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Journal articles on the topic 'Slavery in Great Britain'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Gibbs, Jenna M. "Columbia the Goddess of Liberty and Slave-Trade Abolition (1807–1820s)." Sjuttonhundratal 8 (October 1, 2011): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.2391.

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<p>Eighteenth-century American thespians, balladeers, and artists used performances of Columbia, an anthropomorphic metaphor for the body politic, to animate Enlightenment precepts of natural rights and liberty. Following the American Revolution, anti-slavery sympathizers staged Columbia as a symbol both of political liberty from Great Britain and of personal liberty in engravings, plays, and ballads that depicted her bequeathing freedom to Africans from the throne of her Temple. But in reaction to slave-trade abolition-Great Britain's 1807 legislation and the United States' ban in 1808-cultural producers began bifurcating constitutional from personal freedom in their iterations of Columbia. Anti-slavery advocates still used Columbia as an iconic syncretism of political and personal liberty to critique slavery. Others, however, threatened by the possibility of black freedom associated with slave-trade abolition, staged Columbia to represent political but not personal liberty. Thus, just as the slave-trade ban went into effect, Philadelphia's New Theater performed Columbia in dances, songs, and allegorical set pieces that fêted political independence, but in which slaves were absent, an erasure that reinforced whiteness as the defining qualification for American citizenship. Postabolition performances of Columbia in her Temple of Liberty, constructed on rigidifying edifices of racial codification, banished blacks from the civic polity-a far cry from Enlightenment precepts of liberty and rights.</p>

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2

Bradley, Patricia. "The Boston Gazette and Slavery as Revolutionary Propaganda." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 3 (September 1995): 581–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200309.

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Boston Gazette content in the six years prior to the Declaration of Independence revealed the slavery issue was used to unite patriot fervor under a proslavery position. Specifically, the Gazette misguided readers regarding the 1772 decision in which the American slave James Somerset was freed by a British court, chose not to reflect the debate on slavery under way in other colonial newspapers, selected items that promoted Southern patriarchy, and appropriated the word “slavery” as a metaphor representing colonial America vis-à-vis Great Britain. The author concludes such use was deliberate as part of the propagandistic mission of the Gazette.

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3

Rodgers, Nini. "Ireland and the Black Atlantic in the eighteenth century." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 126 (November 2000): 174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014838.

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In the second half of the twentieth century few subjects have excited more extensive historical debate in the western world than black slavery. American investigation has centred upon the actual operation of the institution. An impressively wide range of historical techniques, cliometrics, comparative history, cultural studies, the imagination of the novelist, have all been employed in a vigorous attempt to recover and evaluate the slave past. In Britain, the first great power to abolish the Atlantic trade and emancipate her slaves, the emphasis has been on the development of the anti-slavery movement, described by W. E. H. Lecky in 1869 as ‘a crusade’ to be rated ‘amongst the three or four perfectly virtuous pages comprised in the history of nations’, and therefore an obvious candidate for twentieth-century revision. Any discussion of black slavery in the New World immediately involves the historian in economic matters. Here the nineteenth-century orthodoxy launched by Adam Smith and developed by J. S. Mill and his friend J. E. Cairnes, author of The slave power (1862) and professor of political economy and jurisprudence in Queen’s College, Galway, saw slavery as both morally wrong and economically unsound, an anachronism in the modern world. Since the 1970s this view has been challenged head-on by American historians arguing that, however morally repugnant, slavery was a dynamic system, an engine of economic progress in the U.S.A. Such a thesis inevitably revives some of the arguments used by the nineteenth-century defenders of slavery and has equally inevitably attracted bitter anti-revisionist denunciation.

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4

Tosko, Mike. "Book Review: Abolition and Antislavery: A Historical Encyclopedia of the American Mosaic." Reference & User Services Quarterly 55, no. 3 (March 25, 2016): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n3.248.

