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1
M.K. "Surinam Slavery." Americas 50, no. 3 (January 1994): 440–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500020976.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 63, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1989): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002032.
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-Raymond T. Smith, John Gabriel Stedman, Narrative of a five years expedition against the revolted negroes of Surinam in Guiana on the Wild Coast of South-America from the year 1772 to the year 1777. Edited by Richard Price and Sally Price. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988. xcvii + 708 pp.-Richard Price, John Gabriel Stedman, Reize naar Surinamen, door den Capitein John Gabriel Stedman, met platen en kaarten, naar het Engelsch, Jos Fontaine (ed.) Zutphen: De Walburg Pers, 1987. 176 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, David Eltis, Economic growth and the ending of the transatlantic slave trade. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. xiii + 418 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, Robin Blackburn, The overthrow of colonial slavery, 1776-1848. London and New York: Verso, 1988. 560 pp.-Jack P. Greene, Selwyn H.H. Carrington, The British West Indies during the American revolution. The Netherlands: Foris Publications, 1988. 222 pp.-H. Hoetink, Angel G. Quintero Rivera, Patricios y plebeyos: burgueses, hacendados, artesanos y obreros. Las relaciones de clase en el Puerto Rico de cambio de siglo. Rio Piedras, P.R. Ediciones Huracán, 1988. 332 pp.
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Steinmetz, Carl H. D. "The Dutch slavery and colonization DNA. A call to engage in self-examination." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 11 (November 16, 2021): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.811.11178.
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This article answers the question whether there is a Dutch slavery and colonisation DNA. After all, the Netherlands has centuries of experience (approximately three and a half centuries) with colonisation (including occupation, wars and genocide, rearrangement of land and population, plundering and theft), trade in enslaved people (the Atlantic route: Europe, Africa, North and South America) and trade in the products of these enslaved people. The Netherlands has colonised large parts of the world. This was a large part of Asia, including the Indonesian archipelago, Malaysia, Ceylon, Taiwan and New Guinea, large parts of the continent Africa, including Madagascar, Mozambique, Cape of Good Hope, Luanda, Sao Tome, Fort Elmina etc., and North (New York) and South America (including Brazil, Dejima, Surinam and the Netherlands Antilles). It is a fact that human conditions and circumstances influence the human DNA that is passed on to posterity. This goes through the mechanism of methylation. This mechanism is used by cells in the human body to put genes in the "off" position. Human conditions and circumstances are abstractly formulated, poverty, hunger, disasters and wars. These are also horrors that accompanied slavery and colonisation. The Dutch, as slave traders, plantation owners, occupiers of lands, soldiers, merchants, captains and sailors, and administrators and their staff, have had centuries of experience with practising atrocities. Because those experiences are translated into the DNA of posterity, it is understandable that Dutch authorities misbehave towards immigrants and refugees. Those institutions are political leaders, governmental institutions, such as the tax authorities and youth welfare, and also companies that do their utmost to avoid taking on immigrants. This behaviour is called institutional colour and black racism.
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Meel, Peter. "Anton de Kom and the Formative Phase of Surinamese Decolonization." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2009): 249–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002453.
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Wij slaven van Suriname (We slaves of Suriname) by Anton de Kom (1898-1945) stands out as one of the classics of Surinamese historiography and one of the most debated books among contemporary scholars involved in Surinamese studies. In this article I argue that Wij slaven van Suriname marks a new stage in Surinamese history writing and a novel way of dealing with the Surinamese past. To determine the characteristics of the book and its contribution to Caribbean historiography I juxtapose Wij slaven van Suriname with two other groundbreaking works in Caribbean political thought: Capitalism and Slavery by Eric Williams (1911-81) and The Black Jacobins by C.L.R. James (1901-89). The three works display many similarities, but also important differences. In my opinion De Kom’s hitherto surprisingly weak Caribbean profile is not justified given that his work represents the formative phase of Surinamese decolonization. It therefore deserves a prominent place in twentieth-century Caribbean history writing.
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Welie, Rik van. "Slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire: A global comparison." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 47–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002465.
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Compares slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire, specifically between the former trading and territorial domains of the West India Company (WIC), the Americas and West Africa, and of the East India Company (VOC), South East Asia, the Indian Ocean region, and South and East Africa. Author presents the latest quantitative assessments concerning the Dutch transatlantic as well as Indian Ocean World slave trade, placing the volume, direction, and characteristics of the forced migration in a historical context. He describes how overall the Dutch were a second-rate player in Atlantic slavery, though in certain periods more important, with according to recent estimates a total of about 554.300 slaves being transported by the Dutch to the Americas. He indicates that while transatlantic slave trade and slavery received much scholarly attention resulting in detailed knowledge, the slave trade and slavery in the Indian Ocean World by the Dutch is comparatively underresearched. Based on demand-side estimates throughout Dutch colonies of the Indonesian archipelago and elsewhere, he deduces that probably close to 500.000 slaves were transported by the Dutch in the Indian Ocean World. In addition, the author points at important differences between the nature and contexts of slavery, as in the VOC domains slavery was mostly of an urban and domestic character, contrary to its production base in the Americas. Slavery further did in the VOC areas not have a rigid racial identification like in WIC areas, with continuing, postslavery effects, and allowed for more flexibility, while unlike the plantation colonies in the Caribbean, as Suriname, not imported slaves but indigenous peoples formed the majority. He also points at relative exceptions, e.g. imported slaves for production use in some VOC territories, as the Banda islands and the Cape colony, and a certain domestic and urban focus of slavery in Curaçao.
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Maat, Harro, and Tinde van Andel. "The history of the rice gene pool in Suriname: circulations of rice and people from the eighteenth century until late twentieth century." Historia Agraria. Revista de agricultura e historia rural 75 (June 1, 2018): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.075e04m.
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Alongside the trans-Atlantic slave trade, plant species travelled from Africa to the Americas and back. This article examines the emerging rice gene pool in Suriname due to the global circulation of people, plants and goods. We distinguish three phases of circulation, marked by two major transitions. Rice was brought to the Americas by European colonizers, mostly as food on board of slave ships. In Suriname rice started off as a crop grown only by Maroon communities in the forests of the Suriname interior. For these runaway slaves cultivating several types of rice for diverse purposes played an important role in restoring some of their African culture. Rice was an anti-commodity that acted as a signal of protest against the slave-based plantation economy. After the end of slavery, contract labourers recruited from British India and the Dutch Indies also brought rice to Suriname. These groups grew rice as a commodity for internal and global markets. This formed the basis of a second transition, turning rice into an object of scientific research. The last phase of science-driven circulation of rice connected the late-colonial period with the global Green Revolution.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Królestwo Niderlandów – trudne „przepraszam” za przeszłość kolonialną." Politeja 20, no. 6(87) (December 20, 2023): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.87.03.
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THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS – DIFFICULT “I AM SORRY” FOR THE COLONIALPAST On 19 December 2022, Mark Rutte, as the first Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, officially apologized for the harm suffered by the descendants of slaves brought to work in colonies in the Caribbean, Suriname, Asia and the European Netherlands. The Prime Minister announced state celebrations on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the Kingdom’s colonies on 1 July 2023. The slave trade brought great profits. After World War II, only Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles remained within the colonial empire of the Netherlands (New Dutch Guinea was a dependent territory until 1962). As a result of the political reforms of 2010, the Netherlands Antilles were dissolved. Currently, the Kingdom of the Netherlands consist of four autonomous countries and special (overseas) municipalities that are part of the European Netherlands. The decision to apologize for the Kingdom’s colonial past will not end deep-seated disputes. In 2021, a report was issued stating that slavery was a crime against the population and calling for the creation of a Kingdom fund for the families of people affected by slavery. Its adoption will have far-reaching effects on Dutch society.
