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Journal articles on the topic 'Slavery in Mauritius'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Thornton, E. Nicole. "RACE, NATIVITY, AND MULTICULTURAL EXCLUSION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 2 (2019): 613–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000237.

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AbstractThis article examines the exclusion of Afro-Mauritians (or Creoles) in Mauritian multiculturalism. Although Creoles represent nearly thirty percent of the population, they are the only major group not officially recognized in the Mauritian Constitution (unlike Hindus, Muslims, and the Chinese) and they experience uniquely high levels of socioeconomic and political marginalization despite the country’s decades-long policy of official multiculturalism. While scholarship on multiculturalism and nation-building in plural societies might explain the exclusion of Creoles as a breakdown in the forging of political community in postcolonial Mauritius, I build on these theories by focusing on the tension between diaspora and nativity evident in Mauritian public discourse. Using the politics of language policy as a case study, I examine why the Kreol language in Mauritius—the ancestral language of Creoles and mother tongue of the majority of Mauritians—was consistently rejected for inclusion in language policy until recently (unlike Hindi, Urdu, and other ethnic languages). In my analysis of public policy discourse, I map how Creole ethnic activists negotiated Kreol’s inclusion in multiculturalism and highlight their constraints. This analysis shows that through multiculturalism, non-Creole political actors have created ethnic categories of inclusion while reciprocally denoting racially-excluded others defined by their lack of diasporic cultural value. I argue that groups claiming diasporic cultural connections are privileged as “ethnics” deemed worthy of multicultural inclusion, while those with ancestral connections more natively-bound to the local territory (such as Creoles, as a post-slavery population) are deemed problematic, culturally dis-recognized, and racialized as “the Other” because their nativity gives them a platform from which to lay territorial counter-claims to the nation.

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2

Brixius, Dorit. "From ethnobotany to emancipation: Slaves, plant knowledge, and gardens on eighteenth-century Isle de France." History of Science 58, no. 1 (April 10, 2019): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275319835431.

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This essay examines the relationship between slavery and plant knowledge for cultivational activities and medicinal purposes on Isle de France (Mauritius) in the second half of the eighteenth century. It builds on recent scholarship to argue for the significance of slaves in the acquisition of plant material and related knowledge in pharmaceutical, acclimatization, and private gardens on the French colonial island. I highlight the degree to which French colonial officials relied on slaves’ ethnobotanical knowledge but neglected to include such information in their published works. Rather than seeking to explore the status of such knowledge within European frameworks of natural history as an endpoint of knowledge production, this essay calls upon us to think about the plant knowledge that slaves possessed for its practical implementations in the local island context. Both female and male slaves’ plant-based knowledge enriched – even initiated – practices of cultivation and preparation techniques of plants for nourishment and medicinal uses. Here, cultivational knowledge and skills determined a slave’s hierarchical rank. As the case of the slave gardener Rama and his family reveals, plant knowledge sometimes offered slaves opportunities for social mobility and, even though on extremely rare occasions, enabled them to become legally free.

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Allen, Richard B. "Indian Immigrants and the Legacy of Marronage: Illegal Absence, Desertion and Vagrancy on Mauritius, 1835–1900." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022725.

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Even before the abolition of slavery on 1 February 1835, planters on Mauritius had begun to look for free agricultural labourers to work their estates. By the early 1830s, it had become apparent that the local slave population was inadequate to meet the labour needs of the colony's rapidly expanding sugar industry, and the long-term availability of this soon-to-be emancipated work force was also increasingly open to question as the decade progressed. The Act of Abolition promised owners the services of their former slaves, now transformed into ‘apprentices’, as agricultural labourers, but only for a period of six years. Some planters no doubt suspected that the apprenticeship system might come to an end earlier than scheduled, as indeed was to happen in 1839. Others had good reason to suspect that many, if not most, of their apprentices would leave the plantations upon their final emancipation, as indeed they subsequently did. Faced with these realities, Mauritian planters dispatched their agents as far afield as China, Singapore, Ethiopia and Madagascar to search out supplies of inexpensive labour. Their gaze returned continually, however, to the relative close and seemingly inexhaustible manpower of India.