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This encyclopedia covers the rise and proliferation of abolitionist movements in the United States and the subsequent consequences of the emancipation of the former slaves. While outside international influences on American slavery existed—particularly Great Britain—the focus here is on both the Northern and Southern United States. Of course, banishing slavery did not lead to immediate social equality, and in fact many abolitionists did not ever desire this type of equality. This work also traces the subsequent controversial issues that emerged following abolition, such as new forms of labor exploitation, the right to own land and to vote, and the use of violence and intimidation to keep African Americans in inferior social and economic positions.

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5

Sang, Nguyen Van, and Jolanta A. Daszyńska. "The problem of the abolition of slavery and maritime rights on U.S. vessels with regards to British-American relations in the first half of the 19th century." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 19, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 105–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.19.02.04.

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The article analyses the struggle of Anglo-American relations connected to slaves and maritime rights on the sea from 1831 to 1842. The study is based on monographs, reports, treaties and correspondences between the two countries from the explosion of the Comet case in 1831 to the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty in 1842. This study focuses on three fundamental issues: the appearance of Comet, Encomium, Enterprise, Hermosa and Creole as international incidents with regards to British-American relations; the view of both countries on the abolition of slavery, maritime rights as well as the dispute over issues to resolve arising from these incidents; the results of British-American diplomacy to release slaves and maritime rights after the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty. The study found that the American slave ships were special cases in comparison with the previous controversies in bilateral relations. The American slave vessels sailed to the British colonies due to bad weather conditions and a slave rebellion on board. In fact, Great Britain and the United States had never dealt with a similar case, so both sides failed to find a unified view regarding the differences in the laws and policies of the two countries on slavery. The history of British-American relations demonstrated that under the pressures of the border dispute in Maine and New Brunswick, the affairs were not resolved. In addition, it could have had more of an impact on the relationship between the two countries, eventually p the two countries into a war. In that situation, the diplomatic and economic solutions given to the abolition of slavery and maritime rights were only temporary. However, the international affairs related to the American slave vessels paved the way for the settlement of maritime rights for British-American relations in the second half of 19th century.

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6

Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.

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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.

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7

STEELE, BRENT J. "Ontological security and the power of self-identity: British neutrality and the American Civil War." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006613.

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Why did Great Britain remain neutral during the American Civil War? Although several historical arguments have been put forth, few studies have explicitly used International Relations (IR) theories to understand this decision. Synthesising a discursive approach with an ontological security interpretation, I propose an alternative framework for understanding security-seeking behaviour and threats to identity. I assess the impact Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation had upon the interventionist debates in Great Britain. I argue that the Proclamation reframed interventionist debates, thus (re)engendering the British anxiety over slavery and removing intervention as a viable policy. I conclude by proposing several issues relevant to using an ontological security interpretation in future IR studies.

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8

Alexander Meckelburg and Solomon Gebreyes. "Ethiopia and Great Britain: A Note on the Anti-Slavery Protocol of 1884." Northeast African Studies 17, no. 2 (2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.17.2.0061.

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9

Rota, Michael W. "Moral Psychology and Social Change: The Case of Abolition." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 4 (March 2019): 567–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01338.

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The examination of a test case, the popular movement to abolish slavery, demonstrates that the insights of recent psychological research about moral judgment and motivated reasoning can contribute to historians’ understanding of why large-scale shifts in cultural values occur. Moral psychology helps to answer the question of why the abolitionist movement arose and flourished when and where it did. Analysis of motivated reasoning and the just-world bias sheds light on the conditions that promoted recognition of the moral wrongfulness of chattel slavery, as well as on the conditions that promoted morally motivated social action. These findings reveal that residents of Great Britain and the northern United States in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were in an unusually good position to perceive, and to act on, the moral problems of slavery. Moral psychology is also applicable to other social issues, such as women’s liberation and egalitarianism.

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10

Van Gent, Jacqueline. "Rethinking savagery: Slavery experiences and the role of emotions in Oldendorp’s mission ethnography." History of the Human Sciences 32, no. 4 (July 22, 2019): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695119843210.

