Academic literature on the topic 'Slavery, guyana'
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Journal articles on the topic "Slavery, guyana"
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Thompson, Alvin O. "Symbolic legacies of slavery in Guyana." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2006): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002494.
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Focusses on the commemoration and symbolic functions of the slavery past in the Americas, with a particular focus on Guyana. Author explains that while symbolic representations of the legacies of slavery increased in the Americas since the 1960s, the nationalist government under Forbes Burnham since 1970 went further in using the slavery past as its ideological foundation. He discusses how this relates to Guyana's history and ethnic development of 2 main, often opposed groups of African- and Indian-descended groups, calling on their respective slavery or indenture past in emphasizing their national significance. He further describes slavery-related symbolic representations promoted under Burnham, specifically the 1763 slave revolt led by Cuffy, presented as first anticolonial rebellion aimed at liberation, and as a precursor to the PNC government, and other slave rebellions and rebels, such as led by Damon in 1834. He points out how some Indian-Guyanese found that Indian heroes were sidelined in relation to these. Author then describes how the annual commemoration of Emancipation Day continues to refer to the martyrdom of these slave rebels, along with other discursive connections, such as regarding reparations. He also pays attention to the activities of nongovernmental organizations in Guyana up to the present in commemorating the slavery past, often with broader African diaspora connections.
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Thompson, Alvin O. "Symbolic legacies of slavery in Guyana." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002494.
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Focusses on the commemoration and symbolic functions of the slavery past in the Americas, with a particular focus on Guyana. Author explains that while symbolic representations of the legacies of slavery increased in the Americas since the 1960s, the nationalist government under Forbes Burnham since 1970 went further in using the slavery past as its ideological foundation. He discusses how this relates to Guyana's history and ethnic development of 2 main, often opposed groups of African- and Indian-descended groups, calling on their respective slavery or indenture past in emphasizing their national significance. He further describes slavery-related symbolic representations promoted under Burnham, specifically the 1763 slave revolt led by Cuffy, presented as first anticolonial rebellion aimed at liberation, and as a precursor to the PNC government, and other slave rebellions and rebels, such as led by Damon in 1834. He points out how some Indian-Guyanese found that Indian heroes were sidelined in relation to these. Author then describes how the annual commemoration of Emancipation Day continues to refer to the martyrdom of these slave rebels, along with other discursive connections, such as regarding reparations. He also pays attention to the activities of nongovernmental organizations in Guyana up to the present in commemorating the slavery past, often with broader African diaspora connections.
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Sheridan, Richard B. "The condition of the slaves on the sugar plantations of Sir John Gladstone in the colony of Demerara, 1812-49." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 76, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2002): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002536.
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Reconstructs the business activities of the Scottish-born Liverpool merchant and plantation owner John Gladstone, placed within the context of slavery and the abolition of slavery, and the general colonial history of British Guiana, particularly in the Demerara colony. Author describes how Gladstone acquired several plantations with slaves in Demerara, and how he responded to the increasing criticism of slavery, and the bad conditions of slaves in these Demerara plantations. He describes how Gladstone was an absentee owner in Jamaica and Guyana, where he never set foot, and depended on information by his plantation attorneys or managers, who generally painted too positive a picture of the slaves' conditions, which in reality were characterized by high mortality rates, disease, and abuse of slaves. Also discusses the Demerara slave revolt of 1823 affecting some of Gladstone's plantations.
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Chanderballi, Ramona. "Medical Imaging in Guyana, development and status." Radiography Open 5, no. 1 (November 29, 2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7577/radopen.3610.
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Medical imaging services have been rapidly advancing in Guyana over the last decade. It is time to look back, and state the todays’ situation.With a population, under 1 million, Guyana, according to the World Factbook (1), is the third smallest country in South America. Guyana was originally a Dutch colony in the 17th century, by 1815 had become a British possession. The abolition of slavery led to settlement of urban areas by former slaves and the importation of indentured servants from India to work the sugar plantations. Tropical rainforests cover over 80 percent, and its agricultural lands are fertile. A resulting ethno-cultural divide has persisted and has led to turbulent politics. Guyana achieved independence from the UK in 1966. In 1992, the country is first free and fair election since independence. The economy is growing; still at a high unemployment. According to the World Factbook, it is (per 2018) a young population; mean age for both females and males are 28 years, and life expectancy 68y. Compared with other neighboring countries, Guyana ranks poorly concerning basic health indicators (2), basic health services in the interior are primitive to non-existent.