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Esajas, Mitchell. "More Relevant Than Ever." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-10461871.
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Anton de Kom was an anticolonial thinker, resistance fighter, father, author, and poet—a renaissance man par excellance born in the Dutch colony Suriname. In his Wij slaven van Suriname (1934), De Kom, as a descendant of enslaved peoples in Suriname, described with razor-sharpness the oppression and exploitation of people on the basis of “race” and class, both during the period of slavery and after its abolition. Although he became known as a national hero in Suriname, in the former colonial metropole of the Netherlands his name, work, and life story were relatively unknown. In 2020, however, Wij slaven became a bestseller, eighty-six years after its original publication, and De Kom became part of the Dutch canon. This essay explores this new, even unexpected, “success” of Wij slaven, and indeed of Anton de Kom, within the Dutch public and political spheres.
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Postma, Johannes. "Slavery, religion, and abolition in Suriname." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1997): 309–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002611.
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[First paragraph]"Om werk van jullie te hebben": Plantageleven in Suriname, 1730-1750. RUDI OTTO BEELDSNIJDER. Utrecht: Vakgroep Culturele Antropologie - Bronnen voor de Studie van Afro-Surinaamse Samenlevingen, 1994. xii + 351 pp. (Paper NLG 35.00)Surinaams contrast: Roofbouw en overleven in een Caraibische plantagekolonie 1750-1863. ALEX VAN STIPRIAAN. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1995. xiii + 494 pp. (Paper NLG 60.00)Strijders voor het Lam: Leven en werk van Herrnhutter broeders en zusters in Suriname, 1735-1900. MARIA LENDERS. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1996. xii + 451 pp. (Paper NLG 65.00)Fifty Years Later: Antislavery, Capitalism and Modernity in the Dutch Orbit. GERT OOSTINDIE (ed.). Leiden: KITLV Press, 1995; Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996. viii + 272 pp. (Paper NLG 45.00, US$ 22.50, Cloth US$ 45.00)The publication of the books under review is evidence of a growing scholarly interest in the history of Dutch activities in the Atlantic. Three of them are doctoral dissertations on Suriname history; the fourth contains the published proceedings of a conference held in 1993 that focused on the abolition of slavery in the Dutch colonies. Three were published by the Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology (KITLV), which exhibits an increasing interest in publishing scholarly books about Dutch overseas history.
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van Stipriaan, Alex. "Debunking Debts Image and Reality of a Colonial Crisis: Suriname at the End of the 18th Century." Itinerario 19, no. 1 (March 1995): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021185.
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The historical image of Suriname – and maybe of colonies in general – is dominated by stereotypes, as well as by assumptions which are far too facile. That at least is the impression left after comparing a variety of primary sources on Suriname with the historiography of this colony. One small example will suffice. Almost every time slavery is introduced in literature on the history of Suriname, emphasis is placed on the fact that it was one of the hardest or cruellest slave systems in the entire Americas. The implication is that Suriname slavery is invariably considered to have been a system which remained static for more than two centuries. Something it certainly was not. Moreover, it shows that not one of the authors has ever troubled to take a look at the available demographic sources. Had they done so, they would have noticed there are no indications that Suriname deviated in this respect from the average Caribbean pattern.
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Alston, David. "Scottish Slave-owners in Suriname: 1651–1863." Northern Scotland 9, no. 1 (May 2018): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.2018.0143.
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This is an account of Scots in the Dutch colony of Suriname from 1651 until the emancipation of slaves in the Dutch Empire in 1863, when Scottish owners of slaves received nine per cent of the compensation paid to slave-owners in the colony by the Dutch Government. Before 1790 the small Scots presence in Suriname was a product of the outward looking nature of the Dutch Atlantic and the willingness of some Scots, most with with family, religious or military ties to the Netherlands, to seize the opportunities this offered. After 1790 the British presence in Suriname expanded, with a significant involvement of Highland Scots who came to work new plantations in the colony from the neighbouring British controlled colonies of Berbice and Demerara. After the emancipation of slaves in the British Empire in 1834, a number of these Scottish slave-owners campaigned against emancipation in the Dutch Empire. Despite buying and selling slaves in breach of British law, and despite public criticism, none of these British-based slave-owners were prosecuted. The article concludes with an examination of the legacies of this Scottish slave-ownership, both in Scotland and in Suriname.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 86, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2012): 309–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002420.
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A World Among these Islands: Essays on Literature, Race, and National Identity in Antillean America, by Roberto Márquez (reviewed by Peter Hulme) Caribbean Reasonings: The Thought of New World, The Quest for Decolonisation, edited by Brian Meeks & Norman Girvan (reviewed by Cary Fraser) Elusive Origins: The Enlightenment in the Modern Caribbean Historical Imagination, by Paul B. Miller (reviewed by Kerstin Oloff) Caribbean Perspectives on Modernity: Returning Medusa’s Gaze, by Maria Cristina Fumagalli (reviewed by Maureen Shay) Who Abolished Slavery: Slave Revolts and Abolitionism: A Debate with João Pedro Marques, edited by Seymour Drescher & Pieter C. Emmer, and Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic, edited by Derek R . Peterson (reviewed by Claudius Fergus) The Mediterranean Apprenticeship of British Slavery, by Gustav Ungerer (reviewed by James Walvin) Children in Slavery through the Ages, edited by Gwyn Campbell, Suzanne Miers & Joseph C. Miller (reviewed by Indrani Chatterjee) The Invisible Hook: The Hidden Economics of Pirates, by Peter T. Leeson (reviewed by Kris Lane) Theorizing a Colonial Caribbean-Atlantic Imaginary: Sugar and Obeah, by Keith Sandiford (reviewed by Elaine Savory) Created in the West Indies: Caribbean Perspectives on V.S. Naipaul, edited by Jennifer Rahim & Barbara Lalla (reviewed by Supriya M. Nair) Thiefing Sugar: Eroticism between Women in Caribbean Literature, by Omise’eke Natasha Tinsley (reviewed by Lyndon K. Gill) Haiti Unbound: A Spiralist Challenge to the Postcolonial Canon, by Kaiama L. Glover (reviewed by Asselin Charles) Divergent Dictions: Contemporary Dominican Literature, by Néstor E. Rodríguez (reviewed by Dawn F. Stinchcomb) The Caribbean Short Story: Critical Perspectives, edited by Lucy Evans, Mark McWatt & Emma Smith (reviewed by Leah Rosenberg) Society of the Dead: Quita Manaquita and Palo Praise in Cuba, by Todd Ramón Ochoa (reviewed by Brian Brazeal) El Lector: A History of the Cigar Factory Reader, by Araceli Tinajero (reviewed by Juan José Baldrich) Blazing Cane: Sugar Communities, Class, and State Formation in Cuba, 1868-1959, by Gillian McGillivray (reviewed by Consuelo Naranjo Orovio) The Purposes of Paradise: U.S. Tourism and Empire in Cuba and Hawai’i, by Christine Skwiot (reviewed by Amalia L. Cabezas) A History of the Cuban Revolution, by Aviva Chomsky (reviewed by Michelle Chase) The Cubalogues: Beat Writers in Revolutionary Havana, by Todd F. Tietchen (reviewed by Stephen Fay) The Devil in the Details: Cuban Antislavery Narrative in the Postmodern Age, by Claudette M. Williams (reviewed by Gera Burton) Screening Cuba: Film Criticism as Political Performance during the Cold War, by Hector Amaya (reviewed