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By the late 18th century, the Moravian mission project had grown into a global enterprise. Moravian missionaries’ personal and emotional engagements with the people they sought to convert impacted not only on their understanding of Christianity, but also caused them to rethink the nature of civilization and humanity in light of their frontier experiences. In this article I discuss the construction of ‘savagery’ in the mission ethnography of C. G. A. Oldendorp (1721–87). Oldendorp’s journey to slave-holding societies in the Danish West Indies, where Moravian missions had been established in the 1730s, and his own experiences of the violence of these societies had such an impact on him that his proto-ethnographic descriptions of all the inhabitants of the Danish West Indies – from slaves to slaveholders – broke with traditional representations of savagery. He suggested two different paths for emotional transformation: one for slaves, and another for slaveholders. His views aligned with those of the later abolitionists, yet he was writing sixty years before those movements first gained public momentum in Great Britain. In many ways, therefore, this early mission ethnography reshaped contemporary understandings of ‘savagery’. I consider how Oldendorp did this in relation to a Moravian theology of the heart and love of Christ, the emerging Scottish Enlightenment philosophy of ‘love of humanity’ and its use in colonial encounters between missionaries and local people, and especially the emotions that were provoked by the extreme violence of the slavery system in this colonial contact zone.

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11

Rasiah, Rasiah, Ansor Putra, Fina Amalia Masri, Arman Arman, and Suci Rahmi Pardilla. "JUST LIKE BLACK, ONLY BETTER: POOR WHITE IN ANTEBELLUM SOUTH OF AMERICA DEPICTED IN SOLOMON NORTHUP’S NOVEL TWELVE YEARS AS A SLAVE." Diksi 29, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/diksi.v29i1.33081.

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(Title: Just Like Black, Only Better: Poor White in Antebellum South of America Depicted in Solomon Northup’s Novel “Twelve Years as A Slave”). Antebellum era, the period before the Civil War occured, or before the year 1861, in the United States is used to relate to the enslavement of black American. In fact, the era was not merely about black, but also poor white. This study is purposed to describe the poor whites’ life in antebellum America as reflected in Twelve Years As A Slave (1855), a narrative biography novel written by Solomon Northup. Set up the story in New York, Washingotn DC, and New Orleans, the author (and focalizer at once) told the story based on his own experience as a black who was captivated and sold into slavery for twelve years. Although the novel centered its story on black character, it also reflected the life of poor whites who were also being “enslaved” by their white counterparts. Through sociology of literature perspective, this study reveals that the character of poor white that represented through John M. Tibeats, Armsby, and James H. Burch came from Great Britain especially from Ireland. Mostly, they moved to America as incarcerated people. They lived under the poverty and some of them were the vagrants and petty criminals. Poor white during antebellum era in America was positioned in the lower social level. They were “enslaved” by their white master but more better compared to the black slaves. It can be noticed that poor white were positioned in low social level because of the socio-economic problem, while blacks were race and racism. Keywords: antebellum America, poor white, slavery, social class, American literature

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12

Delahanty, Ian. "‘A Noble Empire in the West’: Young Ireland, the United States and Slavery." Britain and the World 6, no. 2 (September 2013): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0095.

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Young Ireland nationalists conciliated slaveholding and proslavery Americans in the mid-1840s by situating Irish debates over American slavery within a broader discussion of Ireland's status in the British Empire. As Irish nationalists sought to redefine Ireland's political relationship to Great Britain, many came to see material and rhetorical support from the United States as indispensable to their efforts. Unlike Daniel O'Connell, Young Irelanders proved willing to overlook slavery in the United States because they believed that an Irish-American alliance could be mobilised to critique British imperialism and potentially to gain greater autonomy for Ireland. Debates among Irish nationalists over accepting aid from slaveholding and proslavery Americans, therefore, bring into focus where O'Connell and Young Ireland differed with regard to Ireland's sufferings under the Union and involvement in the Empire.

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13

Rönnbäck, Klas. "Who Stood to Gain from Colonialism? A Case Study of Early Modern European Colonialism in the Caribbean." Itinerario 33, no. 3 (November 2009): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016296.