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Tomich, Dale. "The Second Slavery and World Capitalism: A Perspective for Historical Inquiry." International Review of Social History 63, no. 3 (October 16, 2018): 477–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859018000536.
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AbstractThe concept of the second slavery radically reinterprets the relation of slavery and capitalism by calling attention to the emergence of extensive new zones of slave commodity production in the US South, Cuba, and Brazil as part of nineteenth-century industrialization and world-economic expansion. This article examines the conceptual framework and methodological procedures that inform this interpretation. It reformulates the concept of the capitalist world-economy by emphasizing the mutual formation and historical interrelation of global–local relations. This open conception of world-economy permits the temporal-spatial specification of the zones of the second slavery. In this way, it is possible both to distinguish the new zones of the second slavery from previous world-economic zones of slave production and to establish the ways in which they are formative of the emerging industrial world division of labor. From this perspective, analysis of sugar production in Jamaica, Guyana, and Cuba discloses spatial-temporal differences between what would otherwise be taken as apparently similar historical-geographical complexes. This comparison demonstrates how world-economic processes produce particular local histories and how such histories structure the world-economy as a whole. This approach locates the crisis of slavery during the nineteenth century in the differentiated response to processes of world accumulation, rather than the incompatibility of slave production with industrialization and open, competitive markets. More generally, it calls attention to the continuity of forms of forced labor in the historical development of the capitalist world-economy and to the ways that processes of capitalist development produce social-economic differentiation and hierarchy on a world scale.
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Pestana (review), Carla Gardina, Pieter Emmer (review), James Robertson (review), and Trevor Burnard (response). "Trevor Burnard, Planters, Merchants, and Slaves: Plantation Societies in British America, 1650–1820." Journal of Early American History 5, no. 3 (November 26, 2015): 271–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00503001.
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This book forum focuses on Trevor Burnard’s book, Planters, Merchants, and Slaves: Plantation Societies in British America, 1650–1820 (University of Chicago Press, 2015). In his book, Burnard argues that white men did not choose to develop and maintain the plantation system out of virulent racism or sadism, but rather out of economic logic. While plantations required racial divisions to exist, their successes were always measured in gold, rather than skin or blood. Burnard argues that the best example of plantations functioning as intended is not those found in the fractious and poor North American colonies, but those in their booming and integrated commercial hub, Jamaica. Ranging over nearly two centuries, from Guyana to the Chesapeake, the book provides many new insights and offers a revisionary interpretation of the connection between slavery and the American Revolution. The three reviewers in general praise the empirical research that underpins the book but challenge some of the conclusions. They also draw attention to a few points that, in their opinion, the author underemphasized or where he could have expanded his argument, for instance the role of support from the British Empire to the plantation system and the role of religion in shaping attitudes to slavery and the plantation system. In his response, Burnard argues against some of the criticism, such as the impact of the fear of slave revolts. In particular, Burnard stresses that his understanding of slavery in the colonial period of American history is that of an outsider to American politics. As such, he argues, his book does not speak to contemporary concerns about rising evidence of racial hatred.
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Kale, Madhavi. "Making a Labour Shortage in Post-Abolition British Guyana." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022701.
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On 4 January 1836, less than two and a half years after Parliament abolished slavery in British colonies, John Gladstone, Liverpool merchant and father of William Ewart Gladstone, dictated a letter to his nephew at the Calcutta shipping agency Gillanders, Arbuthnot & Co. Gladstone explained that he had heard that the firm had recently sent ‘a considerable number of a certain class of Bengalees, to be employed as labourers, to the Mauritius’, and that he was interested in exploring the possibility of making similar arrangements for certain colonies in the West Indies, where he himself owned sugar plantations.