by Ann Marie Stock) Perceptions of Cuba: Canadian and American Policies in Comparative Perspective, by Lana Wylie (reviewed by Julia Sagebien) Forging Diaspora: Afro-Cubans and African Americans in a World of Empire and Jim Crow, by Frank Andre Guridy (reviewed by Susan Greenbaum) The Irish in the Atlantic World, edited by David T. Gleeson (reviewed by Donald Harman Akenson) The Chinese in Latin America and the Caribbean, edited by Walton Look Lai & Tan Chee-Beng (reviewed by John Kuo Wei Tchen) The Island of One People: An Account of the History of the Jews of Jamaica, by Marilyn Delevante & Anthony Alberga (reviewed by Barry Stiefel) Creole Jews: Negotiating Community in Colonial Suriname, by Wieke Vink (reviewed by Aviva Ben-Ur) Only West Indians: Creole Nationalism in the British West Indies, by F.S.J. Ledgister (reviewed by Jerome Teelucksingh) Cultural DNA: Gender at the Root of Everyday Life in Rural Jamaica, by Diana J. Fox (reviewed by Jean Besson) Women in Grenadian History, 1783-1983, by Nicole Laurine Phillip (reviewed by Bernard Moitt) British-Controlled Trinidad and Venezuela: A History of Economic Interests and Subversions, 1830-1962, by Kelvin Singh (reviewed by Stephen G. Rabe) Export/Import Trends and Economic Development in Trinidad, 1919-1939, by Doddridge H.N. Alleyne (reviewed by Rita Pemberton) Post-Colonial Trinidad: An Ethnographic Journal, by Colin Clarke & Gillian Clarke (reviewed by Patricia van Leeuwaarde Moonsammy) Poverty in Haiti: Essays on Underdevelopment and Post Disaster Prospects, by Mats Lundahl (reviewed by Robert Fatton Jr.) From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism, 1870-1964, by Millery Polyné (reviewed by Brenda Gayle Plummer) Haiti Rising: Haitian History, Culture and the Earthquake of 2010, edited by Martin Munro (reviewed by Jonna Knappenberger) Faith Makes Us Live: Surviving and Thriving in the Haitian Diaspora, by Margarita A. Mooney (reviewed by Rose-Marie Chierici) This Spot of Ground: Spiritual Baptists in Toronto, by Carol B. Duncan (reviewed by James Houk) Interroger les morts: Essai sur le dynamique politique des Noirs marrons ndjuka du Surinam et de la Guyane, by Jean-Yves Parris (reviewed by H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen & W. van Wetering)
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Gwilliam, Tassie. ""Scenes of Horror," Scenes of Sensibility: Sentimentality and Slavery in John Gabriel Stedman's Narrative of a Five Years Expedition Against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam." ELH 65, no. 3 (1998): 653–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/elh.1998.0024.
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Gomes da Cunha, Olívia Maria. "Displacing Wij slaven van Suriname." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-10461843.
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This essay seeks to speculate on the reception of de Anton de Kom’s Wij slaven van Suriname (1934) within a very different context of political debates on race; decolonization; the politics of solidarity; and internationalist and anticapitalist struggles—all themes that De Kom’s narrative tackles in unique ways—and on the question of time. The author attempts to displace De Kom’s book away from its entanglement of political and intellectual connections and toward the diverse temporalities of Suriname’s decolonial struggles, seeking to explore what could be called the “collateral effects” produced by the 1934 publication of Wij slaven by a Caribbean publisher and institution. The author then compares the 1981 Spanish translation of De Kom’s work, Nosotros, esclavos de Surinam, with a different set of debates and texts addressed to diverse audiences and subjects entangled in distinct networks of political engagements and projects.
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Ben-Ur, Aviva. "Relative Property." New West Indian Guide 89, no. 1-2 (2015): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-08901053.
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Most historians of slavery in the Americas treat masters of color who owned their own kin as an oddity, a scribal error, or as a topic to evade. Most others conclude that ruthlessly capitalistic owners reserved such behavior for slaves unrelated to them, and owned their own kin as slaves in name only, with the intention of providing protection and eventual manumission. This article considers several cases of close-kin ownership, particularly in Suriname, and explores the role of coercive economy in families emerging from enslavement, arguing that the capitalistic values of slaveholding pervaded families approaching freedom, often informing both their economic behavior and their interpersonal relations.
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Canfijn, Imran, and Karwan Fatah-Black. "The Power of Procedure." Journal of Global Slavery 7, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2022): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00701004.
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Abstract While contemporary observers judged Suriname’s legal system to be extremely cruel, arbitrary, and above all outrageously biased, the written record reveals that its criminal court closely adhered to procedure, weighed slave testimony and did not cast judgement outright. This article asks what place slave punishment and legal procedure had in the Suriname system of slavery, and how and why this changed over time. The Suriname legal system offers an almost continuous record of criminal trials held before its main colonial court as well as a record of its locally passed regulations. Research indicates that the court turned away from severe physical mutilation and capital punishments over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The decline of plantocratic dominance and its overbearing use of force suggests a gradual embedding of the court system, making it a predictable institution promoting (an unequal) social cohesion. This leads us to suggest that the amelioration policies of the nineteenth century were not a transformation in the legal system resulting solely from a metropolitan intervention, but were partly a continuation of a trend in the colony itself.
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Oostindie, Gert. "Voltaire, Stedman and suriname slavery." Slavery & Abolition 14, no. 2 (August 1993): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399308575095.
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Weiner, Melissa F. "(E)RACING SLAVERY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 11, no. 2 (2014): 329–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000149.
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AbstractTextbooks are explicitly racial texts that offer important insights into national memories of slavery and colonialism. The Dutch have long engaged in the social forgetting of slavery even as race served as an organizing principal during centuries of colonial domination of the Dutch West Indies and Suriname. While the Dutch have recently begun to address their history of enslavement, they have yet to sufficiently address how the discursive legacies of slavery continue to impact the lives of Afro-Dutch descendants of enslaved2 Africans and White Dutch in The Netherlands today. This paper uses qualitative content and discourse analytic methods to examine the depiction of slavery, The Netherlands’ role in the slave trade and enslavement, and the commemoration of slavery in all Dutch primary school history textbooks published since 1980 to address questions of whether textbooks feature scientific colonialism to perpetuate The Netherlands’ social forgetting of slavery in a nation that denies the existence of race even as racialized socioeconomic inequalities persist. A Eurocentric master narrative of racial Europeanization perpetuates Dutch social forgetting of slavery and scientific colonialism to both essentialize Afro-Dutch and position their nation squarely within Europe’s history of enslavement even while attempting to minimize their role within it. Findings have important implications for both The Netherlands and all nations with histories of enslavement as the discourses and histories presented in textbooks impact generations of students, who shape local and national policy regarding racial minorities, racial identities, and ideologies.