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Both Adam Smith and Karl Marx considered British colonies to be a net burden on British society. Ever since the issue has been a controversial one and has received a great deal of attention from scholars, not least thanks to the publication of Eric Williams's book “Capitalism and Slavery”. To a large extent the debate has been concerned with the issue of whether the profits from colonialism were large enough to have a decisive effect upon, or at least contribute to, the industrialisation of Britain and/or other countries in Europe.

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14

Newman, Simon P. "Freedom-Seeking Slaves in England and Scotland, 1700–1780*." English Historical Review 134, no. 570 (October 2019): 1136–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez292.

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Abstract This essay explores the experiences of enslaved people who sought to escape their bondage in England and Scotland during the first three-quarters of the eighteenth century. It argues that, while the conditions of their servitude in Britain may appear closer to those of white British servants than those of enslaved plantation labourers in the colonies, the experiences of these people were conditioned by the experiences of and the threat of return to colonial enslavement. For some successful Britons an enslaved serving boy was a visible symbol of success, and a great many enslaved men, women, youths and children were brought to Great Britain during the eighteenth century. Some accompanied visiting colonists and ships’ officers, while others came to Britain with merchants, planters, clergymen and physicians who were returning home. Some of the enslaved sought to seize freedom by escaping. Utilising newspaper advertisements placed by owners seeking the capture and return of these runaways (as well as advertisements offering enslaved people for sale), the essay demonstrates that many such people were regarded by their masters and mistresses as enslaved chattel property. Runaways were often traumatised by New World enslavement, and all too aware that they might easily be sold or returned to the horrors of Caribbean and American slavery: improved work conditions in Britain did not lessen the psychological and physical effects of enslavement from which they sought to escape.

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15

Mason, Matthew. "The Local, National, and International Politics of Slavery: Edward Everett’s Nomination as U.S. Minister to Great Britain." Journal of the Civil War Era 6, no. 1 (2016): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2016.0015.

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16

Mason, Matthew. "The Battle of the Slaveholding Liberators: Great Britain, the United States, and Slavery in the Early Nineteenth Century." William and Mary Quarterly 59, no. 3 (July 2002): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3491468.

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17

Katz-Hyman, Martha. "Doing Good While Doing Well: The Decision to Manufacture Products that Supported the Abolition of the Slave Trade and Slavery in Great Britain." Slavery & Abolition 29, no. 2 (June 2008): 219–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390802027871.

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18

Baker, Charles Richard. "What can Thomas Jefferson’s accounting records tell us about plantation management, slavery, and Enlightenment philosophy in colonial America?" Accounting History 24, no. 2 (May 15, 2018): 236–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373218772589.

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Thomas Jefferson was the third President of the United States of America and the principal author of the Declaration of Independence of the American Colonies from Great Britain. Less well known is that he was a meticulous record keeper. He kept daily records of every receipt and expenditure that he made, no matter how small, for a period of over 60 years. Most of these records have survived and are located in various libraries throughout the United States. Two questions are raised in this article: first, what can Jefferson’s accounting records tell us about plantation management in colonial America? Second, what do these accounting records reveal about Jefferson’s perspectives on eighteenth-century Enlightenment philosophy? This article investigates original archives in an effort to answer these questions.

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19

Kern, Holger Lutz. "Strategies of Legal Change: Great Britain, International Law, and the Abolition of the Transatlantic Slave Trade." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d'histoire du droit international 6, no. 2 (2004): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571805042782073.

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20

Asp Frederiksen, Lene. "Colonial media ecologies." Nordisk Tidsskrift for Informationsvidenskab og Kulturformidling 8, no. 2 (February 11, 2020): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ntik.v7i2.118485.