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4

Vaughan, Megan. "Slavery and Colonial Identity in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679294.

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On 25 May 1785, a M. Lousteau arrived at the police station in Port Louis, Isle de France (now Mauritius) to complain that his slave Jouan had been abducted. He described Jouan as an ‘Indien’, ‘Lascar’ and ‘Malabar’, and said that he had learned that he had been smuggled on to the royal ship Le Brillant, bound for Pondicherry in southern India, by one Bernard (whom Lousteau describes as a ‘creol libre’ but who later is described as ‘Malabar, soi-disant libre’ and ‘Topa Libre’). The story of the escape had been told to him by a ‘Bengalie’ slave called Modeste, who belonged to the ‘Lascar’ fisherman, Bacou. A number of people had apparently assisted Jouan's escape in other ways—most importantly his trunk of belongings had been moved secretly from hut to hut before being embarked with him. Lousteau was a member of that ever-growing professional group of eighteenth-century France and its colonies: the lawyers. He was clerk to the island's supreme court, the Conseil Superieur. He supported a large family, he said, and the loss of Jouan represented a serious loss to their welfare. Jouan, it turned out, was no ordinary slave. He was a skilled carpenter who earned his master a significant sum every month; he was highly valued, and Lousteau had refused an offer of 5,000 livres for him. What is more, he could be easily recognised, for he was always exceptionally well turned-out and well-groomed. To facilitate in the search for his slave, Lousteau provided the following description of him:He declares that his fugitive slave is of the Lascar caste, a Malabar, dark black in colour, short in height, with a handsome, slightly thin face, a gentle appearance, with long hair … that he is very well dressed, abundantly endowed with clothes, such as jackets and shorts … wearing small gold earrings, a pin with a gold heart on his shirt, and on the arm a mark on the skin which he thinks reads DM.

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5

VAUGHAN, M. "Slavery, Smallpox, and Revolution: 1792 in Ile de France (Mauritius)." Social History of Medicine 13, no. 3 (January 1, 2000): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/13.3.411.

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6

Barker, Anthony J. "Distorting the record of slavery and abolition: The British anti‐slavery movement and Mauritius, 1826–37." Slavery & Abolition 14, no. 3 (December 1993): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399308575106.

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7

ANDERSON, CLARE. "Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius:Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius." American Anthropologist 108, no. 1 (March 2006): 258–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.1.258.

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8

EISENLOHR, PATRICK. "Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius, by Megan Vaughan." American Ethnologist 35, no. 1 (February 2008): 1019–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2008.00018.x.

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9

Walker, Clarence Earl. "Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius (1735–67) (review)." Eighteenth-Century Studies 41, no. 3 (2008): 431–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2008.0019.

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10

WORDEN, NIGEL. "Diverging Histories: Slavery and its Aftermath in the Cape Colony and Mauritius." South African Historical Journal 27, no. 1 (November 1992): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479208671735.

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11

Haines, Julia Jong. "Landscape Transformation under Slavery, Indenture, and Imperial Projects in Bras d’Eau National Park, Mauritius." Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology and Heritage 7, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 131–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21619441.2018.1578484.

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12

Seetah, Krish. "Contextualizing Complex Social Contact: Mauritius, a Microcosm of Global Diaspora." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774315000414.

