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Journal articles on the topic 'Slobodan Milošević'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 24 January 2023

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1

Memišević, Hamza. "Od "Načertanija" do Slobodana Miloševića / From "The Načertanije" to Slobodan Milošević." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 62, no. 1 (July 6, 2021): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.1.255.

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2

Djilas, Aleksa. "A Profile of Slobodan Milošević." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (1993): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045624.

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3

Sell, Louis. "Slobodan Milošević: A Political Biography." Problems of Post-Communism 46, no. 6 (November 1999): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1999.11655857.

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4

Jakovljevic, Branislav. "From Mastermind to Body Artist: Political Performances of Slobodan Milošević." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 1 (March 2008): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.51.

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From his rise to power in the mid-'80s to his trial 20 years later, Milošević was the focus of powerful social theatricalities. As a public performance, Milošević's trial is inseparable from the mass meetings he organized in Serbia between 1987 and 1989; the political drama of the breakdown of Yugoslavia's federal government; the intense struggles against the opposition fought in the streets; the wars taking place in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo; and finally his own funeral.
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5

Żurek, Piotr. "Gazimestan 28 czerwca 1989 roku – frazeologia przemówienia Slobodana Miloševicia." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.013.13806.

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Gazimestan June 28, 1989 – Phraseology of the Speech of Slobodan Milošević In 2019, the thirtieth anniversary of the famous speech of Slobodan Milošević delivered on the day of St. Vitus (Vidovdan) on June 28, 1989, on 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, was marked. This speech was considered ominous and as an announcement of a future bloody war by many citizens of Yugoslavia and, above all, Albanians and Croats. The author of the article undertook to analyze this speech in terms of phraseology.
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6

Pfanner, Toni. "EDITORIAL." International Review of the Red Cross 88, no. 861 (March 2006): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383106000014.

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March 2006 has been a black month for the UN tribunal authorities in The Hague. Not only has the nationalist Serb war criminal Milan Babić committed suicide in his prison cell, but the man against whom Babić testified in 2002, Slobodan Milošević – the first head of state to be indicted for war crimes – has also died. Milošević's trial was being seen as a crucial test of international law.
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7

Wawryszuk, Paweł. "Slobodan Milošević – demon czy zbawca narodu serbskiego?" Dialogi Polityczne, no. 13 (January 1, 2010): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/dp.2010.022.

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8

Legvold, Robert, and Louis Sell. "Slobodan Milošević and the Destruction of Yugoslavia." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 2 (2002): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033133.

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9

Armatta, Judith. "Historical Revelations from the Milošević Trial." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 1 (2012): 10–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633312x616968.

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Controversy over Serbia's1 role in the decade of wars in the former Yugoslavia continues. The trial of Slobodan Milošević unearthed significant new material in documents and testimony, despite the trial's premature end with Milošević's death. While there was no legal resolution, evidence revealed at trial provides a rich resource for historians to further examine some of the major controversies arising from the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the decade of wars that ensued. This article will highlight evidence relevant to the following issues: Was Serbia opposed to disintegration and war or did Milošević seek it in his quest for power? Were the wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina civil wars in which Serbia was not involved except to provide humanitarian aid and negotiate for peace or was Serbia a primary protagonist? What was Serbia's role, if any, in the Srebrenica genocide?2 Was Serbia, NATO or the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) responsible for war and ethnic cleansing in Kosovo? While the trial of Milošević did not attempt to establish Serbia's or the FRY's responsibility, actions taken by Milošević as Serbia's president and de facto leader of the FRY necessarily implicate them as political entities.
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10

Żurek, Piotr. "Slobodan Milošević przeciwko doktrynie „słaba Serbia - mocna Jugosławia‟ (1986-1992)." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 28, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2021.28.24.