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In this mixed-media essay I document a field trip to Ghana where I, so to say, travel in the footsteps of the Danish colonizers to the Gold Coast in a bid to dialogically challenge the genre of the monologizing colonial traveloguei. My methodological retracing of the slave route is inspired by Danish author Thorkild Hansen’s book trilogy Coast of Slaves, Ships of Slaves and Islands of Slaves from the 1960s in which he visits the former Danish West Indies and the Gold Coast (in the, at the time of his visit, still very young Ghanaian nation, which had gained its independence from Great Britain in 1957). Hansen was one of the first Danish authors to voice a strong critique of the Danish colonial past and of a neglectful historiography through his docu-fiction. I was curious to explore in a parallel movement to Hansen’s the landscape as prism and archive today. Hence, the ‘reenactment’ of the travelogue in this essay functions as an attempt to recast and refracture colonial narratives of past and present. My own documentary audio recordings from the field trip are presented here along with methodological reflections on how to voice dialogical narratives about colonialism in new digital media.

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21

Sparks, Randy J. "Blind Justice: The United States's Failure to Curb the Illegal Slave Trade." Law and History Review 35, no. 1 (February 2017): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000535.

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On March 2, 1807, President Thomas Jefferson signed a bill outlawing the African slave trade. Opponents of the traffic rejoiced that the bill was passed at almost the same time as a similar anti-slave-trade bill in Britain. As one Philadelphia newspaper put it, “Thus, will terminate, on the same day, in two countries of the civilized world, a traffic which has hitherto stained the history of all countries who made it a practice to deal in the barter ofhuman flesh.” Efforts to end the African slave trade in the British colonies of North America dated back to the 1760s, proceeded in fits and starts, and resulted from a wide range of motives. In contrast to Great Britain, the United States 1807 bill was not the result of a long, hard-won, popular abolition campaign. However, despite a series of laws intended to curb the trade, eventually making the United States laws the world's toughest, smugglers continued to bring enslaved Africans into the South after 1808, and, more significantly, American vessels played a crucial role in the massive illegal slave trade to Cuba and Brazil during the nineteenth century. The impact on the United States economy was not inconsequential, but even more important was the trade's impact on the Atlantic economy, fueling the rapid economic growth of Cuba and Brazil in the decades that followed.

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22

McCloskey, Deirdre Nansen. "Fukuyama Was Correct: Liberalism Is the Telos of History." Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no. 2-4 (April 1, 2019): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.285.

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Liberalism, as Fukuyama assured in 1989, is the end the telos of history. “Liberalism” is to be understood as a society of adult non-slaves, liberi in Latin. It arose for sufficient reasons in northwestern Europe in the 18th century, and uniquely denied the hierarchy of agricultural societies hitherto. It inspired ordinary people to extraordinary acts of innovation, called the Great Enrichment. How “great:” a stunning 3,000 percent increase in real GDP for the poorest people, from 1800 to the present, and now spreading to China, India and the rest of the world. It was equalizing. For it to happen, there had to be an ideological liberalization à la Walter Lippmann. And yet it was opposed by a rising ideology of statism, from the New Liberals in Britain to the right and left populists today. We need to defend a liberalism that causes humans to flourish, and resist its proliferating enemies on the left, right, and center.

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23

Blouet, Olwyn M. "Bryan Edwards, F.R.S., 1743-1800." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 54, no. 2 (May 22, 2000): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2000.0108.

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Bryan Edwards was a Jamaican planter and politician who published a well–respected History of the West Indies in 1793. He articulated the planter view concerning the value of the West Indian colonies to Great Britain, and opposed the abolition of the slave trade. Edwards disputed European scientific speculation that the ‘New World’ environment retarded nature, although his scientific interests have largely gone unnoticed. Elected a Fellow of The Royal Society in 1794, he became a Member of Parliament in 1796, and wrote a History of Haiti in the following year. As Secretary of the African Association, Edwards edited the African travel journals of Mungo Park.

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Klose, Fabian. "Humanitäre Intervention und internationale Gerichtsbarkeit – Verflechtung militärischer und juristischer Implementierungsmaßnahmen zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 72, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2013-0001.