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This article supplements current dialogue on the archaeology of slavery, offering an Indian Ocean counterpoint to a topic that has largely focused on the Atlantic world. It also delves into the essentially uncharted domain of the archaeology of indentured labour. New plural societies, characterized by cultural hybridity, were created around the world as a consequence of labour diasporas in the late historic period. What do these societies look like during the process of nation building and after independence? Can we study this development through archaeology? Focusing on Mauritius, this paper discusses the complexities of the island, and how it can be representative of similar newly formed plural societies in the Indian Ocean. During French and British imperial rule, the island served as an important trading post for a range of European imperial powers. These varied groups initiated the movement and settlement of African, Indian and Chinese transplanted communities. By exploring the dynamic nature of inter-group interaction on Mauritius, this paper emphasizes the nuanced nature of how different peoples arrived and made the island their home. Mauritius played a vital role in the transportation of forced and free labour, both within and beyond this oceanic world, and offers an important viewpoint from which to survey the ways in which historical archaeology can improve our understanding of the broader archaeo-historical processes of which these diasporas were an integral feature. The paper focuses on the outcomes of settlement, as viewed through the complex practices that underpin local food culture, the use and development of language and the way materials are employed for the expression of identity. The article also traces the roots of contemporary cultural retention for indentured labourers to administrative decisions made by the British, and ultimately explores how heritage and language can provide a powerful lens on mechanisms of cultural expression. In addition to illustrating the nuanced and multifaceted nature of group interaction on Mauritius itself, this article raises an issue of broader relevance—the need for historical archaeologists to give greater consideration to the Indian Ocean, rather than focusing on the Atlantic world. This would allow us to achieve a more informed understanding of European slave trading and associated systems of labour migration within a more global framework.

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13

Kale, Madhavi. "Making a Labour Shortage in Post-Abolition British Guyana." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 62–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022701.

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On 4 January 1836, less than two and a half years after Parliament abolished slavery in British colonies, John Gladstone, Liverpool merchant and father of William Ewart Gladstone, dictated a letter to his nephew at the Calcutta shipping agency Gillanders, Arbuthnot & Co. Gladstone explained that he had heard that the firm had recently sent ‘a considerable number of a certain class of Bengalees, to be employed as labourers, to the Mauritius’, and that he was interested in exploring the possibility of making similar arrangements for certain colonies in the West Indies, where he himself owned sugar plantations.

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14

Graham, Aaron. "Slavery, Banks and the Ambivalent Legacies of Compensation in South Africa, Mauritius and the Caribbean." Journal of Southern African Studies 47, no. 3 (April 1, 2021): 473–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2021.1899465.

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15

Kolapo, Femi J. "Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius, by Megan VaughanCreating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius, by Megan Vaughan. Durham, North Carolina, Duke University Press, 2005. xiv, 341 pp. $84.95 US (cloth), $23.95 US (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 41, no. 1 (April 2006): 174–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.41.1.174.

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16

Bowman, Larry W., and Anthony J. Barker. "Slavery and Antislavery in Mauritius, 1810-1833: The Conflict between Economic Expansion and Humanitarian Reform under British Rule." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220331.

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Alpers, Edward A., and Anthony J. Barker. "Slavery and Antislavery in Mauritius, 1810-33: The Conflict between Economic Expansion and Humanitarian Reform under British Rule." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1291. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651298.

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Lightfoot, Emma, Saša Čaval, Diego Calaon, Jo Appleby, Jonathan Santana, Alessandra Cianciosi, Rosa Fregel, and Krish Seetah. "Colonialism, slavery and ‘The Great Experiment’: Carbon, nitrogen and oxygen isotope analysis of Le Morne and Bois Marchand cemeteries, Mauritius." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 31 (June 2020): 102335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2020.102335.

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STOREY, WILLIAM K. "LEARNING FROM MAURITIUS ABOUT SLAVERY AND IDENTITY History, Memory and Identity. Edited By VIJAYALAKSHMI TEELOCK and EDWARD A. ALPERS. Mauritius: Nelson Mandela Centre for African Culture and the University of Mauritius, 2001. Pp. vii+236. No price given (ISBN 99903-904-3-6)." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (July 2003): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703268559.

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TEELOCK, VIJAYA. "THE SOCIOLOGY AND POLITICS OF SLAVERY IN MAURITIUS Slavery and Antislavery in Mauritius, 1810–33: The Conflict Between Economic Expansion and Humanitarian Reform under British Rule. By Anthony J. Barker. London: Macmillan Press and New York: St Martins Press, 1996. £47.50 (ISBN 0-333-66048-X)." Journal of African History 39, no. 2 (July 1998): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798217257.