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Na początku lat osiemdziesiątych XX wieku, w Serbii utarło się przekonanie, że w SFRJ jest prowadzona polityka mająca na celu osłabić najliczniejszy naród państwa - Serbów. Na przeciwstawieniu się doktrynie „słaba Serbia - mocna Jugosławia‟ kapitał polityczny zdobył Slobodan Milošević. W obliczu rozpadu Jugosławii serbski lider próbował przebudować SFRJ w państwo serbocentrystyczne. W momencie wybuch wojny Milošević doprowadził do powołania SRJ. Według koncepcji serbskiego prezydenta wokół tego państwa miały zjednoczyć się wszystkie ziemie serbskie.
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11

White, Graham. "Witnessing Proceedings: The Hague War Crimes Tribunal, Narrative Indeterminacy, and the Public Audience." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 1 (March 2008): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.1.75.

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The prosecution of Slobodan Milošević at the ICTY in The Hague foregrounded the role of the live courtroom encounter in the forging of narratives of history, truth, and justice. In the case of Milošević and other defendants, the attempt to uncover events that might unambiguously indicate involvement in a criminal enterprise was, and is, picking through a “postmodern” minefield of indeterminacy and doubt.
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12

Jagiełło-Szostak, Anna. "Nacjonalizm w przemówieniach Slobodana Miloševicia." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 41 (February 13, 2022): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.030.

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Nationalism in Slobodan Milošević’s SpeechesThe fall of Yugoslavia showed economic, national, ideological and political problems. Thus, there was a strong rise of hidden nationalisms among nations living on the same territory, such as Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian from the 1980s.The aim of the article is to show how Slobodan Milošević’s nationalism was rising in his speeches in the period between 1988 (when he came to power) and 1992 (when the new constitution of FRY was adopted). The author analyzed eleven speeches made during the debates in the Serbian Parliament, during sessions of the Socialist Party of Serbia and during meetings with people in such cities as Gazimestan, Belgrade, Novi Sad, Bor and Niš. In his speeches Milošević raised such subjects as the question of Yugoslavia, the question of Serbian nation living on the whole territory of Yugoslavia, the role of Serbia in the creation of Yugoslavia. Additionally, he was blaming “enemies” (such as Slovenia, Croatia, Albanians from Kosovo) for the collapse of Yugoslavia and the war in the 1990s. He was using a language of populism and propaganda to enhance his goals and tried to be emotionally close to his nation.
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13

Lake, Daniel R. "The Limits of Coercive Airpower: NATO's “Victory” in Kosovo Revisited." International Security 34, no. 1 (July 2009): 83–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.34.1.83.

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Many studies of the 1999 Kosovo crisis argue that although airpower played an important role in forcing President Slobodan Milošević's capitulation, NATO's threat of a ground invasion was critical. Other studies claim that no such threat existed or that it was irrelevant to ending the crisis. Instead, they attribute NATO's success solely to the strategic use of coercive airpower. There is, however, another explanation: the rising dissatisfaction with Milošević's rule among his supporters as the crisis dragged on. Despite NATO's overwhelming strategic superiority, Milošević was able to reject his adversary's terms of surrender until his political position became untenable. This suggests that airpower may have greater limitations as a tool of statecraft than its supporters maintain.
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14

Mrdalj, Mladen. "From Pararepublic to Parastate: International Leverage in Shaping Kosovo’s Secession." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 1 (January 2020): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.85.

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AbstractThe Kosovo Albanian political movement in the 1990s contained three fluctuating factions with distinct strategies: boycotting Serbian institutions, participating in elections, and resorting to an armed insurgency. This article shows how expectations of external assistance, primarily from the Clinton administration, influenced which strategy was to dominate the movement at certain periods. It also shows how the movement successfully conflated the issues of human rights and the ethnonationalist secessionist agenda, even though the secessionist agenda predated the claims of human rights violations following the rise of Slobodan Milošević to power in Serbia. In the end, the article discusses how the Clinton administration’s failure in the Rambouillet peace talks, the diplomatic result of the NATO attack on Serbia, and the fall of Slobodan Milošević set the foundations for freezing the conflict and turning Kosovo into a parastate.
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15

Draskovic, Bojan. "PAD SLOBODANA MILOŠEVIĆA." Nacionalni interes 40, no. 1/2021 (May 31, 2021): 103–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/ni.4012021.4.