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Paschke, Boris. "Slavery de jure and de facto: The United Nations’ Definition of Slavery and Its Incomplete Dutch Translation in Belgium, The Netherlands, and Suriname." International Human Rights Law Review 9, no. 2 (October 24, 2020): 324–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00902006.
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Abstract The international legal definition of slavery (Art. 1 Slavery Convention [1926]; Art. 7 Supplementary Convention [1956]) distinguishes between slavery de jure and slavery de facto. The definition puts the emphasis on slavery de facto. However, by letting some words untranslated, the respective Dutch translation prevalent in Belgium, The Netherlands, and Suriname (unintentionally) focuses on slavery de jure. Nowadays, slavery is illegal (Art. 4 udhr; Art. 4 echr) and, thus, only exists de facto. A corrected and completed Dutch translation will increase the awareness of the various forms of slavery de facto. In so doing, it can make an important contribution to the fight against slavery.
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Jones, Guno. "Citizenship Violence and the Afterlives of Dutch Colonialism." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 100–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-10461885.
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Through a close reading of Anton de Kom’s Wij slaven van Suriname (We Slaves of Suriname), this essay explores the complex legal, symbolic, social, and political lives of differentially positioned humans in the Dutch colonial and postindependent context. Firstly, De Kom’s 1934 book reveals the fundamental dualism between legal subjects and rightless bodies in the Dutch colonial context and how European law and the rights of citizens enabled the maximum exploitation of colonized and enslaved bodies. Contrary to universalist-inclusive and progressive notions of legal citizenship and the law, the concept of what the author terms “citizenship violence” seems appropriate to appreciate the dynamics revealed in Wij slaven. However, as De Kom demonstrates, the colonized were not passive subjects; they resisted citizenship violence in multiple ways. Secondly, in discussing the racialization of citizenship and belonging in contemporary Dutch society as part of broader European patterns, the essay highlights some ominous colonial afterlives.
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Davis, Natalie Zemon. "Regaining Jerusalem: Eschatology and Slavery in Jewish Colonization in Seventeeth-Century Suriname." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 3, no. 1 (December 11, 2015): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2015.29.
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Through the person of the ex-converso David Nassy, “Regaining Jerusalem” asks how seventeenth-century Portuguese Jews could seek their own religious liberty at the same time they were enslaving Africans in the plantation economies of the Caribbean and the Guyana coast. Living in Amsterdam by the 1630s, Nassy was part of the Jewish community in Dutch Brazil, and then in the 1660s led the Jewish settlement in Dutch Suriname. Nassy was moved in part by eschatological hopes shared with other ex-conversos freed from Catholic tyranny, in part by his interest in plants and geography, and in part by entrepreneurial desire for profit. Nassy and his fellow Jews distinguished their own biblical exodus out of slavery from the destiny of their African captives, incorporating their slaves into the patriarchal Abrahamic household. This paper describes patterns of Jewish culture on the sugar plantations and the varied reactions of African men and women to it.
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Brandon, Pepijn. "Between the Plantation and the Port: Racialization and Social Control in Eighteenth-Century Paramaribo." International Review of Social History 64, S27 (March 26, 2019): 95–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901900004x.
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AbstractStarting from an incident in the colonial port city of Paramaribo in the autumn of 1750 in which, according to the Dutch governor Mauricius, many of the proper barriers separating rich and poor, men and women, adults and children, white citizens and black slaves were crossed, this article traces some of the complexities of everyday social control in colonial Suriname. As gateways for the trade in commodities and the movement of people, meeting points for free and unfree labourers, and administrative centres for emerging colonial settlements, early modern port cities became focal points for policing interaction across racial and social boundaries. Much of the literature on the relationship between slavery and race focuses on the plantation as “race-making institution” and the planter class as the immediate progenitors of “racial capitalism”. Studies of urban slavery, on the other hand, have emphasized the greater possibilities of social contact between blacks,mestizos, and whites of various social status in the bustling port cities of the Atlantic. This article attempts to understand practices of racialization and control in the port city of Paramaribo not by contrasting the city with its plantation environment, but by underlining the connections between the two social settings that together shaped colonial geography. The article focuses on everyday activities in Paramaribo (dancing, working, drinking, arguing) that reveal the extent of contact between slaves and non-slaves. The imposition of racialized forms of repression that set one group against the other, frequently understood primarily as a means to justify the apparent stasis of the plantation system with its rigid internal divisions, in practice often functioned precisely to fight the pernicious effects of mobility in mixed social contexts.
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Hoogbergen, Wim. "Origins of the Suriname Kwinti Maroons." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 66, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1992): 27–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002003.
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Narrative history of the Kwinti Maroons covering approximately 250 years. They had settled West of Paramaribo before 1750. Only in 1887, 24 years after the abolition of slavery, did the authorities acknowledge the Kwinti as free Maroons. Based on archival sources in Suriname and the Netherlands.
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Oostindie, Gert J. "On Stedman’s narrative, Suriname slavery, and editing." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 147, no. 1 (1991): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003203.
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Hoefte, Rosemarijn. "A Passage to Suriname? The Migration of Modes of Resistance by Asian Contract Laborers." International Labor and Working-Class History 54 (1998): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900006190.
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When, on June 5, 1873, the Lalla Rookh docked in Fort Nieuw Amsterdam, Suriname, 399 indentured British Indian immigrants had almost reached their destination: the colonial plantations. The timing was no coincidence. On July 1, 1863, the Dutch government had abolished slavery in its Caribean colonies. During a ten-year transition period the former slave were to work for employers of their own choice under the supervision of the state.Three weeks before this mandatory “apprenticeship” period was over, the Lalla Rookh arrived. The immigrants aboard had signed a contract obliging them to work for five years on a plantation in Suriname yet to be assigned. The labor contract and additional local ordinances specified the rights and duties of the indentured workers and forced them to commit their labor power to the unspecified demands of their employers at specified times. Fundamental to the system was the penal sanction, which gave employers the right to press criminal charges against indentured workers who, according to them, neglected their duty or refused to work. Thus the penal sanction allowed planters to impose their own conception of work discipline.
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Dewulf, Jeroen. "Emulating a Portuguese Model." Journal of Early American History 4, no. 1 (March 14, 2014): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00401006.
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This article presents a new perspective on the master-slave relationship in New Netherland in order to complement the existing theories on the treatment of slaves in that Dutch colony. It shows how prior to the loss of Dutch Brazil, the West India Company modeled its slave policy after Portuguese practices, such as the formation of black militias and the use of Christianity as a means to foster slave loyalty. It also points out that in the initial slave policy of the Dutch Reformed Church was characterized by the ambition to replace the Iberian Catholic Church in the Americas. While the Reformed Church in the early decades of the Dutch colonial expansion was characterized by a community-building spirit and a flexible attitude toward newcomers, the loss of Brazil shattered the dream of a Protestant American continent and gave way to a more exclusivist approach with a much stronger emphasis on orthodoxy. This led to a dramatic change in attitude vis-à-vis slaves, which is reflected in the segregationist policies―both at a social and a religious level―in later Dutch slave colonies such as Suriname.
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de Kok, Gerhard, and Harvey M. Feinberg. "Captured on the Gold Coast." Journal of Global Slavery 1, no. 2-3 (2016): 274–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00102006.
