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1
Vyšný, Peter. "Pre-Hispanic Nahua Slavery." Ethnologia Actualis 20, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2021-0012.
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Abstract The article deals with pre-Hispanic Nahua slavery. Based upon an examination of Nahua perception of slavery/slaves, Nahua forms of slavery (apart from the slaves destined for sacrifice there were slaves destined for work) and the social and legal position of Nahua slaves (destined for work) the author concludes that the Nahua institution traditionally called “slavery“ is different from its counterparts known from the history of Occident. Except for slaves destined for sacrifice to the gods which are discussed only briefly in the article, the Nahua slaves (i.e. the slaves destined for work) had a certain degree of personal freedom and certain rights. Becoming a slave at birth was possible only exceptionally and the enslavement of persons was in many cases (even if not in all cases) only temporary. The treatment of Nahua slaves – compared to the living conditions of their counterparts in many other world cultures – was significantly better, more humane. This can be seen from the fact that the master was entitled only to his/her slave’s labor and not to slave’s life, health, family members or property, as well as from the fact that the slave could obtain freedom in many ways, not only by the manumission made by his/her master. Although slaves were considered a kind of both physically and mentally “less perfect“ individuals who were “dirtied“, that is, morally tainted and dishonored by their enslavement and its reasons (mainly a delinquent behavior, i.e. non-payment of debts or perpetration of certain crimes), they were not systematically excluded from the wider society formed by free persons and they lived with their families in their houses and neighborhoods.
2
Drescher, Seymour. "British Slavers: A Comment." Journal of Economic History 45, no. 3 (September 1985): 705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700034628.
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In his essay J. E. Inikori argues that the British slavers “had freedom to carry as many slaves per ship as possible” to foreign colonies after 1788.1 He takes issue with my argument in Econocide that the British regulatory acts applied equally to those in the British direct trade to foreign colonies.2 In support of this he cites instances of British slave ships that undoubtedly loaded far more than the allowed slaves per ton in 1803.
3
Igimi, Mariko. "Observing current social issues in Japan from the perspective of Roman law: part 3." Open Access Government 38, no. 1 (April 12, 2023): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.56367/oag-038-10416.
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Observing current social issues in Japan from the perspective of Roman law: part 3 Professor Mariko Igimi, Kyushu University, writes her third part argument on why we still have much to learn from Antiquity and Roman Law in relation to the current issues of an aging society in Japan. Professor Mariko argues that for former slaves who have always acted under order and supervision of their owners until they were freed, it might be difficult to start their lives independently. However, it was a very common practice that slaves owned slaves, hence there was a special word for a slave's slave, i.e., vicarius. For such slaves, it would not be an issue to run businesses on their own and earn their living independently after the manumission. While there is diversity in treatments of freed slaves, most attached to patronus would be the libertus in case who acts as a place of deposit of the former owner, where the freed slave was fully integrated into the business of the former owner. In some cases, freed slaves were independently running a business in which deposit was involved. From the wide range of relationships between former owners and freed slaves, we might be able to observe how the Romans delicately balanced the protection and the independence based on the personal bonds, competence and experiences of individual freed slaves etc. Looking at the ageing population of Japan, she argues that humans are not “equal” in their competence and weakness, hardship, social and family relationships etc., which is causing some of the major issues we are facing today, particularly in an aging society like Japan.
4
Hezser, Catherine. "The Impact of Household Slaves on the Jewish Family in Roman Palestine." Journal for the Study of Judaism 34, no. 4 (2003): 375–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006303772777026.
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AbstractIn late antiquity most of the slaves owned by Jewish slave owners in Roman Palestine seem to have been domestic slaves. These slaves formed an integral part of the Jewish household and played an important role within the family economy. In a number of respects the master-slave relationship resembled the wife-husband, child-father, and student-teacher relationships, and affectionate bonds between the slave and his master (or nursling) would have an impact on relationships between other members of the family. Master and slave were linked to each other through mutual ties of dependency which counteracted the basic powerlessness of slaves. On the other hand, slaves had to suffer sexual exploitation and were considered honorless. Rabbinic sources reveal both similarities and differences between Jewish and Graeco-Roman attitudes toward slaves. The Jewish view of the master-slave relationship also served as the basis for its metaphorical use.
5
Kim, A.-Ri. "Comparative Studies about the Life of a Private Slave and that of a Public Slave in Babylonia from the 7th to the 5th Centuries BCE." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 21, no. 2 (August 30, 2022): 171–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2022.21.1.171.
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In this paper, we compare the life of a private slave and that of a public slave (temple slave) in Babylonia from the 7th century to the 5th century. During this period, many common reasons led to people’s private and public enslavement. These reasons included debt, famine, being a prisoner of war, and descending from slavery. Private and public slaves were subjected to various economic activities determined by their owners and the institution(temple). However, the way of life and the rules that applied to these two types of slaves were quite different. The life of a private slave could change quickly and often according to their owner's will, while the temple laws or rules regulated the life of a temple slave. Even though temple slaves had to follow the temple’s rules, slaves preferred to be temple slaves rather than privately owned. Temple slaves could not be sold, which allowed them to live with their families during their lifetime. Temple slaves’ lives were also determined by rules, not by an owner’s unpredictable emotions.
6
Brixius, Dorit. "From ethnobotany to emancipation: Slaves, plant knowledge, and gardens on eighteenth-century Isle de France." History of Science 58, no. 1 (April 10, 2019): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275319835431.
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This essay examines the relationship between slavery and plant knowledge for cultivational activities and medicinal purposes on Isle de France (Mauritius) in the second half of the eighteenth century. It builds on recent scholarship to argue for the significance of slaves in the acquisition of plant material and related knowledge in pharmaceutical, acclimatization, and private gardens on the French colonial island. I highlight the degree to which French colonial officials relied on slaves’ ethnobotanical knowledge but neglected to include such information in their published works. Rather than seeking to explore the status of such knowledge within European frameworks of natural history as an endpoint of knowledge production, this essay calls upon us to think about the plant knowledge that slaves possessed for its practical implementations in the local island context. Both female and male slaves’ plant-based knowledge enriched – even initiated – practices of cultivation and preparation techniques of plants for nourishment and medicinal uses. Here, cultivational knowledge and skills determined a slave’s hierarchical rank. As the case of the slave gardener Rama and his family reveals, plant knowledge sometimes offered slaves opportunities for social mobility and, even though on extremely rare occasions, enabled them to become legally free.
7
González-Ripoll, Loles. "Slave and convict: José Rufino Parra’s double sentence in the Antilles and mainland Spain." Culture & History Digital Journal 11, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): e023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2022.023.