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November, Kiat. "The Hare and the Tortoise Down by the King’s Pond: A Tale of Four Translations." Meta 52, no. 2 (August 2, 2007): 194–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016065ar.

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Abstract This paper looks at the linguistic situation on the island of Mauritius, as revealed by the analysis of four translations of a folk-tale, originally an oral tale recounted by African slaves. The languages involved are Mauritian Creole, French and English. A brief account of the Mauritian historical and socio-linguistic development is given to contextualize my investigation. I then examine the translations from the conceptual framework of ideology, arguing that not only were they the instruments of the translators’ ideological convictions but that, in the process, they also came to symbolize the asymmetrical linguistic relations in Mauritius.

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22

Allen, Richard B. "Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius. By Megan Vaughan (Durham, Duke University Press, 2005) 341 pp. $84.95 cloth $23.95 paper." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 38, no. 1 (July 2007): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.38.1.167.

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Pérotin-Dumon, Anne. "Megan Vaughan, Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005. xi+341 pp. $23.95 paper; $84.95 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 71, no. 1 (2007): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000439.

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Sepinwall, A. G. "MEGAN VAUGHAN. Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. 2005. Pp. xiv, 341. Cloth $84.95, paper $23.95." American Historical Review 111, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 601–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.2.601.

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Teelock, Vijayalakshmi. "Creating the Creole Island Slavery in Eighteenth-century Mauritius, by Megan Vaughan. Durham and London: Duke University Press. xi + 341 pp. ISBN 082233402X (cloth). ISBN 082233996X (paperback)." African Affairs 105, no. 419 (March 10, 2006): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi117.

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WORDEN, NIGEL. "LIVING SLAVERY, CREATING A CREOLE SOCIETY Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius. By MEGAN VAUGHAN. Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2005. Pp. xiv+341. £64 (ISBN 0-8223-3402-3402-x); £15.95, paperback (ISBN 0-8223-3399-6)." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (July 2006): 332–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370625206x.

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Tichelman, F. "X. Problems of Javanese Labour: Continuity and Change in the Nineteenth Century (Servitude and Mobility)." Itinerario 11, no. 1 (March 1987): 155–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530000944x.

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Western expansion and the large-scale cultivation of tropical crops for the world market gave rise to a strong demand for labour — plantation labour in particular. The commercial production of sugar(-cane) and other tropical produce more often than not was concentrated in areas that could not provide themselves adequate supplies of suitable labour: the Caribbean zone can serve as a model in this respect. Distance and the unattractive character of work on the fields and plantation life as such militated against the recruitment of voluntary workers on any scale. So the massive mobilization of bonded labour from more populous areas imposed itself on the planters. The extent and form of bonded migrant labour are determined both by the character of unequal power relations and significant differences in the quality of demand and supply. This subject, that is the successive stages of the recruitment and transport of non-voluntary labour (from Africa, Europe and India) to the Caribbean plantation world (including the adjacent continental zones) has been thoroughly studied. The export of Indian labour, bonded or ‘free’, in the post-slavery period has been dealt with by Tinker in a competent way. Modern scholarship only recently started to show an interest in the mobilization of labour, bonded or free, within the great Asian colonies of which two became important suppliers of overseas labour: India and Java. In the Caribbean zone, in Mauritius and similar plantation colonies, the West was in a position to create by forceful means, new plantation societies, fitted to its needs. In Asia one was confronted with states long established, ancient civilizations and relatively large populations.

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28

Monteiro, Carolina, and Erik Odegard. "Slavery at the Court of the ‘Humanist Prince’ Reexamining Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen and his Role in Slavery, Slave Trade and Slave-smuggling in Dutch Brazil." Journal of Early American History 10, no. 1 (September 11, 2020): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-01001004.