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Autor sa distance od dvadeset godina, i uz pomoć novih istorijskih izvora sagledava događaje u kojima je delimično, kao građanin učestvovao, konstatujući na samom početku da se njegovo mišljenje znatno promenilo od tog vremena. Režim Slobodana Miloševića, nije bio ni diktatorski ni tiranski, kako su ga zapadni mediji i domaća opozicija tog vremena predstavljali. On je u velikoj meri bio demokratski, i autoritativan, a u određenom smislu i liberalan. Najveći problem ovog perioda moderne srpske istorije, je njegov sukob sa Zapadom, koji nije dozvoljavao jugoslovenski kontinuitet, nego je 31. maja 1992. godine, Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji uveo međunarodne sankcije. Slobodan Milošević bio je autoritativna i snažna ličnost, koja je vladala Srbijom i SRJ u teškim uslovima međunarodne izolacije. Njegov režim bio je improvizatorski i on je opstajao u skladu sa mogućnosima. Njegovom padu u doprinela je pogrešna procena situacije ali i sukob sa srpskim radikalima i forsiranje mondijalističkog JUL-a u odnosu na njegovu izvornu stranku SPS. U petooktobarskim promenama uz pomoć nezadovoljnih građana, ali i dela vojske i policije, uz finasijsku podršku zapadnih obaveštajnih službi, u nekoj vrsti prikrivenog puča, pao je režim Slobodana Miloševića. Faktori koji su ga oborili želeli su vraćanje države u normalne tokove, ali su za to morali da plate izuzetno visoku cenu Zapadu koji je na sve načine pokušavao da kazni Srbiju i Srbe. Ipak nekdašnji lider Srbije je u Hagu doživeo političku i istorijsku rehabilitacju, i od negativne istorijske pojave postao pozitivna istorijska ličnost.
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16

Jović, Dejan. "Book Review: Slobodan Milošević and the Destruction of Yugoslavia." European History Quarterly 36, no. 3 (July 2006): 479–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140603600317.

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17

Macura, Jelena. "He’s Just Not That Into Yu(goslavia)." Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur27.

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The Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is an interesting case study that is applicable to various aspects of international relations scholarship. During a time where different regions struggled to coexist, questions of nationalism and ethnicity evolved into conflict. Slobodan Milošević was a Serbian politician, and capitalizing on the discontent of the Serbian nation, rallied support, and mobilized an army dedicated to achieving the dream of a “Greater Serbia”. It can be argued that rhetoric and discourse played an important role in formulating the view of a superior Serbian nation, while assembling a population ready for war. Long after Milošević’s death, his words still resonate with the Serbian nation, and severely impede reconciliation efforts. To illustrate how ancient hatred prevents states from moving forward, in the Serbian context, this essay specifically takes into consideration Milošević’s 1987 Kosovo Polje Speech and his 1989 Gazimestan address.
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18

Glaurdić, Josip. "Inside the Serbian War Machine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 1 (February 2009): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408326788.

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This article examines the arguably most interesting pieces of evidence used during the trial of Slobodan Milošević at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia—more than two hundred recordings of intercepted conversations that took place in 1991 and 1992 between Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Dobrica Ćosić, and various other protagonists on the Serbian side of the wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Analysis of the intercepts presented in this article makes several important contributions to the interpretation of events in former Yugoslavia during that period. First, it identifies the ideological foundations of Milošević-led Serbian war campaigns in the political influence of Dobrica Ćosić and his platform of “unification of Serbs.” Second, it contributes to the vigorous debate regarding the possible deal between Milošević and the Croatian president Franjo Tuđman for the division of BiH. It confirms that negotiations took place, but that Milošević and his associates had no intention of respecting any agreement and wanted the whole of BiH until at least late 1991. Third, it provides indications that Milošević held the position of the de facto commander-in-chief in the operations of the Yugoslav People's Army in Croatia and BiH. And fourth, it establishes that the two institutions of force Milošević had direct legal control over—Serbia's State Security Service and Ministry of Interior—were his principal means of control over Croatian and Bosnian Serbs and instruments in the aggression against BiH even after its international recognition.
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19

Pigott, Sarah-Jane. "List of current legal proceedings: Update." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 3 (September 1999): 625–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000321.