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Bobb-Semple, Colin. "English Common Law, Slavery, and Human Rights." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no. 2 (March 2007): 659–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.15.
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This paper considers the issues of villeinage and slavery in England and the British colonies; the decision in Somerset v. Stewart' and other cases in English common law courts; the application of English common law in the colonies in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with particular reference to the British colonies of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice (formerly British Guiana, now Guyana); the Magna Carta 1215 to the Slavery Abolition Act 1833; the factors which led to the introduction of human rights provisions in English law in the Human Rights Act 1998; and the decision of the House of Lords in A & Others v Secretary of State for the Home Department2 in 2005, relating to the question of admissibility of evidence procured by torture. The thesis of the paper is that English common law was found wanting in connection with the application of fundamental principles of human rights in the United Kingdom and colonies. Lord Mansfield and the other judges who heard the case of Somerset were provided with an excellent opportunity to apply fundamental common law principles of personal security and liberty of the individual to rule that slavery and the slave trade were in breach of the common law and to set a precedent by declaring the liberty of each and every slave who arrived on English shores. Sadly, the judgment failed to live up to the expectations of many of those who had followed the case with avid interest, and it was not until 228 years after that judgment that fundamental principles of human rights became part and parcel of English domestic law, with the introduction of the Human Rights Act 1998 on 2 October 2000.
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Davis, Natalie Zemon. "Regaining Jerusalem: Eschatology and Slavery in Jewish Colonization in Seventeeth-Century Suriname." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 3, no. 1 (December 11, 2015): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2015.29.
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Through the person of the ex-converso David Nassy, “Regaining Jerusalem” asks how seventeenth-century Portuguese Jews could seek their own religious liberty at the same time they were enslaving Africans in the plantation economies of the Caribbean and the Guyana coast. Living in Amsterdam by the 1630s, Nassy was part of the Jewish community in Dutch Brazil, and then in the 1660s led the Jewish settlement in Dutch Suriname. Nassy was moved in part by eschatological hopes shared with other ex-conversos freed from Catholic tyranny, in part by his interest in plants and geography, and in part by entrepreneurial desire for profit. Nassy and his fellow Jews distinguished their own biblical exodus out of slavery from the destiny of their African captives, incorporating their slaves into the patriarchal Abrahamic household. This paper describes patterns of Jewish culture on the sugar plantations and the varied reactions of African men and women to it.
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Dew, Edward M., and Brian L. Moore. "Race, Power, and Social Segmentation in Colonial Society: Guyana after Slavery, 1838-1891." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906582.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Slavery, guyana"
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Thompson, Alvin O. "Unprofitable servants : Crown slaves in Berbice, Guyana, 1803-1831 /." Barbados : University of the West Indies Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39225091q.
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Mohamed, Wazir. "Frustrated peasants, marginalized workers free African villages in Guyana, 1838-1885 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
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Lama, Boris. "Pouvoir colonial, figures politiques et société en Guyane française (1830-1910)." Thesis, Guyane, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020YANE0005.