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This paper addresses the adversities of a slave in 19th century Cuba who was considered dangerous because of his education; the suspicious claim of the owner; the slave’s arrest between Cuba, Spain, and Puerto Rico, and the defence of the rights to which he was entitled. The scant but interesting documentation on the misfortune of José Rufino Parra raises many issues regarding the daily relationships between masters and slaves; the unheard-of relationship between a black man and a white woman; the conservation of family honour, and the importance of education and family for slaves within an unjust colonial system, which, despite injustices, did offer opportunities to defend themselves.
8
Alabi, Afetame. "Can a Slave Serve Two Masters? Jointly Owned Slaves in Documentary Papyri and the Synoptic Gospels." New Testament Studies 70, no. 1 (January 2024): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688523000322.
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AbstractThis article examines the synoptic saying on serving two masters (Matt 6.24; Luke 16.13) in light of the evidence for jointly owned slaves in documentary papyri. The saying implies that the slave of two masters will inevitably be more loyal or exclusively loyal to one master. Scholars usually accept this as an accurate depiction of jointly owned slaves. However, the papyrological evidence shows that the relationship between jointly owned slaves and their owners varied in everyday life and that slaves had little control over their loyalty to each master. The saying is, therefore, not a fully realistic portrait of how jointly owned slaves served their masters in antiquity but is possibly a slave stereotype that contributes to the (un)faithful slave imageries in the Gospels.
9
Stark, David. "The family tree is not cut: marriage among slaves in eighteenth-century Puerto Rico." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 76, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2002): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002542.
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Examines the frequency of slave marriage in 18th-c. Puerto Rico, through family reconstitution based on parish baptismal, marriage, and death registers. Author first sketches the development of slavery, and the work regimens and conditions of the not yet sugar-dominated slavery in Puerto Rico. Then, he describes the religious context and social implications of marriage among slaves, and discusses, through an example, spousal selection patterns, and further focuses on age and seasonality of the slave marriages. He explains that marriage brought some legal advantages for slaves, such as the prohibited separation, by sale, of married slaves. In addition, he explores how slaves pursued marital strategies in order to manipulate material conditions. He concludes from the results that in the 18th c. marriage among slaves was not uncommon, and appear to have been determined mostly by the slaves own choice, with little direct intervention by masters. Most slaves married other slaves, with the same owner.
10
Bouteraa, Yassine, Mohamed Ouali, and Nabil Derbel. "DEVELOPMENT OF AN INDUSTRIAL NETWORK TO CONTROL FROM AFAR: THE PREMATURE INFANT INCUBATOR'S STATES." Biomedical Engineering: Applications, Basis and Communications 20, no. 03 (June 2008): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4015/s1016237208000738.
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The objective of this work consists in achieving an industrial pediatric incubator network. The realization requires a general survey of different industrial networks regarding some point of view such as the protocol, the topology, the transmission support, and some technical and strategic criteria to be fulfilled. After this survey, a microcontroller network is achieved. The type of the structure network is the master/slave organized by bus. The used protocol for the communication is the RS485 in half duplex which limits the number of the slaves to only 32. The management of communications on the network is achieved by the master who uses the dialogue method of question/answer. Messages sent by the slaves are always destined only to the master. There is not a direct dialogue between the slaves. This property permits to guarantee the absence of collisions. The user is joined to the master through a link RS232. This link permits to know any slave's state.
11
Sikainga, Ahmad A. "The Paradox of the Female Slave Body in the Islamic Legal System: The Cases of Morocco and Sudan." Hawwa 9, no. 1-2 (2011): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920811x578557.
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AbstractThis chapter is concerned with the way in which Muslim jurisprudence dealt with the body of female slaves in two Muslim societies: Morocco and the Sudan. While the depiction and the representation of the slave body have generated a great deal of debate among scholars working on slavery in the New World, this subject has received little attention amongst both Islamicists and Africanists. The literature on slavery in the American South and in the Caribbean has shown that the depiction of the slave body reveals a great deal about the reality of slavery, the relations of power and control, and the cultural codes that existed within the slave societies. The slave physical appearance and gestures were used to distinguish between the slaves and free and to justify slavery. Throughout the Americas slaves were routinely branded as a form of identification right up to the eighteenth century. Although the body of the slaves from both sexes was subjected to the same depiction, the treatment of female slaves deserves further exploration. As many scholars have argued, slave women suffer the double jeopardy of being both a slave and a woman. Moreover, the body of the female slave in Muslim societies is of particular significance as many of them were used for sexual purposes, as mistresses and concubines. The chapter shows that the reproductive role of female slaves became a major justice issue, particularly in their struggle for freedom.
12
Lovejoy, Paul E. "The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa: A Review of the Literature." Journal of African History 30, no. 3 (November 1989): 365–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024439.
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Recent revisions of estimates for the volume of the trans-Atlantic slave trade suggest that approximately 11,863,000 slaves were exported from Africa during the whole period of the Atlantic slave trade, which is a small upward revision of my 1982 synthesis and still well within the range projected by Curtin in 1969. More accurate studies of the French and British sectors indicate that some revision in the temporal and regional distribution of slave exports is required, especially for the eighteenth century. First, the Bight of Biafra was more important and its involvement in the trade began several decades earlier than previously thought. Secondly, the French and British were more active on the Loango coast than earlier statistics revealed. The southward shift of the trade now appears to have been more gradual and to have begun earlier than I argued in 1982. The greater precision in the regional breakdown of slave shipments is confirmed by new data on the ethnic origins of slaves. The analysis also allows a new assessment of the gender and age profile of the exported population. There was a trend toward greater proportions of males and children. In the seventeenth century, slavers purchased relatively balanced proportions of males and females, and children were under-represented. By the eighteenth century, west-central Africa was exporting twice as many males as females, while West Africa was far from attaining such ratios. In the nineteenth century, by contrast, slavers could achieve those ratios almost anywhere slaves were available for export, and in parts of west-central and south-eastern Africa the percentage of males reached unprecedented levels of 70 per cent or more. Furthermore, increasing numbers of slaves were children, and again west-central Africa led the way in this shift while West Africa lagged behind considerably.This review of the literature on the demography of the slave trade provides a context to assess the revisionist interpretation of David Eltis, who has argued recently that the slave trade and its suppression were of minor importance in African history. It is shown that Eltis' economic arguments, based on an assessment of per capita income and the value of the export trade, are flawed. The demography of the trade involved an absolute loss of population and a large increase in the enslaved population that was retained in Africa. A rough comparison of slave populations in West Africa and the Americas indicates that the scale of slavery in Africa was extremely large.
13
Borucki, Alex. "Trans-imperial History in the Making of the Slave Trade to Venezuela, 1526-1811." Itinerario 36, no. 2 (August 2012): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115312000563.