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On Monday 24 May 1999, Judge David Hunt confirmed an indictment against, and issued initial arrest warrants for Slobodan Milošević, the President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; Milan Milutinović, the President of Serbia; Nikola šainović, Deputy Prime Minister of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; Dragoljub Ojdanić, Chief of Staff of the Yugoslav Army; and Vlajko Stojiljković, Minister of Internal Affairs of Serbia.
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20

Rodríguez Andreu, Miguel. "Otpor! El derrocamiento de Milošević y el controvertido legado de la movilización social." Tiempo devorado 4, no. 2 (July 20, 2017): 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.115.

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El derrocamiento de Slobodan Milošević representó un hito democrático para la sociedad serbia. Detrás de la revolución se encuentra el movimiento Otpor!, una organización formada por estudiantes que logró empujar a la oposición a crear un frente común contra el ex presidente serbio. Este artículo, recurriendo a la metodología cualitativa y cuantitativa, intenta explicar que la movilización social no es una expresión de madurez democrática, ni tampoco Otpor! es un reflejo de una sociedad comprometida civilmente. El éxito de Otpor! como aglutinador de la diversidad política es producto de un cúmulo de circunstancias, que determinan la estructura de oportunidad política: el aislamiento del gobierno, un mal cálculo político de Milošević, y un pacto entre las líneas conservadoras del régimen y la oposición. La perspectiva histórica permite desvalorar la influencia de Otpor!, tanto por las controversias generadas por la intervención de EE.UU., como por su irrelevancia como referente político en la consecución de una sociedad civil serbia tras el fin del régimen de Milošević.
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21

Clark, Janine. "National Minorities and the Milošević Regime." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254375.

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In April 1994, the Croatian government of the late Franjo Tudjman demanded that all “non white” UN troops be removed from Croatia, claiming that only “first-world troops” were sufficiently sensitized to Croatia's problems. In Western circles, however, it was Tudjman's Serbian counterpart, Slobodan Milosevic, who was often portrayed as a racist. Ramet, for example, argues that “Milosevic built his power on a foundation of hatred and xenophobia …”; Zimmermann refers to “the ethnic hatred sown by Milosevic and his ilk …”; and Duncan and Holman compare Milosevic to Russia's Vladimir Zhirinovsky, claiming that the latter's “blatant appeals to racism bear a striking resemblance to those of Milosevic's Serbia.” For her part, Madeleine Albright, speaking on national television as US Secretary of State in February 2000, described Milosevic as a man “who decides that if you are not of his ethnic group, you don't have a right to exist.”
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22

Vladisavljevic, Nebojsa. "Institutional Power and the Rise of Milošević." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 1 (March 2004): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000186160.

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The consensus among specialists on the politics of socialist Yugoslavia and supporters of Slobodan Milošević is that he rose personally as the leader due to a broad appeal of his political programme. According to one version of the political programme thesis, Milošević overwhelmed his initially more powerful opponents in the leadership of Serbia in 1987 by obtaining majority support in higher ranks of the party for his nationalist programme, namely the reduction of autonomy of Kosovo. The other version of the thesis says that he extended nationalist appeals to the population at large and established control over party and state organs in the largest republic of federal Yugoslavia largely by bringing pressure from society on the political elite. In any case, Milošević emerged from the leadership struggle as a very powerful leader and was thus able to purge his rivals from the regional leadership and embark upon the implementation of a nationalist programme. The supporters of Milošević have largely agreed with the specialists. Borisav Jović, his right-hand man, claimed, “the removal of bureaucratic leadership of Serbia, which had subserviently accepted the division of Serbia in three parts,” to be one of their main achievements.
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23

Reinhartz, Dennis. "Serpent in the Bosom: The Rise and Fall of Slobodan Milošević." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525945.