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Dans le contexte de la colonie de la Guyane française de 1830 à 1910, la relation instaurée entre le pouvoir colonial et les acteurs de la vie politique a déterminé la difficile évolution du territoire vers l’intégration à la nation française. En août 1848, l’esclavage est aboli et les « noirs » ainsi libérés, qui constituent la majorité de la population de la colonie, sont faits citoyens français. Les représentants élus de la population revendiquent alors, de 1848 au début de la IIIème République, avec une remarquable constance, la reconnaissance de l’égalité entre citoyens de la colonie et ceux de la métropole. Mais, en dépit d’une application progressive des institutions politiques de la France dans un sens qui paraît favorable à l’intégration revendiquée, tout concourt à y faire obstacle. En premier lieu la distribution du peuplement dans le vaste espace de la Guyane qui couvre, dans ses limites actuelles, quelque 84 000 km2 sur le Plateau des Guyanes. Au temps de l’esclavage sous la monarchie de Juillet (1830-1848), les habitants propriétaires blancs ont cantonné leurs habitations sur la zone littorale, tandis que l’intérieur de la colonie couvert d’un vaste manteau forestier, abrite des Amérindiens et des « noirs marrons ». L’étendue de l’espace disponible et l’existence de ressources naturelles comme l’or et les produits forestiers conduisent, à la suite de l’abolition de l’esclavage de 1848, à l’abandon du travail sur les habitations au profit de la création d’abattis, donnant aux esclaves libérés les moyens de vivre. Mais la désertion des habitations a pour conséquence la ruine des blancs de la colonie, jusque là détenteurs des leviers de la production et du pouvoir politique. La disparition de la classe sociale des blancs, effective dans les années 1880, n’ouvre pourtant pas toute grande les portes du pouvoir que pourraient exercer les hommes de couleur dans les municipalités et au conseil général. La racialisation des rapports sociaux qui est de règle dans la société coloniale s’y oppose fermement. Sous l’empire de l’idéologie du progrès un nombre significatif d’administrateurs coloniaux, tant dans la colonie que dans la métropole, pensent en effet que les hommes de la « race noire » n’ont aucune aptitude à prendre en charge les affaires de la colonie. Une fois les institutions politiques démocratiques rétablies après la chute du Second Empire en 1870, forts de leur qualité de citoyens français, les figures et les acteurs politiques s’engagent dans la lutte pour que soient reconnues au conseil général de la colonie les mêmes attributions dont jouissent les conseils généraux en France. Mais des gouverneurs aux larges pouvoirs finissent par avoir raison de la détermination d’élus comme un Gustave Franconie et un Henri Ursleur. De nouveaux acteurs politiques, issus notamment de l’immigration en provenance des Antilles françaises, s’emparent du pouvoir au conseil général et font élire en 1910 comme représentant de la colonie à la Chambre des députés, Albert Grodet, un ancien gouverneur. Le ministère des Colonies reprend ainsi en main les affaires de la colonie que les premières générations d’hommes de couleur de la période post-esclavagiste avaient pour ambition de contrôler. Il faudra attendre la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale pour que les aspirations politiques des hommes de couleur débouchent, en mars 1946, sur l’intégration de la colonie de la Guyane au sein de la nation française, sous la forme de l’un des départements de la RépubliqueIn the context of the colony of French Guiana from 1830 to 1910, the relationship established between the colonial power and political actors impacted the difficult evolution of this territory towards the integration into the French nation. In August 1848, slavery was abolished and the newly freed blacks constituting the majority of the colony's population were made French citizens. From 1848 to the beginning of the Third Republic, the elected representatives of the population requested with noteworthy consistency the recognition of equality between the citizens from the colony and those from Metropolitan France. However, although a gradual application of France's political institutions appearing in line with the requested integration, numerous factors contributed to hinder it. First of all, the distribution of the population in the vast French Guiana area covering, within its current limits, around 84,000 km2 on the Guiana Shield. At the time of slavery under the July Monarchy (1830-1848), the white slave-owners inhabitants confined their dwellings to the coastal zone, while the interior of the colony covered by a vast forest mantle, was home to Amerindians and Marrons. Following the abolition of slavery in 1848, the vast available space and existing natural resources such as gold and forest production provided to former slaves means of leaving, leading to the desertion of colonial plantations for creating their own properties. Consequently, these emancipations have resulted in the ruin of the French Guiana white creole, who until then had held the levers of production and political power. The disappearance of the white social class, effective in the 1880s, did not to provide to the men of color the expected access to political power through the municipalities and the General Council. The racialization of social relations norming colonial societies at this time was strongly opposed to it. Under the ideology of progress, a significant number of colonial administrators, both in the colony and in France, believed that black men did not possess the fitness to take charge of the colony's affairs. Once democratic political institutions were re-established after the fall of the Second Empire in 1870, strengthen by their French citizens status, political figures and actors engaged in the struggle for the recognition of the same the General Council remit in the colony as the one in France. However, benefiting from wide range of powers, governors eventually overcame the determination of elected representative such as Gustave Franconie and Henri Ursleur. New political actors, notably immigrants from the French West Indies, seized power in the General Council and, in 1910 elected Albert Grodet, a former governor, as the colony representative in the Chamber of Deputies. Thereby, the Ministry of Colonies took over the French Guiana affairs, which were aimed at being controlled by the first generations of coloured men from the post-slavery period. It was not until the end of the Second World War that men of colour political aspirations led, in March 1946, to the integration of the colony into the French nation, in the form of one of the Republic departments
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Capdepuy, Arlette. "Félix Eboué, 1884-1944 : mythe et réalités coloniales." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30051/document.