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The last two decades have witnessed an unprecedented expansion of knowledge about the transatlantic slave trade, both through research on specific sections of this traffic and through the consolidation of datasets into a single online resource: Voyages: The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database (hereafter Voyages Database). This collective project has elucidated in great detail the slave trading routes across the Atlantic and the broad African origins of captives, at least from their ports of embarkation. However, this multi-source database tells us little about the slave trading routes within the Americas, as slaves were shipped through various ports of disembarkation, sometimes by crossing imperial borders in the New World. This gap complicates our understanding of the slave trade to Spanish America, which depended on foreign slavers to acquire captives through a rigid system of contracts (asientos and licencias) overseen by the Crown up to 1789. These foreign merchants often shipped captives from their own American territories such as Jamaica, Curaçao, and Brazil. Thus, the slave trade connected the Spanish colonies with interlopers from England, France, the Netherlands, Portugal (within the Spanish domain from 1580 to 1640), and eventually the United States. The importance of the intra-American slave trade is particularly evident in Venezuela: while the Voyages Database shows only 11,500 enslaved Africans arriving in Venezuela directly from Africa, I estimate that 101,000 captives were disembarked there, mostly from other colonies. This article illuminates the volume of this traffic, the slave trading routes, and the origins of slaves arriving in Venezuela by exploring the connections of this Spanish colony with the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and French Atlantics. Imperial conflicts and commercial networks shaped the number and sources of slaves arriving in Venezuela. As supplies of captives passed from Portuguese to Dutch, and then to English hands, the colony absorbed captives from different African regions of embarkation.
14
Scheidel, Walter. "Human Mobility in Roman Italy, II: The Slave Population." Journal of Roman Studies 95 (November 2005): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000005784016270.
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In this paper, I seek to delineate the build-up of the Italian slave population. My parametric model revolves around two variables: the probable number of slaves in Roman Italy, and the demographic structure of the servile population. I critique existing estimates of slave totals and propose a new ‘bottom-up’ approach; discuss the probable sex ratio, mortality regime and family structure of the Italian slaves; and advance a new estimate of the overall volume of slave transfers. I argue that the total number of slaves in Roman Italy did not exceed one-and-a-half million, and that this population had been created by the influx of between two and four million slaves during the last two centuries B.C.
15
Rossi, Benedetta. "Reflections on public slavery and social death." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 64, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbab024.
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Abstract It is tempting to see public slaves as sharing characteristics of both slave and free and, therefore, as embodying an intermediate position that proves binary approaches to slavery and freedom wrong. This article argues that this temptation should be resisted. Based on an analysis of cases from different regions and periods, it agrees broadly with Patterson's clear distinction between slave and free statuses, but not with his interpretation of elite slaves as 'the ultimate slaves'. Public slaves were unusual slaves. A close analysis of their circumstances, and of the circumstances of other categories of slaves endowed with particular influence or autonomy in their societies, reveals that the social death metaphor suits certain contexts better than other. It does not accurately capture the historical diversity of the statuses and conditions of enslaved persons through time, and hence is unhelpful for the purpose of comparative generalisation.
16
Heinze, Jürgen, Robin J. Stuart, Thomas M. Alloway, and Alfred Buschinger. "Host specificity in the slave-making ant Harpagoxenus canadensis M. R. Smith." Canadian Journal of Zoology 70, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/z92-024.
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The slave-making ant Harpagoxenus canadensis frequently parasitizes two host species in the genus Leptothorax (subgenus Leptothorax s.str.) which are part of the L. "muscorum" complex and are currently referred to as Leptothorax sp. A and Leptothorax sp. B. A sympatric member of this subgenus, L. retractus, is rarely enslaved. Of 48 complete slave-maker colonies from various sites, 26 contained only Leptothorax sp. A slaves (54.2%), 11 contained only Leptothorax sp. B slaves (22.9%), and 11 contained slaves of both species (22.9%). Of 65 partial slave-maker colonies from one site, 10 contained only Leptothorax sp. A slaves (15.4%), 55 contained only Leptothorax sp. B slaves (84.6%), and none contained slaves of both species. Leptothorax retractus was common at some sites but was never found as a slave in this study. Differences in host-utilization patterns within and between populations might reflect differing host densities but could be influenced by genetic or learned predispositions of the parasites or differential interspecific compatibilities among the various species. Possible collector bias must also be considered. Female reproductives of the host species (n = 13) were occasionally found in slave-maker nests. Most of these were Leptothorax sp. A intermorphs (workerlike females; n = 11) and were inseminated but not egg laying. The only Leptothorax sp. A gynomorph (a primarily winged female) was uninseminated and not egg laying, and the only Leptothorax sp. B gynomorph could not be dissected.
17
Stilwell, Sean, Ibrahim Hamza, and Paul E. Lovejoy. "The Oral History of Royal Slavery in the Sokoto Caliphate: An Interview with Sallama Dako." History in Africa 28 (2001): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172218.
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A powerful community of royal slaves emerged in Kano Emirate in the wake of Usman dan Fodio's jihad (1804-08), which established the Sokoto Caliphate. These elite slaves held administrative and military positions of great power, and over the course of the nineteenth century played an increasing prominent role in the political, economic, and social life of Kano. However, the individuals who occupied slave offices have largely been rendered silent by the extant historical record. They seldom appear in written sources from the period, and then usually only in passing. Likewise, certain officials and offices are mentioned in official sources from the colonial period, but only in the context of broader colonial concerns and policies, usually related to issues about taxation and the proper structure of indirect rule.As the following interview demonstrates, the collection and interpretation of oral sources can help to fill these silences. By listening to the words and histories of the descendents of royal slaves, as well as current royal slave titleholders, we can begin to reconstruct the social history of nineteenth-century royal slave society, including the nature of slave labor and work, the organization the vast plantation system that surrounded Kano, and the ideology and culture of royal slaves themselves.The interview is but one example of a series of interviews conducted with current and past members of this royal slave hierarchy by Yusufu Yunusa. As discussed below, Sallama Dako belonged to the royal slave palace community in Kano. By royal slave, we mean highly privileged and powerful slaves who were owned by the emir, known in Hausa as bayin sarki (slaves of the emir or king).
18
Brown, Carolyn A. "Testing the Boundaries of Marginality: Twentieth-Century Slavery and Emancipation Struggles in Nkanu, Northern Igboland, 1920–29." Journal of African History 37, no. 1 (March 1996): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034794.
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In 1914 the Enugu Government Colliery and the construction of its railway link to the Biafran coast used slave-owning chiefs as labor recruiters. Although aware of slavery in the Nkanu clan area the state simply outlawed the slave trade and excessive treatment but left it to slaves to secure their ‘freedom’. Nkanu slavery was unusually pervasive, incorporating over half of some villages, with few opportunities for manumission or marriage to the freeborn. Severe ritualistic proscriptions excluded slave men from village politics. But forced labor destabilized slavery, causing unrest which reached crisis proportions in the fall of 1922. The revolt presents a unique opportunity for historical study of the goals, ideology and strategies of indigenous slave populations creating ‘freedom’ within the emergent colonial order.When owners demanded slaves' wages, the slaves resisted and demanded full social and political equality with the freeborn. Slaves who remained in the village struggled to provision Enugu's urban working class. For both slavery hindered opportunities in the colonial economy. In retaliation owners evicted slave families, increased their labor requirements and unleashed a reign of terror, abduction and sacrifice of slave women and children. By the fall of 1922 local government collapsed forcing the state to develop a policy on emancipation. It is significant that this struggle converted the slaves from a scattered subordinate group of patrilineages to an aggressive and cohesive community.