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Abstract From 1630 until its fall in 1654, the Dutch West India Company maintained a colony in northeastern Brazil where it tried to profit from the cultivation of sugar using enslaved African labor. Count Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen served as this colony’s governor-general from 1636 until 1644, this being the most heavily studied period of the colony’s existence. But the role of Johan Maurits in the transatlantic slave trade and enslavement in Brazil is poorly covered by research, with some historians recently arguing that there is ‘no proof’ of any personal involvement. This article presents a clear argument for the personal involvement of Johan Maurits in the slave trade and shows his involvement in slave-smuggling. Understanding the social relations between the count, his court and the Luso-Brazilian elite is in fact simply impossible without bringing in the trade and smuggling of enslaved Africans.

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ALLEN, RICHARD B. "LICENTIOUS AND UNBRIDLED PROCEEDINGS: THE ILLEGAL SLAVE TRADE TO MAURITIUS AND THE SEYCHELLES DURING THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (March 2001): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007817.

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Census and other demographic data are used to estimate the volume of the illegal slave trade to Mauritius and the Seychelles from Madagascar and the East African coast between 1811 and c. 1827. The structure and dynamics of this illicit traffic, as well as governmental attempts to suppress it, are also discussed. The Mauritian and Seychellois trade is revealed to have played a greater role in shaping Anglo-Merina and Anglo-Omani relations between 1816 and the early 1820s than previously supposed. Domestic economic considerations, together with British pressure on the trade's sources of supply, contributed to its demise.

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Gellman, David N. "Slavery and Antislavery in Mauritius, 1810–33: The Conflict between Economic Expansion and Humanitarian Reform under British Rule. By Anthony J. Barker. New York: St. Martin's Press, Inc., 1996. Pp. x, 225. $65.00." Journal of Economic History 58, no. 1 (March 1998): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700020192.

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Gilbert, Erik. "Megan Vaughan, Creating the Creole Island: Slavery in Eighteenth-Century Mauritius. Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2005. xiv + 341 pp. ISBN 0-8223-3402-X (hbk.); 0-8223-3399-6 (pbk.)." Itinerario 30, no. 1 (March 2006): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530001264x.

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Gonzales, Michael J. "Chinese Plantation Workers and Social Conflict in Peru in the late Nineteenth Century." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 3 (October 1989): 385–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00018496.

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As the world capitalist system developed during the nineteenth century non-slave labour became a commodity that circulated around the globe and contributed to capital accumulation in metropolitan centres. The best examples are the emigration of millions of Asian indentured servants and European labourers to areas of European colonisation. Asians replaced emancipated African slaves on plantations in the Caribbean and South America, supplemented a declining slave population in Cuba, built railways in California, worked in mines in South Africa, laboured on sugarcane plantations in Mauritius and Fiji, and served on plantations in southeast Asia. Italian immigrants also replaced African slaves on coffee estates in Brazil, worked with Spaniards in the seasonal wheat harvest in Argentina, and, along with other Europeans, entered the growing labour market in the United States. From the perspective of capital, these workers were a cheap alternative to local wage labour and, as foreigners without the rights of citizens, they could be subjected to harsher methods of social control.1

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Croucher, Richard, and Didier Michel. "“Legal at the Time”?: Companies, Governments and Reparations for Mauritian Slavery." Journal of African Law 58, no. 1 (January 28, 2014): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855313000193.

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AbstractThis article critiques the “legal at the time” argument used by states and companies which historically practised slavery to defend themselves against claims for restitution, examining the Mauritian case. Although slavery was largely legal there before its abolition by the British, torts were common under slavery and, during the years of historic rupture, 1794–1839, when the local élite defied first French and then English law, generated systemic unlawful activity. Most types of legal action for restitution for slavery face formidable difficulties; pursuing reparations supported by broad legal arguments may therefore be a more viable route. Slavery may be argued to have been an illegitimate endeavour in itself. While sympathetic to that view, this article does not pursue it but rather seeks to demonstrate that the “legal at the time” argument against reparations contains significant lacunae even within its restricted terms. It also shows that French constitutional law offers possibilities in the form of rights that are not time-bound.