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24

Legvold, Robert, and Lenard J. Cohen. "Serpent in the Bosom: The Rise and Fall of Slobodan Milošević." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 3 (2001): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050167.

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25

Jovanović, Srđan Mladenov. "Confronting Recent History: Media in Serbia During Aleksandar Vučić's Ministry of Information in the Milošević Era (1998–1999)." Hiperboreea 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.6.1.0061.

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Abstract Since the end of the Yugoslav wars of the nineties, Serbia seems to have fallen out of the spotlight in scholarly research. Attempting to counter this, in this article, we tackle the media suppression by the 1998-99 Ministry of Information led by Aleksandar Vučić, nowadays serving as Serbia's President. Repositioning the spotlight from Slobodan Milošević to Aleksandar Vučić, we confront the numerous attempts of media suppression and censorship in the late nineties.
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26

Boas, Gideon, and Timothy L. H. McCormack. "LEARNING THE LESSONS OF THE MILOŠEVIĆ TRIAL." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 9 (December 2006): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135906000651.

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One noticeable coincidence in 2006 involved the deaths of three former heads of state: Saddam Hussein, Augusto Pinochet and Slobodan Milošević. Many past calendar years have marked the passing of multiple former heads of state but these three particular former leaders had all been subjected to judicial processes of one sort or another in respect of alleged widespread and systematic violations of human rights, arbitrary killings and – for two of them – genocide of their own or other peoples. In all three cases the deaths were linked in some way to the legal proceedings and evoked widespread dissatisfaction – Pinochet because he escaped trial, Hussein because the proceedings against him were fundamentally flawed and Milošević because he died before the four-year trial proceedings against him could be brought to a conclusion. Despite the obvious differences in judicial proceedings against all three accused, an emergent and common refrain has been to query whether any satisfactory trial of a former head of state is indeed possible.
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Gow, James, and Ivan Zveržhanovski. "The Milošević Trial: Purpose and Performance." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296159.

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The trial of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague is a vehicle both for achieving justice and for pursuing historical truth. At this first-ever trial of a former head of state before an international tribunal, the same evidence serves two purposes: the quests for “truth” by those involved in the judicial process, on one side, and those engaged in academic historical interpretation, on the other. In each sphere, there are expectations to be satisfied. Those of the peoples of Serbia and the other former Yugoslav lands, international governmental and non-governmental actors, and observers are all different from each other; and they are all distinct from the viewpoint of future students of history. The two frameworks for truth are neither necessarily competitive nor complementary, and the tests of their validity may differ. But the raw material they use may be identical and the outcome of each may be parallel and consistent. And the two varieties of truth may reinforce one another in the quest to restore peace and security, to establish justice, and to compile a broadly accepted account of contentious, awful events.
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Tavernier, Paul. "The Death of Slobodan Milošević and the Future of International Criminal Justice." Hague Justice Journal 1, no. 1 (November 2006): 53–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/hjj/187742022006001001008.

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29

Dragićević-Šešić, Milena. "The Street as Political Space: Walking as Protest, Graffiti, and the Student Carnivalization of Belgrade." New Theatre Quarterly 17, no. 1 (February 2001): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00014342.

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Western assumptions of unthinking Serbian support for the policies of Slobodan Milošević were upset by the success of popular protest in securing his removal in the autumn of 2000. In fact, just three years after his accession to power in 1989, there had already been massive student protests against the Balkan War, and these were repeated and surpassed in the winter of 1996–97, when Milošević tried to disregard the success of the opposition in the local elections of that November. The student protests quickly took a theatricalized form, and their recurrent modes – graffiti, banners, street processions – were successfully carnivalized, to become popular performative events. This feature provides a chronology of the main developments to complement the more analytical study by Milena Dragićević-Šešić of the nature of this organic but ironic response to an authoritarian regime, which gave old traditions a late twentieth-century voice.
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Popović, Srdja, and Slobodan Djinovic. "How Can Social Movements Help Defend Democracy?" Contention 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2018.060205.