19
Mason, John Edwin. "Hendrik Albertus and his Ex-slave Mey: A Drama in Three Acts." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031169.
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This essay draws on documents relating to a single extraordinary episode, and on supporting materials, to illustrate aspects of the mentalités of slaves, slave-owners, and Protectors of Slaves in the British South African colony of the Cape of Good Hope. The narrative follows the story of a slave, Mey, who was harshly beaten twice within six days in 1832. Mey, and several other slaves who had been whipped for the same offence, accepted the first punishment; Mey complained about the second, which he alone suffered, to a colonial official called the Protector of Slaves. The Protector vigorously investigated the complaint. Mey's master, Hendrik Albertus van Niekerk, co-operated only reluctantly with the investigation. As the Protector pursued the case, van Niekerk suddenly brought it to an end by manumitting Mey, giving cash compensation to the other slaves he had whipped, and paying legal fines.The behaviour of each of the men fails to conform to the roles conventional wisdom has prepared for masters, slaves, and colonial officials. The essay demonstrates that the men were not eccentric, but that they were both rational and representative of their class. Mey acted as he did because the slaves had developed a ‘moral economy of the lash’ and because the second beating fell outside the boundaries of acceptable punishment by those standards. The Protector prosecuted van Niekerk with determination because he believed the punishment had been brutal and capricious and because Mey was a good slave who had been wronged. Hendrik Albertus freed Mey and compensated the other slaves because he refused to accept the legitimacy of the Protector. He settled the case before he was forced to visit the Protector's office or face Mey in court. To have honored the law and to have answered Mey's charge directly would have been to dishonor himself. He would have compromised the power and authority on which his honor as a slave-owner rested. Hendrik Albertus valued his honor more highly than one slave and a few pounds Sterling.
20
Budak, Neven. "Slavery in late medieval Dalmatia/Croatia : labour, legal status, integration." Mélanges de l École française de Rome Moyen Âge 112, no. 2 (2000): 745–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2000.9067.
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Documents reveal slavery in the IXth century on domains in the surroundings of Split. Other sources from the Xth-XIth centuries confirm that slaves were used in agriculture in the region were Roman traditions had been preserved. Later urban documents show a need for slaves in households and crafts. We can recognize three periods of slavery in late medieval Dalmatia/Croatia. The first ends with the turn of the XIIIth century, and was a one of intensive slave trade. In the second period we lack data about slave trade. Slaves were replaced by persons entering service on the basis of a contract. The third period (second half of the XIVth century) is characterized by an increase in the purchases of slaves, but mainly for export to Italy and Catalonia. From the end of the XIVth century cities undertook measures to prohibit the export of slaves and servants. This, however, did not mean a prohibition of slavery itself, because citizens were allowed to keep slaves for their own use. The position of slaves was defined by city statutes, and can be additionally documented by well preserved notarial documents.
21
Burnard, Trevor. "Slave Naming Patterns: Onomastics and the Taxonomy of Race in Eighteenth-Century Jamaica." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 31, no. 3 (January 2001): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219500551550.
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An analysis ofthe naming patterns of Jamaican slaves in the mid-eighteenth century shows that whites considered blacks to be entirely different from themselves. The taxonomic differences between European naming practices and slave naming practices were both considerable and onomastically significant. Slaves could be recognized by their names as much as by their color. Slaves reacted to such naming practices by rejecting their slave names upon gaining their freedom, though they adopted methods of bricolage common to other aspects of Afro-Caribbean expressive culture.
22
Pritchett, Jonathan B., and Herman Freudenberger. "A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market." Journal of Economic History 52, no. 1 (March 1992): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700010287.
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Domestic slave traders selected taller slaves for shipment to the New Orleans market in order to increase their profits. Because traded slaves made up a large share of the slaves shipped coastwise, age/height profiles constructed from the shipping manifests are biased upwards. The extent of the bias appears to be small for adult slaves but not for children; those listed on the manifests were taller than the general population of a comparable age.
23
Webb, James L. A. "The Horse and Slave Trade Between the Western Sahara and Senegambia." Journal of African History 34, no. 2 (July 1993): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033338.
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Following the late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century cavalry revolution in Senegambia, the horse and slave trade became a major sector of the desert-edge political economy. Black African states imported horses from North Africa and the western Sahara in exchange for slaves. Over time, under conditions of increasing aridity, the zone of desert horse-breeding was pushed south, and through crossbreeding with the small disease-resistant indigenous horses of the savanna, new breeds were created. Although the savanna remained an epidemiologically hostile environment for the larger and more desirable horses bred in North Africa, in the high desert and along the desert fringe, Black African states continued to import horses in exchange for slaves into the period of French colonial rule.The evidence assembled on the horse trade into northern Senegambia raises the difficult issue of the relative quantitative importance of the Atlantic and Saharan/North African slave trades and calls into question the assumption that the Atlantic slave trade was the larger of the two. Most available evidence concerns the Wolof kingdoms of Waalo and Kajoor. It suggests that the volume of slaves exported north into the desert from Waalo in the late seventeenth century was probably at least ten times as great as the volume of slaves exported into the Atlantic slave trade. For both Waalo and Kajoor, this ratio declined during the first half of the eighteenth century as slave exports into the Atlantic markets increased. The second half of the eighteenth century saw an increase in predatory raiding from the desert which produced an additional flow of north-bound slaves. For Waalo and Kajoor – and probably for the other Black African states of northern Senegambia – the flow of slaves north to Saharan and North African markets probably remained the larger of the two export volumes over the eighteenth century. This northward flow of slaves continued strong after the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade and was only shut down with the imposition of French colonial authority.
24
Haslam, Emily. "International Criminal Law and Legal Memories of Abolition: Intervention, Mixed Commission Courts and ‘Emancipation’." Journal of the History of International Law 18, no. 4 (August 30, 2016): 420–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340074.
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This article provides a critical reading of four cases that took place before nineteenth century Mixed Commissions on the Slave Trade at Sierra Leone. Mixed Commissions were early institutional sites where international law was confronted with multiple victims. Although they had the power to emancipate slaves, Mixed Commissions did not do so as a result of rights attributed to slaves as human beings. Rather the capacity of Mixed Commissions to emancipate depended upon the legality of the detention of the slave ship on which slaves were found. This legal link between emancipation and lawful intervention left slaves in a potentially precarious legal position. However, in two of the cases examined here the worst effects of this were avoided through slave resistance. This article aims to contribute to ongoing scholarly critiques of international criminal legal histories by interrogating how abolition has been remembered in international law.