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Descendant d’esclaves, Félix Éboué est né dans le milieu de la petite bourgeoisie de Cayenne (Guyane) en 1884. Il termine ses études secondaires à Bordeaux puis ses études supérieures à Paris : il sort diplômé de l’École coloniale en 1908. A sa demande, il est affecté en Oubangui-Chari (colonie de l’AEF). Il reste en brousse vingt deux ans avant de devenir administrateur en chef (1931). Il est ensuite nommé à différents postes : secrétaire général de la Martinique (1932-1934), secrétaire général du Soudan français (1934-1936), gouverneur de la Guadeloupe (1936-1938), gouverneur du Tchad (1938-1940). A l’été 1940, il choisit le camp de la Résistance avec de Gaulle. Le ralliement du Tchad donne au chef de la France libre un territoire français en Afrique, d’une importance stratégique capitale. En novembre 1940, de Gaulle le nomme gouverneur général de l’AEF à Brazzaville et Compagnon de la Libération. Jusqu’à février 1944, grâce à sa maîtrise de l’administration coloniale, il gère les hommes et les ressources de l’AEF pour le plus grand profit de la France libre et des Alliés. Épuisé et malade, il décède au Caire en mai 1944.La mémoire d’État s’empare de sa mémoire pour en faire rapidement une icône : il entre au Panthéon en mai 1949. Mais, Félix Éboué ne se réduit pas à son mythe : s’il est un personnage emblématique de la IIIe République, il est un homme ancré dans son époque par son appartenance à des réseaux de pouvoirs et par ses idées. Sa spécificité est d’avoir espéré réformer le système colonial et d’avoir cru qu’il était possible de lutter contre le préjugé de couleur, contre le racisme au nom des valeurs de la République. S’il fut un pionnier, c’est par le domaine du sport qui était pour lui un outil par excellence de l’intégration et d’épanouissement de l’individuDescendant of slaves, Felix Eboue was born in the middle of the lower middle class of Cayenne (Guiana) in 1884. He finished high school in Bordeaux and his graduate studies in Paris: he graduated from the “Ecole coloniale” in 1908. At his request, he was assigned in Oubangui-Chari (AEF colony). It remains in the bush twenty two years before becoming Chief (1931). He was appointed to various positions: Secretary General of Martinique (1932-1934), Secretary General of the French Sudan (1934-1936), governor of Guadeloupe (1936-1938), governor of Chad (1938-1940). In the summer of 1940, he chose the side of the Resistance with de Gaulle. The rallying Chad gives the leader of Free France, a French territory in Africa, a strategic importance. In November 1940, de Gaulle appointed Governor General of the AEF in Brazzaville and Companion of the Liberation. Until February 1944, thanks to his mastery of the colonial administration, he manages people and resources of the AEF for the benefit of Free France and the Allies. Exhausted and ill, he died in Cairo in May 1944. The memory State seizes his memory to make an icon rapidly enters the Pantheon in May 1949. But Felix Eboue is not limited to the myth: it is an iconic character of the Third Republic, he is a man rooted in his time by his membership in networks of power and ideas. Its specificity is to be hoped reform the colonial system and have believed it was possible to fight against the prejudice of color against racism on behalf of the values of the Republic. If he was a pioneer, this is the sport that was for him an ideal tool for the integration and development of the individual
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Brassard, Alice. "Transmission transatlantique de savoirs en sciences naturelles d’Amérique française au XVIIIe siècle; Étude comparative des écrits de Kalm (Canada), de Barrère (Guyane française), de Le Page du Pratz (Louisiane) et de Dumont de Montigny (Louisiane)." Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/23765.