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Hand, Felicity. "The Fight for Land, Water and Dignity in Lindsey Collen’s The Malaria Man and Her Neighbour." Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses, no. 82 (2021): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.recaesin.2021.82.05.

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The novels of South-African born Mauritian writer and activist Lindsey Collen expose a historical continuum of class exploitation, ranging from the slave past of the country including both pre-abolition African slavery together with indentured labour from the Indian subcontinent to post-independence sweat-shop toil, ill-paid domestic labour and exploited agricultural workers. Her latest novel to date, The Malaria Man and Her Neighbours (2010) probes this continuing class conflict and queries mainstream notions of heteronormativity. Access to water and land will be seen to lie behind the murder of the four main characters and the subsequent popular reaction. Collen insists that the underprivileged can become empowered through union, that participation and joint, communal effort can still make a difference.

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Emmer, P. C. "IX. Asians Compared: Some Observations regarding Indian and Indonesian Indentured Labourers in Surinam, 1873-1939." Itinerario 11, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009438.

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The drive towards the abolition of the slave trade at the beginning of the 19th century was not effective until the 1850s. It was perhaps the only migratory intercontinental movement in history which came to a complete stop because of political pressures in spite of the fact that neither the supply nor the demand for African slaves had disappeared.Because of the continuing demand for bonded labour in some of the plantation areas in the New World (notably the Guiana's, Trinidad, Cuba and Brazil) and because of a new demand for bonded labour in the developing sugar and mining industries in Mauritius, Réunion, Queensland (Australia), Natal (South Africa), the Fiji-islands and Hawaii an international search for ‘newslaves’ started.

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Teelock, V. "Breaking the Wall of Silence: Slavery in Mauritian Historiography." Radical History Review 2005, no. 91 (January 1, 2005): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2005-91-104.

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Klein, Martin A., and Richard B. Allen. "Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius." International Journal of African Historical Studies 32, no. 2/3 (1999): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220353.

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Gow, Bonar A. (Sandy), and Richard B. Allen. "Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 35, no. 1 (2001): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486353.

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Allen, Philip M., and Richard B. Allen. "Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius." American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651794.

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40

Hossen, Rashid. "Arbitration of labour disputes in Mauritius." Obiter 41, no. 3 (January 1, 2021): 622–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i3.9585.

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The evolution of labour law on Mauritius started with the repeal of the “code noir” (literally the black code) which was introduced in France in 1685 and extended to the island in 1723. It contained inhumane provisions that treated a slave as merchandise, as the property of his master which was subject to a list of punishments for not obeying the orders of the latter. Freedom of movement was then a crime.

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Harvey, Mark. "Slavery, Indenture and the Development of British Industrial Capitalism." History Workshop Journal 88 (2019): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbz027.

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Abstract The paper addresses the central issue of the relationship between slavery and industrial capitalism. It does so by re-examining Eric Williams’s classic account and recent debates related to it on the one hand, and on the other, by challenging basic assumptions about capitalism as a closed market-wage labour-capital system. Taking a long-duration approach (from the mid eighteenth century to the end of the nineteenth century) to three key commodities – guns, sugar and cotton – the paper argues that British industrial capitalism drove the expansion of slavery and then other regimes of exploitation in a dynamic and interdependent relationship with the transformation of the metropolitan wage economy. The analysis is based on changing configurations of production-exchange-distribution-consumption for each of these three exemplary commodities. The British industrial revolution is thus characterized by its hybridity and heterogeneity, always combining varied regimes of exploitation: metropolitan wage labour, directly-owned British Caribbean and Mauritian slavery, and US Deep South slavery, each followed by varied transitions to indentured servitude or sharecropping. New and contrasting racialized orders of hierarchy and inequality emerged and were entrenched as a central feature of this epochal change, the legacies of which are only too present today.

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Carter, Marina. "The transition from Slave to indentured labour in Mauritius." Slavery & Abolition 14, no. 1 (April 1993): 114–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399308575086.

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Boswell, Rosabelle. "Can justice be achieved for slave descendents in Mauritius?" International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 42, no. 2 (June 2014): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2014.01.005.