25
Yaşa, Fırat. "Slaves Holding Slaves: Mükâtebe Contracts, Velâ and a Probate Inventory in the Seventeenth-Century Crimean Khanate." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 67, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2024): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341616.
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Abstract This article aims to reveal some aspects of relationships between former slaves and their ex-owners in light of seventeenth-century Crimean qadi court records. It elaborates on a number of terms that indicate the social and legal status of slaves in the Crimean Khanate and analyzes a former slave probate inventory. In addition, the paper also examines the phenomenon of the mükâtebe contract in the Crimean Khanate context which allowed slaves to hold slaves; it thus seeks to provide new perspectives on the exercising of the mükâtebe. The paper considers how social fluidity affected the lives of slaves, explores the question of whether manumitted slaves actually attained the same status as the freeborn, and, finally, traces the ways in which dependency relationships evolved between freed former slaves and the slaves held by these latter.
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Rustemov, Oleg D. "The rights of slaves in the Crimean Khanate and the conditions for their emancipation." Golden Horde Review 10, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 715–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2022-10-3.715-727.
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Research objectives: The aim of this research is to study issues related to the legal status of slaves, as well as the terms and conditions of their release in the Crimean Khanate. Research materials: Individual research works on the topic of slavery in Ottoman Turkey and the texts of the Crimean Kadiasker books (sijils) in which slaves appear in connection with various legal proceedings related to them. Results and novelty of the research: Novelty lies in the fact that certain terms from the history of slavery in the Turkic Muslim states have been introduced into scientific circulation. For the first time in Russian historiography, the so-called guarantees (tedbir) of the liberation of slaves in the Crimean Khanate are described. The practice of announcing such “guarantees” to slaves finds its confirmation in court documents of the 17th century. The question of the existence of a limiting service life of slaves in the Crimean Khanate is considered. Also, for the first time, using historical evidence, the legal status of slaves has been studied, the relationship between slaves and masters has been examined, and other reasons for the release of slaves, not related to the end of their service, have been identified. As a result of this study, it is established that in the Crimea of the 16th-18th centuries, according to Muslim law, only prisoners of war captured in a war or on a campaign could become slaves. According to Sharia, Muslims could not be enslaved. This rule was strictly adhered to in the Crimea. We find confirmation of this fact in individual Crimean sijils where the fate of the Lipka Tatars who, being Muslims, were captured, brought to Crimea, and subsequently released. Such documents are examined here. The study has found that slaves were deprived of legal rights and had the status of mütekavvım mal – property permitted for use. They were part of the common property that could be sold, exchanged, donated, or used at the discretion of the owner. In yafts or lists of inherited property, slaves were listed, as a rule, among animals or other things. Sometimes slaves, at the request of their masters, received additional powers and became semi-free traders. A special category of slaves that stood out among others should be noted among the soldiers of the khan’s guard – kapy-kulu (literally – slave of the door/slave at the gate). This article determines that the normal life of a slave corresponded to a full six years. In addition to release on the grounds of seniority, other conditions for the release of a slave were also possible. Four types of tedbir and the conditions of kitabet, or an agreement on the independent redemption of oneself by a slave, are considered. Cases of the release of slaves on religious grounds are described, and the possibilities for them to go to court for legal assistance are described. All the facts of legal precedents given in the article are supported by information from the Crimean Cadi sijils. In conclusion, concepts are given regarding the system of slavery adopted in the khanate.
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Sitek, Bronisław. "Servus publicus and servus privatus in Ancient Rome: Legal Status and Social Status." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 30, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2021.30.1.251-264.
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<p class="Tre">Public slaves were a special group of slaves. As a rule, their legal situation was analogous to private slaves. Hence, there are relatively few preserved sources of law regarding this slave group. There are relatively few Romanist studies regarding the legal situation of public slaves. A larger number of these studies appeared only in the second half of the 20<sup>th</sup> century. The subject of this study is to compare the legal and social status of both groups of slaves. The purpose is to show a different application of legal provisions depending on their suitability for public matters and the education of public slaves.</p>
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Lenta, M. "Speaking for the slave: Britain and the Cape, 1751-1838." Literator 20, no. 1 (April 26, 1999): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i1.454.
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Postcolonial studies has asked the question "Can the subaltern speak? ", but has focused less strongly on the strategies by which the subaltern is prevented from securing a hearing. The textual and social strategies used to prevent Cape slaves in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries from voicing their plight have been neglected, though both pro- and anti-slavery lobbyists were eloquent. To present the slave as one whose inferiority rendered him incapable of pleading his cause was a device of the pro-slavery group; to pretend that consultation was impossible was another, though people who offered this defence were often surrounded by slaves. Others, accepting and profiting from the inequalities of a class-stratified society, were unable to perceive any but the extreme experiences of an unfree condition as constituting injustice. Anti-slavery campaigners were rarely in favour of the slave's being consulted: they preferred to condemn their political rivals, the slave-owners. Abolition found many of them searching for arguments to maintain the inequalities of society, and especially to prevent former serfs from securing a hearing.
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Twomey, Christina. "Protecting Slaves and Aborigines." Pacific Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2018): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2018.87.1.10.
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The historiography on protection in the nineteenth-century British Empire often assumes that British humanitarians were the progenitors of protection schemes. In contrast, this article argues that the position of Protector or Guardian for slaves and Indigenous peoples in the British Empire drew on Spanish, Dutch, and French legal precedents. The legal protections and slave codes operative in these European colonies are compared to British colonial territories, where there was no imperial slave code and no clear status of slaves at common law. Drawing on debates in the House of Commons, Parliamentary Commissions of Inquiry, and the published work of abolitionists and anti-slavery societies, the article examines how the pressure for amelioration in the British Empire coincided with the acquisition of new colonies that offered ready-made models for slave protection. British reformers combined their calls for greater protection for slaves with their extant knowledge of European protective regimes.
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EL HAMEL, CHOUKI. "THE REGISTER OF THE SLAVES OF SULTAN MAWLAY ISMA‘IL OF MOROCCO AT THE TURN OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (March 2010): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000186.
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ABSTRACTIn late-seventeenth-century Morocco, Mawlay Isma‘il commanded his officials to enslave all blacks: that is, to buy coercively or freely those already slaves and to enslave those who were free, including the Haratin (meaning free blacks or freed ex-slaves). This command violated the most salient Islamic legal code regarding the institution of slavery, which states that it is illegal to enslave fellow Muslims. This controversy caused a heated debate and overt hostility between the ‘ulama’ (Muslim scholars) and Mawlay Isma‘il. Official slave registers were created to justify the legality of the enforced buying of slaves from their owners and the enslavement of the Haratin. An equation of blackness and slavery was being developed to justify the subjection of the free Muslim black Moroccans. To prove the slave status of the black Moroccans, the officials in charge of the slavery project established a fictional hierarchy of categories of slaves. This project therefore constructed a slave status for all black people, even those who were free.