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Dans la foulée de leur colonisation de l’Amérique aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, les Français ont dressé des inventaires des ressources du territoire occupé ou convoité. Apte à décrire toute cette richesse, l’histoire naturelle devint ainsi un savoir colonial par excellence et l’un des rouages centraux de la « machine coloniale » française. Aussi, le legs textuel de cette activité est-il considérable et diverses perspectives s’y expriment : un entreprenant colon, par exemple, ne verra pas les ressources de la Louisiane de la même façon qu’un officiel métropolitain de passage ou qu’un botaniste en mission. Mais le regard colonisateur est largement partagé et tous ces textes, ou presque, font acte d’appropriation des plantes, minéraux et animaux américains. La place ménagée aux indigènes et aux esclaves – qu’ils soient d’origine autochtone ou afro-américaine – comme acteurs dans le processus de création de savoir est variable selon le contexte et l’auteur. Ce mémoire se penche sur un petit nombre de textes éloquents tirés du corpus de l’histoire naturelle des colonies d’Amérique continentales françaises. Sont étudiés de près quatre auteurs qui ont œuvré ou qui ont été de passage au Canada (Kalm), en Guyane française (Barrère) et en Louisiane (Le Page du Pratz et Dumont de Montigny). Nous examinons dans un premier temps les différents contextes d’acquisition de savoirs. Par la suite, l’analyse portera sur leurs inventaires respectifs des ressources coloniales, puis leur façon de traiter leurs sources. Finalement, nous concluons cette recherche sur les manières dont ces naturalistes-écrivains transmettront à leurs lecteurs européens leurs connaissances nouvellement acquises et la portée de la diffusion que leurs écrits connaîtront.Following their colonization of America in the 17th and 18th centuries, the French drew up inventories for the resources of the occupied or coveted territory. Being able to describe all this wealth, natural history thus became the ultimate colonial knowledge and one of the central cogs of the French Colonial Machine. Also, the textual legacy of this activity is considerable and various points of view are taken into account: an enterprising settler, for example, will not see Louisiana’s resources in the same way as a travelling metropolitan official or a botanist on assignment. However, the colonial perspective is widely spread and all these texts, or almost all of them, are evidence of the appropriation of American plants, minerals and animals. The position of indigenous people and slaves – whether of indigenous or African-American origin – as actors in the process of knowledge creation depends on the context and the author’s stance. This thesis focuses on a small number of compelling texts from the natural history corpus of the French mainland colonies in America. Four authors who worked in or visited Canada (Kalm), French Guiana (Barrère) and Louisiana (Le Page du Pratz and Dumont de Montigny) are studied in depth. We first examine the different contexts of knowledge acquisition. Subsequently, we analyze the colonial resources inventories available at that time and how the sources are managed. Lastly, we conclude by looking at how these naturalist writers transmit to their European readers their newly acquired knowledge and the impact that their work will have.
Books on the topic "Slavery, guyana"
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L, Moore Brian. Race, power, and social segmentation in colonial society: Guyana after slavery, 1838-1891. New York: Gordon & Breach Science Publishers, 1987.
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L, Moore Brian. Race, power, and social segmentation in colonial society: Guyana after slavery, 1838-1891. New York: Gordon & Breach Science Publishers, 1987.
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Kwayana, Eusi. Scars of bondage: A first study of the slave colonial experience of Africans in Guyana. Georgetown, Cooperative Republic of Guyana: Free Press, 2002.
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Senauth, Frank. The making of Guyana: From a wilderness to a nation. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2009.
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Costa, Emília Viotti da. Crowns of glory, tears of blood: The Demerara Slave Rebellion of 1823. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.