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Abstract The origins of the phenomena of international jurisdiction and humanitarian intervention can already be found in the beginning of the nineteenth century. The article combines both topics and shows that these two concepts are directly related to one another. Beginning with the international ban of the slave trade in 1815 the analysis focuses on the corresponding implementation machinery created under the leadership of Great Britain. This machinery consisted of a hitherto unique combination of military and juridical measures which were directly dependent on each other. The main argument of the article is that the geneses of the concept of international jurisdiction and humanitarian intervention are significantly entangled with each other and both of their origins lie in the fight against the transatlantic slave trade in the beginning of the nineteenth century.

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25

Poulter, Sebastian. "African Customs in an English Setting: Legal and Policy Aspects of Recognition." Journal of African Law 31, no. 1-2 (1987): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300009335.

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Although there are no reliable, detailed official figures as to the present ethnic composition of the population of Great Britain, a recent survey by the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys has estimated that the number of Africans settled here is just over 100,000. Many more, of course, arrive in Britain each year as students or visitors. Indeed, in 1986 the volume of visitors from Nigeria and Ghana was considered by the British Government to be placing such burdens on immigration officials at the ports of entry that it was felt necessary to alter the immigration rules; people coming from those two countries now have to be in possession of visas before they arrive in the United Kingdom.The presence of a significant number of Africans in England today is nothing new. There were at least 10,000 here in the late eighteenth century and possibly as many as 30,000, at a time when the total population of the country was only about a sixth of what it is today. West African slaves were brought to England from the 1570s onward. Most of them were used as household servants, often by the aristocracy, and some were employed as court entertainers. Indeed, at the beginning of the sixteenth century Henry VII had a black trumpeter (of uncertain origin) in his retinue. Much earlier, Africans served as soldiers in the Roman legions which occupied Britain during the first four centuries A.D.

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John Wood Sweet. "The Subject of the Slave Trade: Recent Currents in the Histories of the Atlantic, Great Britain, and Western Africa." Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 1 (2008): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eam.0.0011.

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27

Steilen, Matthew. "The Legislature at War: Bandits, Runaways and the Emergence of a Virginia Doctrine of Separation of Powers." Law and History Review 37, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 493–538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000597.

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The politics of war severely divided the Virginia Southside during the American Revolution. Laborers, ship pilots and other landless men and women bitterly resented the efforts of the patriot gentry to stop trade with Great Britain and to establish a military force. Planters feared that the presence of the British Navy would encourage slaves to flee or attack their masters. What role did law play in the patriot response to these conditions? This essay uses the case of Josiah Philips, who led a banditti residing in the Great Dismal Swamp, to show how law intersected with class and race in patriot thinking. The gentry's view of the landless as dependent and lacking in self-control and its view of black slaves as posing a constant threat of violence supported the application of special legal regimes suited to these dangers. In particular, Philips was “attainted” by the General Assembly, a summary legislative legal proceeding traditionally employed against offenders who threatened government itself. While the attainder was uncontroversial when it passed, the significance of the Assembly's intervention changed over time. By the late 1780s, some among the state's legal elite regarded the Assembly as having unnecessarily interfered in the ordinary course of justice, which they were then seeking to reform. This opened the way to recharacterize the Assembly's extraordinary legal jurisdiction as an arbitrary exercise of lawmaking power.

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Schoeppner, Michael. "The Creole Affair: The Slave Rebellion That Led the U.S. and Great Britain to the Brink of War by Arthur T. Downey." Journal of the Early Republic 36, no. 2 (2016): 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2016.0027.

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29

Darity, William. "British Industry and the West Indies Plantations." Social Science History 14, no. 1 (1990): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002068x.