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In May of 1746, slaving captain Christiaan Hagerop illegally captured ten Gold Coast canoe paddlers, seven of whom were free Africans from Elmina and Fante. Hagerop subsequently sailed to Suriname, where he sold the paddlers into slavery. To appease the relatives of the captured men and to safeguard its reputation among local Africans, the Dutch West India Company (WIC) launched a search for the kidnapped paddlers. Six of the men were eventually located in Suriname in 1749, the seventh having died in slavery. While the Africans were transported back to the Gold Coast via Amsterdam, the WIC tried to have Hagerop extradited to its Gold Coast possessions to receive punishment for his crime. A legal battle over jurisdictional competence ensued in the Dutch Republic, the outcome of which was that the captain was made to stand trial in Amsterdam, but in the end he received very little punishment.
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Scott, Rebecca J. "Slavery and the Law in Atlantic Perspective: Jurisdiction, Jurisprudence, and Justice." Law and History Review 29, no. 4 (October 20, 2011): 915–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000496.
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The four articles in this special issue experiment with an innovative set of questions and a variety of methods in order to push the analysis of slavery and the law into new territory. Their scope is broadly Atlantic, encompassing Suriname and Saint-Domingue/Haiti, New York and New Orleans, port cities and coffee plantations. Each essay deals with named individuals in complex circumstances, conveying their predicaments as fine-grained microhistories rather than as shocking anecdotes. Each author, moreover, demonstrates that the moments when law engaged slavery not only reflected but also influenced larger dynamics of sovereignty and jurisprudence.
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Emmer, P. C. "IX. Asians Compared: Some Observations regarding Indian and Indonesian Indentured Labourers in Surinam, 1873-1939." Itinerario 11, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009438.
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The drive towards the abolition of the slave trade at the beginning of the 19th century was not effective until the 1850s. It was perhaps the only migratory intercontinental movement in history which came to a complete stop because of political pressures in spite of the fact that neither the supply nor the demand for African slaves had disappeared.Because of the continuing demand for bonded labour in some of the plantation areas in the New World (notably the Guiana's, Trinidad, Cuba and Brazil) and because of a new demand for bonded labour in the developing sugar and mining industries in Mauritius, Réunion, Queensland (Australia), Natal (South Africa), the Fiji-islands and Hawaii an international search for ‘newslaves’ started.
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Okoshi, Akane, and Alex de Voogt. "Mancala in Surinamese Maroon Communities: The Expedition of Melville J. Herskovits." Board Game Studies Journal 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bgs-2018-0003.
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Abstract The American Museum of Natural History (amnh) has three mancala game boards in their collection that are connected with Suriname, formerly Dutch Guyana. One of these samples is exhibited in the amnh African Peoples Hall as part of a section on African Slavery and Diaspora. The games of Suriname were described by Melville J. Herskovits in an article dating to 1929, but the relation of these three boards with Herskovits has remained unclear. With the help of the Herskovits archives, the archival records of amnh and recent research on Surinamese Maroon communities, the history of these three boards is shown to be intimately linked with Herskovits’ broader intellectual project.
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Stipriaan, Alex. "The Suriname rat race: labour and technology on sugar plantations, 1750-1900." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 63, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1989): 94–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002034.
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Preluding a dissertation on the subject, the author discusses the history of labour and technology on sugar plantations in Suriname. He discusses technical innovations in the factory and in the field as well as the development of productivity and profitability. Van Stipriaan concludes that the introduction of more advanced technology did not have to wait for the abolition of slavery.
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Polcha, Elizabeth. "Natural Science under Partus Sequitur Ventrem." Eighteenth Century 63, no. 3-4 (September 2022): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecy.2022.a927514.
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Abstract: This article considers entomologist Maria Sibylla Merian's 1705 Suriname illustrated naturalist study, Metamorphosis insectorum Surinamensium , as a text about the brutality of reproductive politics under colonialism and slavery. In the eighteenth-century, the Caribbean was foundational within a global commercial system of knowledge production, in which the exchange of specimens, agricultural commodities, and curiosity collections produced capital, status, and prestige. European conceptions of the natural world were fundamentally shaped by capitalist models in which flora and fauna in the colonies were divested from the conditions of their classification and ordering. Across the sixty engraved plates printed in Metamorphosis , insect husbandry and breeding, the lifecycles of fauna, and ecological relations of heredity serve as a façade for the social and material conditions of slavery. Through close readings of Merian's engraved plates and transcribed narratives of free and enslaved African and Indigenous women, this article argues that the beauty of Merian's Suriname book, as well as its intricate production history, both obscures and furthers the text's underlying violence. Though it has been three hundred years since Merian's Metamorphosis was first published, the obscuring beauty of her illustrated work continues to haunt popular narratives of the history of science.
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Kars, Marjoleine. "Policing and Transgressing Borders: Soldiers, Slave Rebels, and the Early Modern Atlantic." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2009): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002451.
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In 1763, a regiment of mercenary soldiers stationed on the border of Suriname and Berbice in South America, rebelled. The men had been sent to help subdue a large slave rebellion. Instead, they mutinied and joined the rebelling slaves. This paper reconstructs the mutiny from Dutch records and uses it to look at the role of soldiers as border crosser in the Atlantic world. Colonial historians have usually studied soldiers in their capacity of border enforcers, men who maintained the cultural and legal divisions that supported colonial authority. However, as I show, soldiers with great regularity crossed those same borders, threatening the very foundations of colonialism.
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Kom, A. de (Anton), and Arnold Pomerans. "from We Slaves of Suriname." Callaloo 21, no. 3 (1998): 667–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.1998.0160.
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Neslo, Ellen. "Sociale stijging in het negentiende-eeuwse Paramaribo : De bijzondere bibliotheek van Johanna Christina Jonas (1799-1849)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (February 1, 2020): 609–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.005.nesl.
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Abstract Social mobility in nineteenth-century Paramaribo: the extraordinary library of Johanna Christina Jonas (1799-1849)The free black teacher, librarian, and shopkeeper Johanna Christina Jonas lived in the slave society of Paramaribo, the capital city of Suriname, in the nineteenth century. Born into slavery, she was granted her freedom by her master. After her death an estate inventory was made which included a record of the library collection and the administration of debtors of the school, library, and bookstore. This article explores Johanna’s position and the role she and her school, library, and bookstore played in encouraging the social mobility of free people of colour in Paramaribo. The inventory gives us a nice glimpse of the reading behaviour of the citizens of Paramaribo in the nineteenth century. It turns out that Johanna was able to create more favourable conditions for free people of colour to improve their social position. With her school and library she allowed them to access a range of educational opportunities and a supply of books.
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Van Galen, Coen W., Rick J. Mourits, Matthias Rosenbaum-Feldbrügge, Maartje A.B., Jasmijn Janssen, Björn Quanjer, Thunnis Van Oort, and Jan Kok. "Slavery in Suriname. A Reconstruction of Life Courses, 1830–1863." Historical Life Course Studies 13 (July 6, 2023): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs15619.
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The slavenregisters or slave registers of Suriname offer a unique perspective on the social and demographic history of a people in bondage. Thanks to a citizen science project, the archival sources were transcribed in 2017 by hundreds of volunteers. The transcriptions were used to create a longitudinal database of more than 90,000 enslaved persons. This paper describes the sources, data entry, and cleaning to create a standardized database as well as the matching needed to construct life courses. We discuss the best practices we have learned along the way. Finally, it offers prospects for research and expansion of the database to other population sources and areas.
