late nineteenth century.
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AHMAD, ABDUSSAMAD H. "TRADING IN SLAVES IN BELA-SHANGUL AND GUMUZ, ETHIOPIA: BORDER ENCLAVES IN HISTORY, 1897–1938." Journal of African History 40, no. 3 (November 1999): 433–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007458.
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Like other empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, expansion and slavery went hand in hand in Ethiopia, contrary to imperial justifications based on the abolition of the slave trade and slavery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the Ethiopian empire incorporated the northwestern border enclaves of Bela-Shangul and Gumuz into greater Ethiopia. Having obtained the subordination of the local Muslim warlords, the emperor then demanded tribute from them in slaves, ivory and gold. Slaves were used as domestics in the imperial palace at Addis Ababa and the houses of state dignitaries and as farm labor on their farms elsewhere in the country. Responding to the demands of the central government as well as their own needs, borderland chiefs raided local villages and neighbouring chiefdoms for slaves. Expanding state control thus led to intensified slave raiding and the extension of the slave trade from the borderlands into the centre of the empire in spite of Ethiopia's public commitment to end slavery and the slave trade as a member of the League of Nations. The end of slavery in Ethiopia only came with the Italian occupation in 1935.
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Bombe, Bosha. "Slavery Beyond History: Contemporary Concepts of Slavery and Slave Redemption in Ganta (Gamo) of Southern Ethiopia." Slavery Today Journal 1, no. 1 (2014): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22150/stj/isxw8852.
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Slavery was officially abolished in Ethiopia by Emperor Haile Sellassie in 1942. Despite the abolitionary law slaves and their descendants have continually been marginalized in the country (especially in the peripheral parts of southwestern Ethiopia) from the time the law passed until today. In the Gamo community of southern Ethiopia, descendants of former slaves carry the identity of their ancestors and as the result they are often harshly excluded. Today, not only are they considered impure, but their perceived impurity is believed to be contagious; communicable to non-slave descendants during rites of passage. In order to escape the severe discrimination, slave descendants change their identity by redeeming themselves through indigenous ritual mechanism called wozzo ritual. However, the wozzo ritual builds the economy of former slave masters and ritual experts while leaving redeemed slave descendants economically damaged. This study is both diachronic and synchronic; it looks at the history of slavery, contemporary perspectives and practices of slavery and slave redemption in Ganta (Gamo) society of southern Ethiopia.
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Pritchett, Jonathan B., and Herman Freudenberger. "A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market." Journal of Economic History 52, no. 1 (March 1992): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700010287.
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Domestic slave traders selected taller slaves for shipment to the New Orleans market in order to increase their profits. Because traded slaves made up a large share of the slaves shipped coastwise, age/height profiles constructed from the shipping manifests are biased upwards. The extent of the bias appears to be small for adult slaves but not for children; those listed on the manifests were taller than the general population of a comparable age.
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Goor, J. van. "H. den Heijer, Goud, ivoor en slaven. Scheepvaart en handel van de Tweede Westindische Compagnie op Afrika, 1674-1740." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 115, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.5169.
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Lis, Tomasz Jacek. "Slaven Kale, „Poljaci, naša braća na sjeveru”. Hrvatska javnost o Poljacima 1860–1903, Srednja Europa, Zagreb 2020, ss. 424." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 27 (December 13, 2020): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2020.27.18.
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Lis, Tomasz Jacek. "Slaven Kale, „Poljaci, naša braća na sjeveru”. Hrvatska javnost o Poljacima 1860–1903, Srednja Europa, Zagreb 2020, ss. 424." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 27 (December 13, 2020): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2020.27.18.
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Borucki, Alex. "Trans-imperial History in the Making of the Slave Trade to Venezuela, 1526-1811." Itinerario 36, no. 2 (August 2012): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115312000563.
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The last two decades have witnessed an unprecedented expansion of knowledge about the transatlantic slave trade, both through research on specific sections of this traffic and through the consolidation of datasets into a single online resource: Voyages: The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database (hereafter Voyages Database). This collective project has elucidated in great detail the slave trading routes across the Atlantic and the broad African origins of captives, at least from their ports of embarkation. However, this multi-source database tells us little about the slave trading routes within the Americas, as slaves were shipped through various ports of disembarkation, sometimes by crossing imperial borders in the New World. This gap complicates our understanding of the slave trade to Spanish America, which depended on foreign slavers to acquire captives through a rigid system of contracts (asientos and licencias) overseen by the Crown up to 1789. These foreign merchants often shipped captives from their own American territories such as Jamaica, Curaçao, and Brazil. Thus, the slave trade connected the Spanish colonies with interlopers from England, France, the Netherlands, Portugal (within the Spanish domain from 1580 to 1640), and eventually the United States. The importance of the intra-American slave trade is particularly evident in Venezuela: while the Voyages Database shows only 11,500 enslaved Africans arriving in Venezuela directly from Africa, I estimate that 101,000 captives were disembarked there, mostly from other colonies. This article illuminates the volume of this traffic, the slave trading routes, and the origins of slaves arriving in Venezuela by exploring the connections of this Spanish colony with the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and French Atlantics. Imperial conflicts and commercial networks shaped the number and sources of slaves arriving in Venezuela. As supplies of captives passed from Portuguese to Dutch, and then to English hands, the colony absorbed captives from different African regions of embarkation.