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This piece of “movement writing” is written by the coheads of the Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies and the cofounders of the Otpor! movement that ousted Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milošević in 2000. The article discusses the most promising tactics in contemporary prodemocracy activism, drawing on the authors’ considerable experience working with activists across the globe. Popović and Djinovic argue that the efficacy of traditional nonviolent strategies has waned with respect to contemporary prodemocracy struggles—which often seek to defend institutions rather than dismantle them—and advocate for more creative, humorous approach to contention.
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Dimitrijević, Bojan. "IZRUČENJE SLOBODANA MILOŠEVIĆA HAŠKOM TRIBUNALU 28. JUNA 2001. I VOJSKA JUGOSLAVIJE." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 1/2022 (February 1, 2022): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.1.dim.179-192.

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Slobodan Milošević, bivši predsednik Savezne Republike Jugoslavije i Republike Srbije, predat je organima Haškog tribunala 28. juna 2001. godine. On je helikopterom Resora državne bezbednosti prebačen iz Beograda do Tuzle, gde je u pratnji predstavnika tribunala produžio za Hag. U članku se opisuju aktivnosti Vojske Jugoslavije, odnosno Ratnog vazduhoplovstva i protivvazdušne odbrane tokom popodneva tog dana, koje su mogle da imaju svrhu da spreče Miloševićevo izručenje. Osnovu članka čini neobjavljena originalna dokumentacija Vojske Jugoslavije i drugih institucija, u koju je autor po službenoj dužnosti imao uvid, kao i objavljena sećanja aktera tog događaja.
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Khakimova, Iuliia. "Slobodan Milošević in the Mirror of the Russian Media: the Case of 1999." Slavic World: Commonality and Diversity, no. 2019 (2019): 158–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0869.2019.1.38.

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Hayball, Harry Jack. "A Wolf in Sheep’s Clothing?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 158–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416678043.

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Jovan Rašković, the popular founding president of Croatia’s Serbian Democratic Party (Srpska demokratska stranka, SDS), is widely viewed as representing a “missed opportunity” for peace in Croatia in 1990–1991, a moderate advocate of “cultural autonomy” and equality within Croatia who was undermined by the aggressive politics of Slobodan Milošević’s Serbia, which supported instead the territorial and separatist ideas of Milan Babić. This support is considered a key component of Milošević’s intervention in Croatia and is often viewed as decisive in foreclosing opportunities for a peaceful settlement of Croat–Serb relations. This article challenges this interpretation, arguing that the SDS’s politics were premised from the start on the notion that the Serbs in Croatia were a “sovereign nation” with the right to self-determination up to secession. If Croatia remained in a Yugoslav federation, this meant that Serbs could opt for a wide variety of rights within Croatia, including forms of territorial autonomy. In the event of Yugoslavia’s disintegration or transformation into a confederation, the Serbian minority could secede from Croatia. The differences between Rašković and Babić have been considerably overstated, and some of the SDS’s more moderate rhetoric fundamentally misunderstood. It was Rašković, not Babić or Milošević, who founded the territorial and separatist politics of the Serbian Democratic Party in Croatia.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.

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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
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Ribić, Vladimir. "Constitutional changes and state unity in the rhetoric." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 4, no. 1 (June 18, 2009): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v4i1.10.

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We call "Anti-bureaucratic revolution" the clash within the Socialist Committee of Serbia, which took place in the period between 1987.and 1989, with the broadest political mobilization of citizens, and the result of which was constitutional reformation of Serbia. During the ‘80s of the 20th century, the Serbian Communist leadership had, more or less explicitly, disputed (questioned) the legal-political and economic order in Serbia and Yugoslavia, which was established by the 1974. Constitution. When it came to executing (carrying out) the constitutional changes and establishing the state unity, Slobodan Milošević and Ivan Stambolić had based their rhetoric on similar, and often the same attitudes and arguments.
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Sekelj, Laslo. "Serbia: The change without transformation." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 68, no. 9 (1996): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv9605173s.