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1955-, Auger Réginald, and Cazelles Nathalie, eds. Les jésuites et l'esclavage Loyola: L'habitation des jésuites de Rémire en Guyane française. Québec: Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2009.
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Epailly, Eugène. Esclavage et résistance en Guyane: Une page de l'histoire de l'esclavage en Guyane : ses révoltes atlantiques, ses luttes continentales et maritimes. [French Guiana?: s.n., 2005.
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Lara, Oruno D. Propriétaires d'esclaves en 1848: Martinique, Guyane, Saint-Barthélemy, Sénégal. Paris: Harmattan, 2011.
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M, Bruleaux A. DEUX SIÈCLES D'ESCLAVAGE EN GUYANE FRANÇAISE. Paris: Editions L'Harmattan, 1986.
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Thompson, Alvin O. Maroons of Guyana: Some problems of slave desertion in Guyana, c. 1750-1814. Georgetown, Cooperative Republic of Guyana: Free Press, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Slavery, guyana"
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Hawkins, John. "A true declaration of the troublesome voyadge of M. John Hawkins to the parties of Guynea and the west Indies, in the yeares of our Lord 1567 and 1568 (London, Thomas Purfoote, 1569)." In The British Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1–32. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003113393-1.
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Alston, David. "Guyana–The Merchant Houses." In Slaves and Highlanders, 187–208. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474427302.003.0009.
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Since it was in Guyana (and Trinidad) – less so than in the older colonies – that fortunes continued to be made up to and beyond the end of British colonial slavery, it was here that the most powerful West India merchant houses flourished. This chapter explores the Scottish – and surprisingly Highland – origins of the two largest slave-holding partnerships at emancipation. This also carries the account forward to the end of British colonial slavery in 1838 and into the era of indentured Indian labour, pioneered in Guyana as a replacement for enslaved labour.
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Wood, Marcus. "Slavery, Empathy, and Pornography in John Gabriel Stedman’s Narrative of a Five Years Expedition Against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam." In Slavery, Empathy And Pornography, 87–140. Oxford University PressOxford, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198187202.003.0003.
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Abstract Plantation pornography is now a huge business and has infiltrated literature, fine art, popular publishing, film video, and BDSM cultures on the Web.2 There are plantation pornographies devoted to each of the major Atlantic slave colonies. Edgar Mittelholzer’s Kaywanatrilogy attempted to make a pornographic epic out of Dutch slavery in Guyana; it sold internationally in millions. Jamaica, Cuba, Haiti, and Brazil have all been the settings for formulaic exploitation, ranging from hard-core bondage materials to plantation erotica.3
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Barros, Juanita De. "Slavery, Emancipation, and Reproducing the Race." In Reproducing the British Caribbean. University of North Carolina Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469616056.003.0002.
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In 1860, Charles Buxton published an impassioned defence of emancipation at a time when growing numbers of Britons were condemning emancipation as a failure. Imperial officials also had increasingly negative views about the results of emancipation, which were linked to questions about population growth. This chapter examines the debates about population growth in Britain's Caribbean colonies—particularly Jamaica, Guyana, and Barbados—both before and immediately after the end of slavery. It links these debates to assessments of the “mighty experiment” of slave emancipation and to some of the major crises that took place in the early years following the end of slavery, including the cholera epidemics of the 1850s.
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Alston, David. "Jumbies." In Slaves and Highlanders, 1–12. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474427302.003.0001.
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An account of how the author became aware of the Highland involvement with slavery, the slave trade, and the plantations of Guyana, with an outline of the absence and then gradual recovery of awareness of this history in Scotland. A meditation on the ghosts of the enslaved and their descendants, which begins here with the folk tale ‘The White Lady of Bayfield’, is taken up in the Afterword to the book.
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Alston, David. "5. ‘The habits of these creatures in clinging one to the other’: Enslaved Africans, Scots and the Plantations of Guyana." In Recovering Scotland's Slavery Past, 99–123. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748698097-010.
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Barros, Juanita De. "Population Anxieties and Infant Mortality." In Reproducing the British Caribbean. University of North Carolina Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469616056.003.0003.