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Parry, Tyler D., and Charlton W. Yingling. "Slave Hounds and Abolition in the Americas*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz020.
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Abstract The lash and shackles remain two primary symbols of material degradation fixed in the historical memory of slavery in the Americas. Yet as recounted by states, abolitionists, travellers, and most importantly slaves themselves, perhaps the most terrifying and effective tool for disciplining black bodies and dominating their space was the dog. This article draws upon archival research and the published materials of former slaves, novelists, slave owners, abolitionists, Atlantic travelers, and police reports to link the systems of slave hunting in Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti, and the US South throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Slave hounds were skillfully honed biopower predicated upon scenting, hearing, sighting, outrunning, outlasting, signaling, attacking, and sometimes terminating, black runaways. These animals permeated slave societies throughout the Americas and bolstered European ambitions for colonial expansion, indigenous extirpation, economic extraction, and social domination in slave societies. as dogs were bred to track and hunt enslaved runaways, slave communities utilized resources from the natural environment to obfuscate the animal's heightened senses, which produced successful escapes on multiple occasions. This insistence of slaves' humanity, and the intensity of dog attacks against black resistance in the Caribbean and US South, both served as proof of slavery's inhumanity to abolitionists. Examining racialized canine attacks also contextualizes representations of anti-blackness and interspecies ideas of race. An Atlantic network of breeding, training and sales facilitated the use of slave hounds in each major American slave society to subdue human property, actualize legal categories of subjugation, and build efficient economic and state regimes. This integral process is often overlooked in histories of slavery, the African Diaspora, and colonialism. By violently enforcing slavery’s regimes of racism and profit, exposing the humanity of the enslaved and depravity of enslavers, and enraging transnational abolitionists, hounds were central to the rise and fall of slavery in the Americas.
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Steckel, Richard H., and Richard A. Jensen. "New Evidence on the Causes of Slave and Crew Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 1 (March 1986): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700045502.
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The journals of slave ship surgeons of the 1790s are used to address questions on the relative importance of African conditions versus those on ships, crowding, the effectiveness of Dolben's Act, and the interaction between slave and crew health. In contrast with previous work we find that most slaves who died did so near the middle of the voyage. Crowding was important to health and mortality, but the restrictions of Dolben's Act did little to reduce losses. The crew was largely isolated from patterns of disease among slaves.
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Jones, Eric A. "Fugitive women: Slavery and social change in early modern Southeast Asia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 38, no. 2 (May 25, 2007): 215–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463407000021.
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AbstractFemale slaves in VOC-controlled Southeast Asia did not fare well under a legal code which erected a firm partition between free and slave status. This codification imposed a rigid dichotomy for what had been fluid, abstract conceptions of social hierarchy, in effect silting up the flow of underclass mobility. At the same time, conventional relationships between master and slave shifted in the context of a changing economic climate. This article closely narrates the lives of several eighteenth-century female slaves who, left with increasingly fewer options in this new order, resorted to running away.
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Belmonte Postigo, José Luis. "A Caribbean Affair: The Liberalisation of the Slave Trade in the Spanish Caribbean, 1784-1791." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.014.
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The liberalisation of the slave trade in the Spanish Caribbean ended with a series of political measures which aimed to revitalise the practice of slavery in the region. After granting a series of monopoly contracts (asientos) to merchant houses based in other western European nations to supply slaves to Spanish America, the Spanish monarchy decided to liberalise import mechanisms. These reforms turned Cuba, especially Havana, into the most important slave trade hub within the Spanish Caribbean. Havana was connected with both Atlantic and inter-colonial trade networks, while other authorised ports imported slaves from other Caribbean territories; Spanish, British, Dutch, Danish and American traders all participated in this trade, and slave trafficking became the most profitable form of commerce in the region during this period.
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Chira, Adriana. "Affective Debts: Manumission by Grace and the Making of Gradual Emancipation Laws in Cuba, 1817–68." Law and History Review 36, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000529.
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Drawing on thirty freedom suits from nineteenth-century eastern Cuba, this article explores how some slaves redefined slaveholders' oral promises of manumissions by grace from philanthropic acts into contracts providing a deferred wage payout. Manumissions by grace tended to reward affective labor (loyalty, affection) and to be granted to domestic slaves. Across Cuba, as in other slave societies of Spanish America, through self-purchase, slaves made sustained efforts to monetize the labor that they did by virtue of their ascribed status. The monetization of affective work stands out amongst such efforts. Freedom litigants involved in conflicts over manumissions by grace emphasized the market logics in domestic slavery, revealing that slavery was a fundamentally economic institution even in such instances where it appeared to be intertwined with kinship and domesticity. Through this move, they challenged the assumption that slaves toiled loyally for masters out of a natural commitment to an unchanging master-slave hierarchy. By the 1880s, through court litigation and extra-judicial violence, slave litigants and insurgents would turn oral promises of manumission by grace into a blueprint for general emancipation. Through their legal actions, enslaved people, especially women, revealed the significance and transactional nature of care work, a notion familiar to us today.