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Main thesis of this paper is that in Serbia and FR Yugoslavia one can notice political changes but not a real transformation of authoritarian system into liberal-democratic and of politically ruled economy into the market economy. To create this situation of political change without social transformation was significantly helped by the UN Security Council sanctions against FR Yugoslavia, which led to unchallenged power of Slobodan Milošević and his Socialist party of Serbia. As the result, we have the main feature of political processes in Serbia after the break-down of Yugoslavia: multy-party system not as neglection but as continuation of the Communist system.
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Mandić, Danilo. "Myths and Bombs: War, State Popularity and the Collapse of National Mythology." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 1 (March 2008): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701848341.

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“Belgrade ‘Targets’ Find Unity ‘From Heaven,’” read the front-page headline of a somewhat staggered New York Times, only five days after NATO bombs began falling on Serbia. Instead of hiding in bomb shelters or, as US officials had hoped, rebelling against their government, Serbs were busy singing patriotic songs at public squares, throwing rocks at the Goethe Institute, wearing medieval Serbian military uniforms and carrying signs equating Bill Clinton to Ottoman emperors, Croatian fascists and Napoleon. Thus a population which had for years expressed nothing but discontent with its government suddenly became “unified from heaven—but by the bombs, not by God.” Uniting them “behind their soldiers, their Kosovo and even President Slobodan Milošević” was, Belgrade's then-Mayor explained, a seemingly incomprehensible mélange of “myth and superstition.”
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Glaurdić, Josip. "The Owl of Minerva Flies Only at Dusk?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (May 6, 2013): 545–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413484758.

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Could the Western foreign policy makers have done anything to prevent the violence accompanying the breakup of Yugoslavia? The answer to that question largely depends on their level of awareness of what was happening in the South Slavic federation in the run-up to war. This article analyzes a string of newly declassified documents of the British Foreign Office related to the February 1991 visit of a high-level British political delegation to Yugoslavia, together with interviews with some of the meetings’ protagonists. These declassified documents and interviews offer a unique snapshot in the development of the Yugoslav crisis and Britain’s policy in the region. They give us a clear picture of the goals and strategies of the principal Yugoslav players and show us what the West knew about the true nature of the Yugoslav crisis and when. The article’s conclusions are clear. Yugoslavia’s breakup and impending violence did not require great foresight. Their cause was known well in advance because it was preannounced—it was the plan of the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milošević to impose a centralized Yugoslavia upon the other republics or, if that failed, to use force to create a Greater Serbia on Yugoslavia’s ruins. Crucially, British policy at the time did nothing to dissuade Milošević from his plan and likely contributed to his confidence in using violence to pursue the creation of a new and enlarged Serbian state.
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Satjukow, Elisa. "The Making of 24 March. Commemorations of the 1999 NATO Bombing in Serbia, 1999–2019." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0011.

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Abstract The author takes the 20th anniversary of the NATO intervention as a starting point to reflect on the commemorations of 24 March 1999, distinguishing three phases of memory politics: First, the Making of 24 March (1999–2000) by Slobodan Milošević, which initiated a hegemonic narrative of Serbian martyrdom; second, the Long Period of Ambiguity (2001–2014) shaped by the former democratic governments, who pursued a policy of reconciliation without questioning the one-sided memory in relation to the war in Kosovo; and third, the Return of 24 March with Aleksandar Vučić’s rise to power, which describes the 78 days of air raids as a collective trauma of Serbian society, from which, however, strength and defiance can be derived. The author shows that memory politics in Serbia today continue to focus almost exclusively on Serbian sacrifices made due to the bombing, while the war in Kosovo remains silenced.
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Medenica, Ivan. "BITEF Before and After 1989: Representation to Deconstruction of Social and Cultural Paradigms." New Theatre Quarterly 37, no. 3 (July 19, 2021): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x21000178.