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Is it not notorious to the whole World, that the Business of Planting in our British Colonies, as well as in the French, is carried on by the Labour of Negroes, imported thither from Africa? Are we not indebted to those valuable People, the Africans for our Sugars, Tobaccoes, Rice, Rum, and all other Plantation Produce? And the greater the Number of Negroes imported into our Colonies, from Africa, will not the Exportation of British Manufactures among the Africans be in Proportion, they being paid for in such Commodities only? The more likewise our Plantations abound in Negroes, will not more Land become cultivated, and both better and greater Variety of Plantation Commodities be produced? As those Trades are subservient to the Well Being and Prosperity of each other; so the more either flourishes or declines, the other must be necessarily affected; and the general Trade and Navigation of their Mother Country, will be proportionably benefited or injured. May we not therefore say, with equal Truth, as the French do in their before cited Memorial, that the general Navigation of Great Britain owes all its Encrease and Splendor to the Commerce of its American and African Colonies; and that it cannot be maintained and enlarged otherwise than from the constant Prosperity of both those branches, whose Interests are mutual and inseparable?[Postlethwayt 1968c: 6]The atlantic slave trade remains oddly invisible in the commentaries of historians who have specialized in the sources and causes of British industrialization in the late eighteenth century. This curiosity contrasts sharply with the perspective of eighteenth-century strategists who, on the eve of the industrial revolution, placed great stock in both the trade and the colonial plantations as vital instruments for British economic progress. Specifically, Joshua Gee and Malachy Postlethwayt, once described by the imperial historian Charles Ryle Fay (1934: 2–3) as Britain’s major “spokesmen” for the eighteenth century, both placed the importation of African slaves into the Americas at the core of their visions of the requirements for national expansion. Fay (ibid.: 3) also described both of them as “mercantilists hardening into a manufacturers’ imperialism.” For such a “manufacturers’ imperialism” to be a success, both Gee and Postlethwayt saw the need for extensive British participation in the trade in Africans and in the maintenance and development of the West Indies.

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Muñoz-Valdivieso, Sofia. "Slavery fiction in Britain." Journal of European Studies 50, no. 2 (May 18, 2020): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244120918481.

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This article analyses significant examples of slavery fiction published in Britain by writers who have family links to Africa and the Caribbean. As children of immigrants who had come to Britain after World War II, Caryl Phillips, David Dabydeen, Fred D’Aguiar, Andrea Levy and Bernardine Evaristo shared the uncertainties of coming of age in a society that offered no space for their identities as individuals with roots in other continents. This article reviews some of their fictions and considers them as a group in their re-creation of British involvement in the slave trade and slavery. They refocus the lens of history and present the perspectives of African enslaved and free individuals in stories of human suffering but also of agency and resistance. These fictions reconstruct the role of slavery in the British past as they write against traditional abolition-oriented narratives of the nation.

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Frank, Alison. "The Children of the Desert and the Laws of the Sea: Austria, Great Britain, the Ottoman Empire, and the Mediterranean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century." American Historical Review 117, no. 2 (April 2012): 410–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.117.2.410.

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Rawley, James A. "Richard Harris, Slave Trader Spokesman." Albion 23, no. 3 (1991): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051111.

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“So little is known of the separate traders,” lamented the historian of the Royal African Company, K. G. Davies, that he was reduced to perceptive speculation about their activity. The authority, Basil Williams, writing about the period 1714–1760, asserted, “The traffic in negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company.…“ In actuality a great deal can be discovered about the separate traders and their activity. The papers of Humphry Morice provide a rich source for a merchant who was perhaps London's and Great Britain's foremost slave trader in the 1720s. The assertion that the traffic in Negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company is easily refuted by materials in the Public Record Office. London separate traders dominated the trade for the first three decades of the eighteenth century giving way to Bristol traders in the 1730s, who in turn gave way to Liverpool ascendancy in the 1740s.The English slave trade between 1699 and 1729, energized by the end of monopoly and the booming international market for slaves in America, grew prodigiously. In these years England accounted for nearly one-half of all slaves exported from the west coast of Africa. London alone accounted for two-thirds of all slaves delivered by English ships.Although the period falls half a century and more before the classic exposition of the advantages of free trade over monopoly by Adam Smith, an English free trade doctrine had found expression in Sir Dudley North's pamphlet, Discourses upon Trade (1691), and parlimentary proceedings. Interlopers in the slave trade, smugglers in the lucrative Spanish-American trade who opposed parliamentary restriction on their activity, separate traders whose participation in the trade became legalized in 1698, and a variety of commercial, industrial, and planting interests all contributed in their fashion to an outlook favoring free trade in slaves.