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Stipriaan, Alex. "July 1, emancipation day in Suriname: a contested ‘lieu de mémoire’, 1863-2003." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 78, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2004): 269–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002514.
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Focuses on the annual celebration at the 1st of July of the abolition of slavery in Suriname (1863). Author describes how Emancipation Day celebrations in Suriname have developed over time. He relates how in the earliest celebrations after 1863 Emancipation Day was used by the authorities, in collaboration with the Moravian Church, to discipline and control the formerly enslaved, and thus strengthen the colonial status quo. This was done by emphasizing the necessity of white guidance for the blacks' development, and by creating a "cult of gratitude" to God and the Dutch king. Around 1900 a developing consciousness among Afro-Surinamese, due to migrations to the US, began contesting the way of commemorating slavery and the abolition, including a wider sense of belonging to an African diaspora in the Americas. Since then a gradual process of partly secularization of the celebrations began. Further, the author outlines how the African diaspora- and black consciousness influences, often from the US, continued to transform the content and style of the celebrations, but also had a wider influence among Afro-Surinamers regarding their sense of pride and cultural identity, reflecting in the changed names for Afro-Surinamers. The July 1 celebrations increasingly became linked to African-Surinamese ethnicity, while it also became a folkloric, festive, and wider national event, until it became again more politically charged since the 1980s.
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Goudzand Nahar, Henna. "Wij slaven van Suriname was onze ‘bijbel’." De Boekenwereld 39, no. 3 (November 1, 2023): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dbw2023.3.006.goud.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 59, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1985): 225–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002074.
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-John F. Szwed, Richard Price, First-Time: the historical vision of an Afro-American people. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Johns Hopkins Studies in Atlantic History and Culture, 1983, 191 pp.-Thomas J. Spinner Jr., Reynold Burrowes, The Wild Coast: an account of politics in Guyana. Cambridge MA: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1984. xx + 348 pp.-Gad Heuman, Edward L. Cox, Free Coloreds in the slave societies of St. Kitts and Grenada, 1763-1833. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984. xiii + 197 pp.-H. Michael Erisman, Anthony Payne, The international crisis in the Caribbean. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984. 177 p.-Lester D. Langley, Richard Newfarmer, From gunboats to diplomacy: new U.S. policies for Latin America. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984. xxii + 254 pp.-Trevor W. Purcell, Diane J. Austin, Urban life in Kingston, Jamaica: the culture and class ideology of two neighbourhoods. New York: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers, Caribbean Studies Vol. 3, 1984. XXV + 282 PP.-Robert A. Myers, Richard B. Sheridan, Doctors and slaves: a medical and demographic history of slavery in the British West Indies, 1680-1834. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985. xxii + 420 pp.-Michéle Baj Strobel, Christiane Bougerol, La médecine populaire á la Guadeloupe. Paris: Editions Karthala, 1983. 175 pp.-R. Parry Scott, Annette D. Ramirez de Arellano ,Colonialism, Catholicism, and contraception: a history of birth control in Puerto Rico. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983. xii + 219 pp., Conrad Seipp (eds)-Gervasio Luis García, Francis A. Scarano, Sugar and slavery in Puerto Rico: the plantation economy of Ponce, 1800-1850. Madison WI and London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1984. xxv + 242 pp.-Fernando Picó, Edgardo Diaz Hernandez, Castãner: una hacienda cafetalera en Puerto Rico (1868-1930). Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico: Editorial Edil, 1983. 139 pp.-John V. Lombardi, Laird W. Bergad, Coffee and the growth of agrarian capitalism in nineteenth-century Puerto Rico. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983. xxvii + 242 pp.-Robert A. Myers, Anthony Layng, The Carib Reserve: identity and security in the West Indies. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1983. xxii + 177 pp.-Lise Winer, Raymond Quevedo, Atilla's Kaiso: a short history of Trinidad calypso. St. Augustine, Trinidad: Department of Extra-Mural Studies, University of the West Indies, 1983. ix + 205 pp.-Luiz R.B. Mott, B.R. Burg, Sodomy and the pirate tradition: English sea rovers in the seventeenth-century Caribbean. New York: New York University Press, 1983, xxiii + 215 pp.-Humphrey E. Lamur, Willem Koot ,De Antillianen. Muiderberg, The Netherlands: Dick Coutihno, Migranten in de Nederlandse Samenleving nr. 1, 1984. 175 pp., Anco Ringeling (eds)-Gary Brana-Shute, Paul van Gelder, Werken onder de boom: dynamiek en informale sektor: de situatie in Groot-Paramaribo, Suriname. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris, 1985, xi + 313 pp.-George L. Huttar, Eddy Charry ,De Talen van Suriname: achtergronden en ontwikkelingen. With the assistance of Sita Kishna. Muiderberg, The Netherlands: Dick Coutinho, 1983. 225 pp., Geert Koefoed, Pieter Muysken (eds)-Peter Fodale, Nelly Prins-Winkel ,Papiamentu: problems and possibilities. (authors include also Luis H. Daal, Roger W. Andersen, Raúl Römer). Zutphen. The Netherlands: De Walburg Pers, 1983, 96 pp., M.C. Valeriano Salazar, Enrique Muller (eds)-Jeffrey Wiliams, Lawrence D. Carrington, Studies in Caribbean language. In collaboration with Dennis Craig & Ramon Todd Dandaré. St. Augustine, Trinidad: Society for Caribbean Linguistics, University of the West Indies, 1983. xi + 338 pp.
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Everaert, Huub. "Changes in fertility and mortality around the abolition of slavery in Suriname." History of the Family 16, no. 3 (August 18, 2011): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hisfam.2011.04.004.
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Craton, Michael, John Gabriel Stedman, Richard Price, and Sally Price. "Stedman's Surinam: Life in an Eighteenth-Century Slave Society." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 3 (August 1993): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517724.
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Craton, Michael. "Stedman’s Surinam: Life in an Eighteenth-Century Slave Society." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 3 (August 1, 1993): 511–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.3.511.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 78, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2004): 305–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002515.