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Ham, Bokhee. "A Study on the Meaning of Murder Cases of Slaves in the Late Joseon Dynasty and How to Utilize Popular Narratives: Focused on “Simrirok(審理錄)”." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 45, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2023.01.45.01.253.
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The goal of this study is to examine “Simrirok”, which has been studied from a social scientific point of view such as penal system, social system, and politics, focusing on the case of slave murder and Jeongjo's Panbu, and to develop it as a popular narrative content. This paper examines the types of murder cases of the slave class in the Joseon Dynasty in “Simrirok”, and identifies the conflict between the slave class that leads to the murder. In addition, through Jeongjo's attitude of applying the law, which is reflected in the Panbu of enslavement of slaves, the humanism of King Jeongjo's treatment of slaves will be examined. This study will focus on three aspects. First, what are the reasons for the murder of slaves? Second, what kind of attitude did Jeongjo. Third, why are the circumstances in which slaves lead to murder and Jungjo's legal interpretation are meaningful, and what are the ways to transform these data into popular narrative contents.
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Cussen, Celia, Manuel Llorca-Jaña, and Federico Droller. "THE DYNAMICS AND DETERMINANTS OF SLAVE PRICES IN AN URBAN SETTING: SANTIAGO DE CHILE, c. 1773-1822." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 34, no. 3 (January 22, 2016): 449–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610915000361.
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ABSTRACTThis paper provides the first survey of slave prices for Santiago de Chile, c. 1773-1822. It also establishes the main determinants of slave prices during this period. We gathered and analysed over 3,800 sale operations. Our series confirm the usual inverted U-shape when prices are plotted against age, and that age was a very important determinant of slave prices. We also found that: female slaves were systematically priced over male slaves, quite contrary to what happened in most other markets; the prime age of Santiago slaves was 16-34, a younger range than for most other places; male slave prices moved in the same direction as real wages of unskilled workers; and the impact of the free womb law on market prices in 1811 was dramatic.
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Handler, Jerome S. "Escaping slavery in a Caribbean plantation society : marronage in Barbados, 1650s-1830s." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1997): 183–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002605.
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Disputes the idea that Barbados was too small for slaves to run away. Author describes how slaves in Barbados escaped the plantations despite the constraints of a relatively numerous white population, an organized militia, repressive laws, and deforestation. Concludes that slave flight was an enduring element of Barbadian slave society from the 17th c. to emancipation.
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Wahl, Jenny Bourne. "The Bondsman's Burden: An Economic Analysis of the Jurisprudence of Slaves and Common Carriers." Journal of Economic History 53, no. 3 (September 1993): 495–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700013462.
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Antebellum judges played crucial roles in resolving conflicts between slaveowners and common-carrier owners. Because courts could easily quantify the value of a slave's life, they were quicker to compensate slaveowners for slaves injured or killed by a common carrier than to award damages to an injured free person or his estate. Yet judges also had to craft rules governing the behavior of the slave property itself. By the 1860s, Southern courts had established law that encouraged parties with legal standing to act efficiently. Strikingly, tort doctrines developed in slave cases foreshadowed the evolution of law for free accident victims.
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KLEIN, MARTIN A. "THE SLAVE TRADE AND DECENTRALIZED SOCIETIES." Journal of African History 42, no. 1 (March 2001): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700007854.
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This article, based on a review of the relevant literature, argues that the analyses of Andrew Hubbell and Walter Hawthorne can be extended to a general interpretation of the impact of the slave trade on decentralized societies. First, decentralized societies usually defended themselves effectively, forcing slavers both to extend their networks further into the interior and to devise new ways of obtaining slaves. Second, agents of the slave trade were often successful in developing linkages within targeted societies that exploited tensions and hostilities within them. In the process, the prey often became predators, but predators that captured people like themselves.
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Behrendt, Stephen D. "The Journal of an African Slaver, 1789-1792, and the Gold Coast Slave Trade of William Collow." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171908.
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In 1929 the American Antiquarian Society published an eighty-three-page manuscript that describes commercial transactions for slaves, ivory, and gold on the Gold and Slave Coasts from 1789 to 1792. George Plimpton owned this manuscript. As it includes a slave-trading ledger of the schooner Swallow, Plimpton entitled the manuscript “The Journal of an African Slaver.” The “journal” is one of the few published documents in the English language that specifies financial transactions for slaves between European and African traders on the coast of Africa during the late eighteenth century.In his four-page introduction to the journal Plimpton stated that:The name of the ship engaged in the traffic was the schooner ‘Swallow,’ Capt. John Johnston, 1790-1792. There is a reference to a previous voyage when ‘Captain Peacock had her,’ also some abstracts of accounts kept by Capt. David McEleheran in 1789 of trade in gold, slaves and ivory on the Gold Coast. None of these names can be identified as to locality, and there is, of course, the possibility, especially taking into consideration the English nature of the cargo bartered, that the vessel was an English slaver.The journal was included with some mid-nineteenth century South Carolina plantation accounts when it was purchased at an auction in New York, thus suggesting to Plimpton that the journal's author was perhaps a “South Carolinian who made this trip to Africa.”In this research note I will identify the various vessels and traders mentioned in this manuscript by referring to the data-set I have assembled from other sources concerning the slave trade during this period. We will seethat Plimpton's “journal” is a set of account books owned by the Gold Coast agents of London and Havre merchant William Collow. I then will discuss the importance of Collow as a merchant and shipowner in the late eighteenth-century British slave trade.
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Maréchaux, Benoît. "Purchasing Slaves Overseas for the Business of War." Journal of Global Slavery 7, no. 3 (October 6, 2022): 282–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00703002.
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Abstract Drawing on merchant letters and account books of military entrepreneurs, whose role in slave markets is still poorly understood, this article explores the Mediterranean activities of the Genoese contractors who emerged as major slave traffickers while operating galleys for the Spanish Monarchy. By examining their operations as slave buyers rather than as slave makers, this study analyzes how and why early modern military entrepreneurs mobilized forced labor beyond national borders. The article shows that in the specific context of the early 17th century, Genoese galley managers obtained most slaves by buying them in distant Mediterranean ports, and the reasons for this are explained. The study of how slaves were located, evaluated, negotiated over, paid for, and transported from a distance reveals that buying slaves internationally involved connecting the distant ports of a fragmented market characterized by a volatile local supply, localized information, unpredictable prices, and ubiquitous brokers. It is argued that, in such an imperfect market, the asentistas de galeras had no choice but to empower their galley captains and local agents. Purchasing slaves overseas increased market opportunities but involved high risks, unpredictable legal procedures, and myriad logistical issues.
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Alston, David. "Scottish Slave-owners in Suriname: 1651–1863." Northern Scotland 9, no. 1 (May 2018): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.2018.0143.