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In the years after the end of slavery, declining populations due to high death rates, especially among the very young, sparked deep concerns. Disease causation and infant mortality were blamed on former slaves. In Guyana, Jamaica, and Barbados, investigations into the causes of infant mortality highlighted the need for healthy populations, resulting in the introduction of infant and maternal welfare initiatives in the early twentieth century. This chapter examines the debates about the health and size of populations, much of which was centred on the problem of infant mortality, in Britain's Caribbean colonies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It looks at the emergence of a range of new ideas about medicine and public health, together with immigration, designed to ensure the population growth needed to sustain the colonial economies.
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Barros, Juanita De. "Introduction." In Reproducing the British Caribbean. University of North Carolina Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469616056.003.0001.
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This book investigates ideas and policymaking about reproduction and the size and health of populations in Britain's Caribbean colonies both before and immediately after the end of slavery, a period spanning the early nineteenth century to the 1930s. The focus is on Jamaica, Barbados, and Guyana, and on maternal education and infant welfare initiatives introduced by colonial policymakers, including midwife training programs. The book considers the debates about population growth in these three colonies, as well as the problem of infant mortality. It also examines how the ideas and institutions of tropical medicine influenced perceptions of Caribbean populations.
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Alston, David. "Christian Robertson (1780–1842) and a Highland Network in the Caribbean: A Study of Complicity." In Scottish Highlands and the Atlantic World, 115–47. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474494304.003.0007.
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This is an account of the extended Robertson family of Kiltearn (Ross-shire) and their involvements with Caribbean slavery, especially in Demerara and Berbice (Guyana). The family included George Robertson, a founding member of what was to become Sandbach Tinné & Co, one of the businesses to benefit most from compensation at the end of British colonial slavery. Marriages linked the Robertsons to Samuel Sandbach and Charles Parker, two other founding partners, and to networks beyond the Highlands in Liverpool, Glasgow and Edinburgh. The focus on Christian Robertson, who never travelled beyond Britain or Ireland, illustrates both how a Scottish family of the ‘middling sort’ benefitted from slavery and how that wealth was used in supporting ‘enlightened’ cultural initiatives in Liverpool and in Scotland. Christian’s second marriage to Thomas Stewart Traill brought her into contact with many distinguished scientist of the time. This approach also allows an exploration of what information circulated – and did not circulate – within the family. In this context, the chapter examines relationships of family members with women of colour and the place of children of mixed race within the family networks. As a study of complicity it demonstrates the disturbing coexistence of enlightenment and oppression.
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Barros, Juanita De. "Grannies, Midwives, and Colonial Encounters." In Reproducing the British Caribbean. University of North Carolina Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469616056.003.0004.
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In the years after the end of slavery, the image of the “granny” midwife, described as practitioners of bush medicine, persisted in the British Caribbean. Traditional midwives were considered ignorant and superstitious women who inadvertently killed newborns and their mothers. In late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Jamaica, Guyana, and Barbados, officials deemed it necessary to replace the grannies with formally trained and certified midwives. As a result, race and class tensions arose. This chapter explores the introduction of infant and maternal welfare measures, including midwife training programs, as part of the Caribbean response to concerns about population health and size. White, British women were recruited to train granny midwives about modern, hygienic methods of childbirth and child rearing.
Conference papers on the topic "Slavery, guyana"
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Bouhaddi, N., S. Cogan, and R. Fillod. "A Method of Linearized Dynamic Condensation." In ASME 1991 Design Technical Conferences. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc1991-0311.
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Abstract Three frequency domains are defined for a dynamic condensation : the GUYAN condensation domain [1], the LEUNG PETERSMANN [3,4] domain, and the intermediate domain resulting from the approach presented in this article. This definition is based on the Rayleigh Quotient. This definition is based on the Rayleigh This new proposed approach is based on the dynamic condensation developed by PETERSMANN [4] and accounts for the dynamic effects of the slave dof by a linearization of the mass correction term for a given frequency band.