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-Bill Maurer, Mimi Sheller, Consuming the Caribbean: From Arawaks to Zombies. New York: Routledge, 2003. ix + 252 pp.-Norman E. Whitten, Jr., Richard Price ,The root of roots: Or, how Afro-American anthropology got its start. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press/University of Chicago Press, 2003. 91 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Holly Snyder, Paolo Bernardini ,The Jews and the expansion of Europe to the West, 1450-1800. New York: Berghahn Books, 2001. xv + 567 pp., Norman Fiering (eds)-Bridget Brereton, Seymour Drescher, The mighty experiment: Free labor versus slavery in British emancipation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. 307 pp.-Jean Besson, Kathleen E.A. Monteith ,Jamaica in slavery and freedom: History, heritage and culture. Kingston; University of the West Indies Press, 2002. xx + 391 pp., Glen Richards (eds)-Michaeline A. Crichlow, Jean Besson, Martha Brae's two histories: European expansion and Caribbean culture-building in Jamaica. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. xxxi + 393 pp.-Christopher Schmidt-Nowara, Joseph C. Dorsey, Slave traffic in the age of abolition: Puerto Rico, West Africa, and the Non-Hispanic Caribbean, 1815-1859. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. xvii + 311 pp.-Arnold R. Highfield, Erik Gobel, A guide to sources for the history of the Danish West Indies (U.S. Virgin Islands), 1671-1917. Denmark: University Press of Southern Denmark, 2002. 350 pp.-Sue Peabody, David Patrick Geggus, Haitian revolutionary studies. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002. xii + 334 pp.-Gerdès Fleurant, Elizabeth McAlister, Rara! Vodou, power, and performance in Haiti and its Diaspora. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. xviii + 259 pp. and CD demo.-Michiel Baud, Ernesto Sagás ,The Dominican people: A documentary history. Princeton NJ: Marcus Wiener, 2003. xiii + 278 pp., Orlando Inoa (eds)-Samuel Martínez, Richard Lee Turits, Foundations of despotism: Peasants, the Trujillo regime, and modernity in Dominican history. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2003. x + 384 pp.-Eric Paul Roorda, Bernardo Vega, Almoina, Galíndez y otros crímenes de Trujillo en el extranjero. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 2001. 147 pp.''Diario de una misión en Washington. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 2002. 526 pp.-Gerben Nooteboom, Aspha Bijnaar, Kasmoni: Een spaartraditie in Suriname en Nederland. Amsterdam: Uitgeverij Bert Bakker, 2002. 378 pp.-Dirk H.A. Kolff, Chan E.S. Choenni ,Hindostanen: Van Brits-Indische emigranten via Suriname tot burgers van Nederland. The Hague: Communicatiebureau Sampreshan, 2003. 224 pp., Kanta Sh. Adhin (eds)-Dirk H.A. Kolff, Sandew Hira, Het dagboek van Munshi Rahman Khan. The Hague: Amrit/Paramaribo: NSHI, 2003. x + 370 pp.-William H. Fisher, Neil L. Whitehead, Dark Shamans: Kanaimà and the poetics of violent death. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2002. 309 pp.-David Scott, A.J. Simoes da Silva, The luxury of nationalist despair: George Lamming's fiction as decolonizing project. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000. 217 pp.-Lyn Innes, Maria Cristina Fumagalli, The flight of the vernacular. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2001. xvi + 303 pp.-Maria Cristina Fumagalli, Tobias Döring, Caribbean-English passages: Intertextuality in a postcolonial tradition. London: Routledge, 2002. xii + 236 pp.-A. James Arnold, Celia Britton, Race and the unconscious: Freudianism in French Caribbean thought. Oxford: Legenda, 2002. 115 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Dorothy E. Mosby, Place, language, and identity in Afro-Costa Rican literature. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2003. xiii + 248 pp.-Stephen Steumpfle, Philip W. Scher, Carnival and the formation of a Caribbean transnation. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. xvi + 215 pp.-Peter Manuel, Frances R. Aparicho ,Musical migrations: transnationalism and cultural hybridity in Latin/o America, Volume 1. With Maria Elena Cepeda. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. 216 pp., Candida F. Jaquez (eds)-Jorge Pérez Rolón, Maya Roy, Cuban Music. London: Latin America Bureau/Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2002. ix + 246 pp.-Bettina M. Migge, Gary C. Fouse, The story of Papiamentu: A study in slavery and language. Lanham MD: University Press of America, 2002. x + 261 pp.-John M. McWhorter, Bettina Migge, Creole formation as language contact: the case of the Suriname creoles. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2003. xii + 151 pp.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 68, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1994): 135–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002664.
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-Peter Hulme, Simon Gikandi, Writing in limbo: Modernism and Caribbean literature. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992. x + 260 pp.-Charles V. Carnegie, Alistair Hennessy, Intellectuals in the twentieth-century Caribbean (Volume 1 - Spectre of the new class: The Commonwealth Caribbean). London: Macmillan, 1992. xvii 204 pp.-Nigel Rigby, Anne Walmsley, The Caribbean artists movement, 1966-1972: A literary and cultural history. London: New Beacon Books, 1992. xx + 356 pp.-Carl Pedersen, Tyrone Tillery, Claude McKay: A black poet's struggle for identity. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1992. xii + 235 pp.-Simone Dreyfus, Irving Rouse, The Tainos: Rise and decline of the people who greeted Columbus. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. xii + 211 pp.-Louis Allaire, Antonio M. Stevens-Arroyo, Cave of the Jagua: The mythological world of the Taino. Alburquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988. xiii + 282 pp.-Irving Rouse, William F. Keegan, The people who discovered Columbus: The prehistory of the Bahamas. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1992. xx + 279 pp.-Neil L. Whitehead, Philip P. Boucher, Cannibal encounters: Europeans and Island Caribs, 1492-1763. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1992. xii + 217 pp.-Peter Kloos, Kaliña, des amérindiens à Paris: Photographies du prince Roland. Présentées par Gérard Collomb. Paris: Créaphis, 1992. 119 pp.-Maureen Warner-Lewis, Alan Gregor Cobley ,The African-Caribbean connection: Historical and cultural perspectives. Bridgetown, Barbados: Department of History, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, 1990. viii + 171 pp., Alvin Thompson (eds)-H. Hoetink, Jean-Luc Bonniol, La couleur comme maléfice: une illustration créole de la généalogie des 'Blancs' et des 'Noirs'. Paris: Albin Michel, 1992. 304 pp.-Michael Aceto, Richard Price ,Two evenings in Saramaka. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991. xvi + 417 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Jorge Pérez Rolón, Vernon W. Boggs, Salsiology: Afro-Cuban music and the evolution of Salsa in New York City. New York: Greenwood, 1992. xvii + 387 pp.-Martin F. Murphy, Sherri Grasmuck ,Between two islands: Dominican international migration. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. xviii + 247 pp., Patricia R. Pessar (eds)-Rosario Espinal, Richard S. Hillman ,Distant neighbors in the Caribbean: The Dominican Republic and Jamaica in comparative perspective. New York: Praeger, 1992. xviii + 199 pp., Thomas D'Agostino (eds)-Svend E. Holsoe, Neville A.T. Hall, Slave society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix. Edited by B.W. Higman. Mona, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 1992. xxiv + 287 pp.-Light Townsend Cummins, Francisco Morales Padrón, The journal of Don Francisco Saavedra de Sangronis 1780-1783. Translated by Aileen Moore Topping. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1989. xxxvii + 380 pp.-Francisco A. Scarano, Laird W. Bergad, Cuban rural society in the nineteenth century: The social and economic history of monoculture in Matanzas. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. xxi + 425 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, Larry R. Jensen, Children of colonial despotism: Press, politics, and culture in Cuba, 1790-1840. Tampa: University of South Florida Press, 1988. xviii + 211 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, Anton L. Allahar, Class, politics, and sugar in colonial Cuba. Lewiston NY; The Edwin Mellen Press, 1990. xi + 217 pp.-Aline Helg, Josef Opatrny, U.S. Expansionism and Cuban annexationism in the 1850s. Prague: Charles University, 1990. 271 pp.-Rita Giacalone, Humberto García Muñiz ,Bibliografía militar del Caribe. Río Piedras PR: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas, Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1992. 177 pp., Betsaida Vélez Natal (eds)-Carlos E. Santiago, Irma Tirado de Alonso, Trade issues in the Caribbean. Philadelphia: Gordon & Breach, 1992. xv + 231 pp.-Drexel G. Woodson, Frantz Pratt, Haiti: Guide to the periodical literature in English, 1800-1990. Westport CT: Greenwood, 1991. xiv + 313 pp.-Gary Brana-Shute, Livio Sansone, Hangen boven de oceaan: het gewone overleven van Creoolse jongeren in Paramaribo. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis, 1992. 58 pp.-Ronald Gill, Dolf Huijgers ,Landhuizen van Curacao en Bonaire. Amsterdam: Persimmons Management. 1991. 286 pp., Lucky Ezechiëls (eds)-Alex van Stipriaan, Waldo Heilbron, Colonial transformations and the decomposition of Dutch plantation slavery in Surinam. Amsterdam: Amsterdam centre for Caribbean studies (AWIC), University of Amsterdam, 1992. 133 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Bea Lalmahomed, Hindostaanse vrouwen: de geschiedenis van zes generaties. Utrecht: Jan van Arkel, 1992. 159 pp.-Aart G. Broek, Peter Hoefnagels ,Antilliaans spreekwoordenboek. Amsterdam: Thomas Rap, 1991. 92 pp., Shon Wé Hoogenbergen (eds)
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McWhorter, John. "It Happened at Cormantin." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 59–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.12.1.03mcw.