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Bishara, Fahad Ahmad. "“No country but the ocean”: Reading International Law from the Deck of an Indian Ocean Dhow, ca. 1900." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (March 27, 2018): 338–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000075.

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AbstractThis paper engages in a microhistory of international law, grounded in the contests surrounding theMuscat Dhowscase brought by Great Britain against France in 1905. At the heart of the case was the question of whether the French consul had the right to grant flags and navigation passes to dhows from the southern Omani port of Sur that were suspected of transporting slaves. The case became foundational to studies of the law of the sea, and the ruling is still cited in footnotes in law school textbooks. Buried in the case's proceedings, however, are a series of petitions by the dhow captains that give historians a window into the legal imaginaries of Indian Ocean mariners in an age of empire. Through a close reading of the petitions, I explore how captains located themselves within an imperial legal geography, and appropriated legal technologies—passes and flags—to help them shape the legal possibilities of a changing political and economic seascape. I argue that the claims the captains articulated and the practices they engaged in at sea reveal a maritime legal culture at work, one animated by a long history of encountering regional and global empires at sea. Their documentary practices illuminate how they engaged in and domesticated a body of international law, and illustrate how the regime manifested itself in an ocean that ran thick with legal idioms.

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Hendrix, Melvin K. "Africana Resources in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England." History in Africa 14 (1987): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171852.

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Beginning in the latter part of the sixteenth century British naval and shipping interests gradually emerged as one of the major maritime forces operating in African waters and, by the end of the eighteenth century, British shipping dominated the export slave trade. The establishment of colonial plantation economies in the Americas, the global expansion of British political and commercial interests resulting from the Napoleonic Wars, and the anti-slave trade suppression campaign in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century all brought British seafarers into intimate association with African peoples. This relationship became more intense with the scramble for colonial territories throughout the continent in the late nineteenth century.As a direct consequence of this extensive political and economic relationship a voluminous amount of documentary material exists. One of the principal depositories of this material is the National Maritime Museum (NMM) of Great Britain located in Greenwich, southeast of Central London. This essay reviews some of the documentary holdings found in the Library of the NMM, resources that scholars might find useful in reconstructing British maritime activities in relation to peoples of African descent. Located within the Museum its holdings include printed books and other printed materials, maps and atlases, rare and original manuscripts, ship's plans and drawings, collections on shipwrecks, piracy, and boats, together with various photographic and art collections. While the Library is free and open to the public, it is helpful to contact the Secretary of the NMM with a letter of introduction prior to a first visit.

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Smith, Alison. "Great Britain." Woman's Art Journal 24, no. 1 (2003): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1358827.

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Marsh, Jan, and Pamela Todd. "Great Britain." Woman's Art Journal 22, no. 2 (2001): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1358953.

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Connellan, Owen, and Nathaniel Lichfield. "Great Britain." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 59, no. 5 (November 2000): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1536-7150.00096.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 20, no. 1 (1999): 367–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160200x00385.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 22, no. 1 (2001): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160202x00275.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 22, no. 1 (2001): 383–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160202x00419.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 21, no. 1 (December 9, 2000): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-02101018.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 21, no. 1 (December 9, 2000): 377–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-02101039.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 21, no. 1 (December 9, 2000): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-02101048.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 32, no. 1 (June 19, 2014): 69–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-03201008.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 38, no. 1 (November 15, 2020): 407–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-03801038.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 33, no. 1 (November 25, 2015): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-90000058.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 37, no. 1 (December 4, 2018): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028_03701025.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 18, no. 1 (1997): xxv—15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160298x00018.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 18, no. 1 (1997): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160298x00072.

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International Labour Law Reports, Editors. "GREAT BRITAIN." International Labour Law Reports Online 18, no. 1 (1997): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160298x00144.

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