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This is an account of Scots in the Dutch colony of Suriname from 1651 until the emancipation of slaves in the Dutch Empire in 1863, when Scottish owners of slaves received nine per cent of the compensation paid to slave-owners in the colony by the Dutch Government. Before 1790 the small Scots presence in Suriname was a product of the outward looking nature of the Dutch Atlantic and the willingness of some Scots, most with with family, religious or military ties to the Netherlands, to seize the opportunities this offered. After 1790 the British presence in Suriname expanded, with a significant involvement of Highland Scots who came to work new plantations in the colony from the neighbouring British controlled colonies of Berbice and Demerara. After the emancipation of slaves in the British Empire in 1834, a number of these Scottish slave-owners campaigned against emancipation in the Dutch Empire. Despite buying and selling slaves in breach of British law, and despite public criticism, none of these British-based slave-owners were prosecuted. The article concludes with an examination of the legacies of this Scottish slave-ownership, both in Scotland and in Suriname.
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Bradley, Keith. "Animalizing the Slave: the Truth of Fiction." Journal of Roman Studies 90 (November 2000): 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300203.
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In his discussion of natural slavery in the first book of thePolitics(1254a17–1254b39), Aristotle notoriously assimilates human slaves to non-human animals. Natural slaves, Aristotle maintains (1254b16–20), are those who differ from others in the way that the body differs from the soul, or in the way that an animal differs from a human being; and into this category fall ‘all whose function is bodily service, and who produce their best when they supply such service’. The point is made more explicit in the argument (1254b20–4) that the capacity to be owned as property and the inability fully to participate in reason are defining characteristics of the natural slave: ‘Other animals do not apprehend reason but obey their instincts. Even so there is little divergence in the way they are used; both of them (slaves and tame animals) provide bodily assistance in satisfying essential needs’ (1254b24–6). Slaves and animals are not actually equated in Aristotle's views, but the inclination of the slave-owner in classical antiquity, or at least a representative of the slave-owning classes, to associate the slave with the animal is made evident enough. It appears again in Aristotle's later statement (1256b22–6) that the slave was as appropriate a target of hunting as the wild animal.
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Roy, J. "Polis and Oikos in Classical Athens." Greece and Rome 46, no. 1 (April 1999): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500026036.
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This paper is intended to discuss the household in which Classical Athenians typically lived, and the interest in it shown by the polis. Aristotle saw the household – in his vocabulary the oikos, or sometimes the oikia – as the basic social unit of the polis. He defines the primary relationships within the household as: master and slave, husband and wife, father and child. Clearly for Aristotle the household was paradeigmatically made up of the nuclear family together with whatever slaves the family owned. Modern scholars, while often differing about the roles of the members of the household, have generally accepted that the polis, and in particular Classical Athens, was indeed made up of a number of such households. The slave's role in the household, though important, was obviously different from the roles of the members of the nuclear family, and slaves will be left out of account in this paper.
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Ramos, Donald. "Slavery in Brazil: A Case Study of Diamantina, Minas Gerais." Americas 45, no. 1 (July 1988): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007326.
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The study of slave mortality and morbidity in Brazil has been very difficult because of the extreme paucity of sources. Techniques which have been useful in studying the lives of free men and women seldom are useful for analyzing their slaves. The use of parish records such as baptism and death registers is not possible because of the custom of listing only the slave's first name and the unimaginative choice of names which resulted in large numbers of Joãos, Josés, Manuels, Antônios, Antonias, Joanas, and, of course, Marias. Equally important, the types of plantation records available to students of U.S. slavery have seldom been found for Brazil.This essay is an examination of an isolated slave register, which, for a series of idiosyncratic reasons, provides information permitting a glimpse at mortality and morbidity in a distinct and carefully controlled slave population. Because the slaves involved were used in diamond mining under horrendous conditions it is probable that the conclusions reached in this essay represent a worst case scenario. Rather than typical, this is a special case where work and living conditions were probably worse than in plantation zones and certainly worse than in urban areas. It is this situation which makes the conclusions of this essay quite startling.
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Adu-Boahen, Kwabena. "A Worthwhile Possession: A Reading of Women's Valuation of Slaveholding in the 1875 Gold Coast Ladies' Anti-abolition Petition." Itinerario 33, no. 3 (November 2009): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016272.
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In late 1874, the Colonial Government of the Gold Coast passed an abolition measure which was designed to end slavery, all other forms of compulsory labour, and slave trading in the colony. The measure took the form of two laws: the Gold Coast Slave-Dealing Abolition Ordinance (1874) and the Gold Coast Emancipation Ordinance (1874). The Gold Coast Legislative Council passed the laws on 17 December 1874 and they received the assent of the Governor on 28 December. On 30 December 1874, the measure was proclaimed. The first of the ordinances absolutely and immediately outlawed the importation of slaves into the Gold Coast, and abolished slave dealing and pawning. The other ordinance provided for the emancipation of slaves by abolishing the legal status of slavery and empowering slaves to leave their owners at will.
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NORDLING, JOHN G. "A More Positive View of Slavery: Establishing Servile Identity in the Christian Assemblies." Bulletin for Biblical Research 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26423799.
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Abstract Recent scholarship calls attention to violence, sexual exploitation, and other indignities experienced by slaves. For most slaves in the Christian assemblies, however, the abuses associated with slavery were not an issue, and so slavery functioned as the place where countless servile believers demonstrated their faith in Christ by serving the neighbor. Three subpoints support the basic position: (1) Paul called himself a slave repeatedly to form an identity with epistolary audiences, large portions of which were servile; (2) directives to slaves to endure suffering for doing good (1 Pet 2:18–21) were paradigmatic for all Christians, not just slaves; and (3) Jesus' death by crucifixion (servile supplicium = "the slaves' punishment") was presented as the common experience of every Christian, not just slaves. Since slaves were the ones for whom much parenesis was intended originally, the argument can be made that biblical slavery remains pertinent for its applicability to Christian vocation.
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NORDLING, JOHN G. "A More Positive View of Slavery: Establishing Servile Identity in the Christian Assemblies." Bulletin for Biblical Research 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/bullbiblrese.19.1.0063.
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Abstract Recent scholarship calls attention to violence, sexual exploitation, and other indignities experienced by slaves. For most slaves in the Christian assemblies, however, the abuses associated with slavery were not an issue, and so slavery functioned as the place where countless servile believers demonstrated their faith in Christ by serving the neighbor. Three subpoints support the basic position: (1) Paul called himself a slave repeatedly to form an identity with epistolary audiences, large portions of which were servile; (2) directives to slaves to endure suffering for doing good (1 Pet 2:18–21) were paradigmatic for all Christians, not just slaves; and (3) Jesus' death by crucifixion (servile supplicium = "the slaves' punishment") was presented as the common experience of every Christian, not just slaves. Since slaves were the ones for whom much parenesis was intended originally, the argument can be made that biblical slavery remains pertinent for its applicability to Christian vocation.