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Comparative and sociohistorical facts suggest that Sranan arose among castle slaves on the Gold Coast in the 1630s. Jamaican Maroon Spirit Language is an offshoot of early Sranan, which allows the deduction that créole English had developed in Suriname by 1671. However, during the English hegemony there, 1651-1667, Suriname harbored only small plantations, where Whites worked closely with equal numbers of Blacks. Such conditions were unlikely to produce Sranan, and conditions in other English colonies were similar, disallowing them as possible sources of importation. Disproportionate lexical and structural influence from Lower Guinea Coast languages, and other evidence, suggests that the language actually took shape on the West African coast.
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Davis, Natalie Zemon. "Regaining Jerusalem: Eschatology and Slavery in Jewish Colonization in Seventeenth-Century Suriname—ERRATUM." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 3, no. 2 (April 2016): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2016.10.
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الصالح, أسعد. "From Coramantein Nobility to Surinamese Slavery: Displacement in Oroonoko." المجلة العربية للعلوم الإنسانية 30, no. 119 (July 7, 2012): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.34120/ajh.v30i119.2295.
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بعد فترة طويلة من الإهمال غير المستحق، أصبح هناك اهتمام متزايد بالكاتبة الروائية والمسرحية أفرا بن (Aphra Behn (1640- 1689 على نحو متزايد في مجال الدراسات المتخصصة بآداب اللغة الإنجليزيةـ ومن المسلم به - دون شك - أن رواية أورونوكو (Oroonoko) تعد من أفضل الأعمال التي تعبر عن القيمة الإبداعية لهذه الكاتبة. ويعود اهتمام الكثير من النقاد بهذه الرواية إلى وجود فجوة واضحة بين أنماط التفكير السائدة في عصر أفرا بن والمواقف الذاتية التي تعبر عنها الكاتبة في هذا العمل. ولا يزال لدى الدارسين والباحثين المعاصرين اهتمام متزايد بقضايا تثيرها هذه الرواية، كالتفاوت بين الجنسين والصراع الطبقي والعبودية. غير أنه بالإضافة إلى النظريات الأدبية والثقافية التي استخدمت في تحليل هذه الرواية، فإن مفهوم المكان يستحق مزيداً من الاهتمام، وذلك من أجل إرساء فهم أفضل لهذا العمل الذي تدور أحداثه في مكانين مختلفين: كورامانتين (Coramantein) وسورينام (Suriname). على وجه الخصوص، فهذا البحث يطرح إمكانية مناقشة التشرد والاغتراب القسري من مكان إلى آخر - كمفهوم مأخوذ من دراسات ما بعد الاستعمار - والإسهام بفهم العلاقة المعقدة بين هوية شخصية أرونوكو (Oroonoko) وشخصية إمويندا (Imoinda) وحالة الانتقال القسري من وطنهما الأصلي إلى مستعمرة سورينام، بالإضافة إلى ردود فعلهما لهذا الاغتراب وكيفية مقاومتهما له.
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Sehat, Ma’soome, and Alireza Qadiri Hedeshi. "Oroonoko: Royal or Slave; Bakhtinian Reading of Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 6, no. 2 (April 21, 2020): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v6i2.172.
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Having had its protagonist in a carnivalistic world, Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko provides a polyphonic atmosphere in which different attitudes toward colonization can be heard. Oroonoko, who used to be the prince of Coramantien, is doomed to live as a slave in Surinam; a British colony. This degradation, beside other elements of Bakhtinian carnivalesque, makes his language a unique one, belonging neither to aristocrats anymore nor to the slaves, but simultaneously representing both. The subtitle of the story, The Royal Slave, can be implied as referring to this paradox. Additionally, his relationship with the slave society lets their different beliefs and ideas be revealed to the reader despite the author’s will. Aphra Behn, the author, intends to impose her monolithic view on the readers. As a Tory proponent of her time, she defends the colonization and tries her best not to stand against. She attempts to portray her protagonist as the one who believes in social hierarchy; what defines a gentleman from the narrator’s viewpoint. On the surface, Aphra Behn and her hero seem to be of the same opinion toward monarchy and accordingly its policies. They both respect it and believe in its need for the society. A Bakhtinian reading, however, can disclose other massages. Adding to all that, having employed first point of view as the narrator, Behn provides an opportunity for herself to enforce her political attitude to the story. All miscellaneous details of the story are under the control of this monolithic voice. Therefore other characters including the hero can speak only after her permission. Nevertheless, the scope of the novel does not let her be meticulous enough and sporadically, other voices can be heard from different lines of the story. The Bakhtinian reading of this story can bring these hidden voices to the surface.
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Brouwer, Leendert. "Family Name Adoption in the Dutch Colonies at the Abolition of Slavery in the Context of National Family Name Legislation: A Reflection on Contemporary Name Change." Genealogy 7, no. 4 (December 4, 2023): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy7040096.
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Name change can only take place in the Netherlands under strict conditions and according to patronizing regulations. At the moment, an amendment of name law is being drafted that would give descendants of Dutch citizens whose ancestors lived in slavery an exemption. If they have a family name that their ancestors received upon their release, they may change it free of charge. It remains to be seen, however, whether the desire to adopt new names in keeping with a reclaimed African identity can also be granted. After all, that would conflict with the general regulations when creating a new name. The whole issue shows political opportunism. First, it would be useful to get a good picture of name adoption in light of surnaming in general. Is it right to consider the names in question as slave names? Are they really that bad? It is more likely that precisely the exceptional position now obtained leads to undesirable profiling. In fact, the only solution to embarrass no one is a wholesale revision of the name law that does away with outdated 19th century limitations. Why should anyone be unhappy with their name? Why should someone who insists on having a different name be prevented from doing so? This essay examines the announced change in the law against the background of surnaming in general and the acquisition of family names in Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles in particular.
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Emmer, Pieter. "Between Slavery and freedom: The period of apprenticeship in Suriname (Dutch Guiana), 1863–1873." Slavery & Abolition 14, no. 1 (April 1993): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399308575085.
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