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ALLEN, RICHARD B. "THE CONSTANT DEMAND OF THE FRENCH: THE MASCARENE SLAVE TRADE AND THE WORLDS OF THE INDIAN OCEAN AND ATLANTIC DURING THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH CENTURIES." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707003295.

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ABSTRACTAnalysis of an inventory of 641 slaving voyages involving Mauritius and Réunion between 1768 and 1809 reveals that the Mascarene Islands were at the center of a substantial and dynamic regional slave trading network that also reached into the Americas in ways that raise questions about the relationship between the ‘worlds’ of the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic. The fact that colonial, as well as metropolitan, merchant capital underwrote Mascarene-based slave trading ventures raises additional questions about the role of locally generated and/or non-Western capital in financing the movement of slave, and ultimately ‘free’, labor throughout the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century colonial world.

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Campbell, Gwyn. "The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar, 1820–1835." Journal of African History 28, no. 3 (November 1987): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030103.

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Traditionally, historians have viewed Queen Ranavalona I as being responsible for inaugurating an autarkic policy in Madagascar. Her expulsion of most foreigners from the country in 1835 is seen primarily as a reflection of her conservative and xenophobic attitudes. In this she is contrasted with her predecessor, Radama I, who is viewed as an enlightened and progressive monarch who, through wise domestic policies and an alliance with the British on Mauritius from 1817, built up an economically sound and prosperous empire. This paper challenges the traditional interpretation, arguing that in fact the Merina economy was in a dire condition from the second decade of the nineteenth century because the slave exports upon which it heavily depended were severely restricted in consequence of the British takeover of the Mascarenes. The subsequent alliance between Britain and Imerina totally prohibited slave exports. However, Radama I looked to Mauritius and British aid to promote legitimate exports and to help impose Merina rule over all Madagascar. Autarkic policies were initiated by Radama I in 1825–6 as a reaction against the failure of the British alliance to produce the anticipated results, and against the free trade imperialism that accompanied it. Convinced by 1825 that the Mauritius government meant to subordinate Imerina both economically and politically to British imperial interests, he reneged on the British treaty and adopted a policy designed to promote rapid economic growth within an independent island empire. Ranavalona I, far from implementing irrational and xenophobic policies, extended her predecessor's autarkic policies in a rational and systematic manner, and for precisely the same ends.

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Seetah, Krish, Thomas Birch, Diego Calaon, and Saša Čaval. "Colonial iron in context: the Trianon slave shackle from Mauritius." Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 9, no. 3 (October 13, 2015): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12520-015-0295-7.

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Croucher, Richard, Mark Houssart, and Didier Michel. "The Mauritian Truth and Justice Commission: Legitimacy, Political Negotiation and the Consequences of Slavery." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 25, no. 3 (August 2017): 326–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2017.0198.

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We examine the origins, processes and outcomes of the Mauritian Truth and Justice Commission's examination of slavery and its contemporary effects. It has not been considered a success by any commentator. We therefore ask how far James L. Gibson's application of legitimacy theory to ‘Truth Commissions’ has purchase in this context and whether it was cynically motivated. We use MTJC documentation, interviews and newspaper reports to show that Gibson's theory provides insight into MTJC outcomes while demonstrating that politico-economic power structures were crucial. Conversely, the MTJC does not sit easily in Van Zyl's ‘cynical operation’ category.

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Carey, Dwight. "How Slaves Indigenized Themselves: The Architectural Cost Logs of French Colonial Mauritius." Grey Room 71 (June 2018): 68–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/grey_a_00242.

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Chenny, Shirley, Pascal St-Amour, and Désiré Vencatachellum. "Slave prices from succession and bankruptcy sales in Mauritius, 1825–1827." Explorations in Economic History 40, no. 4 (October 2003): 419–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0014-4983(03)00041-x.

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Eichmann, Anne. "From slave to Maroon: the present-centredness of Mauritian slave heritage." Atlantic Studies 9, no. 3 (September 2012): 319–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14788810.2012.688627.

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