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Wahl, Jenny B. "The Jurisprudence of American Slave Sales." Journal of Economic History 56, no. 1 (March 1996): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700016053.
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An analysis of all appellate cases involving slave-sales reveals that southern courts helped minimize the costs of trading in slaves. Slave-sales law also surpassed other contemporaneous commercial law in sophistication. Why? Greater information gaps between slave buyers and sellers called for more complex institutional support. The enormous property value embodied by slaves also led to more litigation, greater need for settled law, and a more even match of power between plaintiff and defendant. Additionally, legal rules surrounding slave sales substituted for the employment law governing free-labor markets.
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K, Chellapandian. "Impact of slavery System in America with Reference to Colson Whitehead’s the Underground Railroad." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i2.10402.
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This article tells you that how the slavery system flourished in America and the impact of slavery system in America. Slavery system in America started when Christopher Columbus discovered America in the year 1492. In 1508 the first colony settlement was established by Ponce de Leon in Samjuan. The first African slaves arrived in South Carolina in 1526. During the 16th and 17th century the city St. Augustine was the Hub of the slave trade. Once Britishers established colonies in America, they started importing slaves from Africa. At one point Mary land and Virginia full of African slaves. After the discovery America Britishers came to know that America is suitable for cotton cultivation so they dawned with an idea that for cultivating cotton in America, Africans are the most eligible persons. On the other hand Britishers believed that Africans know the methods of cultivation and they are efficient labours. So they brought African through the Atlantic slave trade to work in cotton plantation. The amounts of slaves were greatly increased because of rapid expansion of the cotton industry. At the beginning of 17th century Britishers were cultivating only cotton and later on they invented the cotton gin. The invention of the cotton gin demanded more manpower and they started importing more slaves from Africa.At the same time southern part of America continued as slave societies and attempted to extend slavery into the western territories to keep their political share in the nation. During this time the United States became more polarized over the issue of slavery split into slaves and free states. Due to this in Virginia and Maryland a new community of African and American culture developed. As the United States expanded southern states, have to maintain a balance between the number slave and free state to maintain political power in the united states senate.
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Peretyatko, Artyom Yu. "The Experience of Employing the Slave Narrative Genre in Describing the History of the Caucasus." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 1 (2021): 302–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.119.
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The genre of the slave narrative is unique, and is essential to African-American culture. Yet, up to now, personally written stories describing the journey to freedom traveled by “heroic slaves”, writings that could well qualify as nonfiction, have received little attention outside of the US and UK. This makes all the more interesting the attempt by prominent Russian historian A. A. Cherkasov to employ the slave narrative genre in describing the history of the Caucasus, undertaken in his collection of documents “Circassian Slave Narratives”. This review of the collection attempts to analyze the phenomenon of the slave narrative and determine the degree to which it could be transposed to Russia. It is shown that while a portion of the documents published by A. A. Cherkasov, specifically interviews with slaves who escaped from Russia to Circassia, do seem to fit in with the slave narrative genre in theme, most of the Russian-Circassian slave narratives are completely different from classic slave narratives in content and style. These are not publicistic memoirs written for abolitionist purposes but documentation maintained to keep records of fugitives. In the end, the author of the article draws the conclusion that it is impossible to have an exact analogue of the slave narrative for Russian history as the figure of the heroic slave is not something that is typical for Russian history. Accordingly, despite the fact that fugitive slaves’ testimonies were widely written down at the time, as was the case in Circassia, the outcome was a completely different type of writing typologically. However, if the slave narrative is viewed in a broad sense, as an aggregate of first-hand slave accounts that can help provide the reader with a comprehensive documentary picture of the life of actual slaves, “Circassian Slave Narratives” may well be considered a worthy representative of the genre. A. A. Cherkasov provides 180 interviews with slaves and over 1,000 thematically contiguous record-keeping documents, which offer a unique insight into Circassian slavery specifically. Consequently, while it is hardly possible to use the classic slave narrative in describing Russian history, there may be considerable potential in its creative reconceptualization, as has been well substantiated by A. A. Cherkasov.
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Wajiansyah, Agusma, and Supriadi Supriadi. "Implementasi Master-slave pada Embedded system menggunakan komunikasi RS485." ELKHA 12, no. 1 (October 10, 2020): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/elkha.v12i1.39166.
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The use of multiprocessor methods in robotics systems has a significant impact on overall robot performance. The Master-slave method is a model of a multiprocessor system where there are several processors that communicate with each other to carry out the robot's overall function. RS-485 can be used as a communication model in the master-slave method. RS-485 is a development of RS-232 which has the ability to communicate with several nodes. In this research, an experiment will be conducted to implement RS-485 to support the master-slave processor communication. Stages of research began with making system design, which includes the design of embedded hardware systems, the design of data communication protocols on RS-485 networks, software design, followed by implementation and testing. The test is carried out to measure the time response of the device to three data transmission models, namely broadcast, addressing slaves without responding and addressing slaves with responses. The test results carried out on three slaves with a communication speed of 9600 bps. Measured response time on broadcast data transmission is 8ms, and address slave without response is 7ms. Whereas delivery by addressing slaves with responses, shows that the measurement method cannot be applied.
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Goodloe, Linda, Raymond Sanwald, and Howard Topoff. "Host Specificity in Raiding Behavior of the Slave-Making Ant Polyergus Lucidus." Psyche: A Journal of Entomology 94, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1987): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/1987/47105.
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In the pine barrens of Suffolk County, New York, at least three species of Formica (subgenus Neoformica) are used as slaves by the obligatory slave-making ant Polyergus lucidus. In any single nest, however, only one slave species may be found. This contrasts with the sympatric, facultative slave-making ants of the genus Formica (subgenus Raptiformica) in which single colonies often contain two or more species of slaves. The slave species exclusivity of P. lucidus might result in two ways: (1) raids could be made to only one slave species of the four available; or (2) raids could be made to more than one slave species, but the captured pupae could be consumed differentially by the resident slaves, favoring the survival to eclosion of only one slave species. This paper reports the results of a study demonstrating that colonies of P. lucidus will, if given a choice, raid only colonies of the slave species already present in the mixed nest. Since scouts typically lead nestmates to target Formica nests (Cool- Kwait & Topoff, 1984), this selective process must occur through the perceptions and actions of the scouts.
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Steckel, Richard H. "A Peculiar Population: The Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity." Journal of Economic History 46, no. 3 (September 1986): 721–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700046842.
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The debate over the health and nutrition of slaves has focused on the typical working adult. Height and mortality data, however, indicate that the greatest systemativ variation in health and nutrition occured by age. Nourishment was exceedingly poor for slave childrenm but workers were remarkably well fed. The unusayal growth-by-age profile for slaves has implications for views on the postwar economic fortunes of blacks, the interpretation of findings of other height studies, and conceptions of slaveowner decision making, the slave family, and the slave personality.