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Ivan Medenica here analyzes the cultural shift that the Belgrade International Theatre Festival (BITEF) experienced after 1989. From its beginnings in the late 1960s until the end of the1980s, BITEF was a representation of the dominant multicultural, modernist, and progressive paradigm of Yugoslavia’s cultural policy. This was not an unambiguous position. On the one hand, modernist values were imposed by Tito’s authoritarian regime and, on the other, they were confronted with the conservative tendencies both in politics and the arts. As a multicultural and progressive platform, BITEF was one of the biggest victims in the field of the arts of Slobodan Milošević’s nationalist regime in the 1990s and the wars in former Yugoslavia. After the fall of Milošević in 2000, a complex period of tension started between the ‘reborn’ urge for democratization and internationalization, on the one hand, and persistent nationalism and conservatism, on the other. Due to its tradition, reinforced artistic ambitions, and international reputation, BITEF regained its fame. Its position today, however, is quite paradoxical. It is an anti-traditionalist and multicultural festival – within a culture and society that are becoming traditional and rather claustrophobic. Ivan Medenica is a Professor of Theatre at the University of the Arts in Belgrade in Serbia and has received the national award for theatre criticism six times. His publications include The Tragedy of Initiation, or the Inconstant Prince: The Classics and Their Masks. Medenica is also the artistic director of BITEF.
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Ramet, Sabrina P. "Views from Inside: Memoirs concerning the Yugoslav Breakup and War." Slavic Review 61, no. 3 (2002): 558–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090302.

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Recent memoirs published in Zagreb, Ljubljana, Sarajevo, and Podgorica offer glimpses into how the principals would like their roles in the events connected with the Yugoslav breakup and war to be remembered. The most indispensable of the ten memoirs under review are those by Janez Drnovšek and Janez Janša, who have differing perspectives on developments in Slovenia between 1988 and 1991; by Martin Špegelj, who outlines in detail his argument that Croatia should have laid siege to the Yugoslav Army barracks much earlier than was done; and by Raif Dizdarević, who provides interesting details on how Serbian leader Slobodan Milosević subverted the Yugoslav federation and put his protégés in charge of Montenegro, Kosovo, and Vojvodina. Sefer Halilović, Branko Mamula, and Špegelj challenge observers' usual conceptions of events, while Alija Izetbegović, Davorin Rudolf, and Zdravko Tomac offer more standard accounts. Hrvoje Šarinić provides details of his secret conversations with Milošević and other figures.
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Kannenberg, Oliver. "Demokratie auf dem Abstellgleis? Eine Bestandsaufnahme des serbischen Parteien- systems nach der Parlamentswahl 2020." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 2 (2021): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-2-425.

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Serbia’s 2020 parliamentary election, held amid a pandemic and an opposition boycott, received an unusual amount of international attention. It marked the temporary nadir of Serbia’s democratic development after the fall of the autocrat Slobodan Milošević and, at the same time, the zenith of the rise of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) under Aleksandar Vučić. In the twenty years in between, various governments faced numerous domestic and external challenges that have hampered sustainable democratization of the state, of parties, and society. From candidate selection to the management and control of elections as well as the formation of parliamentary parties, ubiquitous party potentates control political decision-making in Serbia. The explanation for supposed paradoxes, such as the population’s low confidence in political parties while party membership is high, lies in the close-meshed connections between state institutions, businesses, and the ruling parties. The population’s hopes for democratic change rest less in the divided opposition parties than in social and civic organizations.
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Janković, Branimir. "Croatia’s Knowledge Production on Kosovo around 1989." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2021): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0041.

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Abstract In socialist Yugoslavia in 1989 the extremely sensitive matter of Kosovo had an ambiguous effect on the League of Communists of Croatia, which was then still caught in the so-called “Croatian silence”. It did however provoke much turbulence in the Croatian media, which made pointed comments on the larger Yugoslav crisis, on the situation in Kosovo, and on the politics of Serbian president Slobodan Milošević. An intense dynamic could be also found in the field of knowledge production which encompassed scholars, historians, and intellectuals. Who produced knowledge about Kosovo? What were their political and intellectual agendas? How did they intervene in the dominant discourses and media coverage, what debates and reactions did they spark? Within the frames of the history of knowledge, the history of books and intellectual history, the author here assesses the works on Kosovo of a number of Croatian and Yugoslav intellectuals, chiefly Darko Hudelist and Branko Horvat.
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Ramet, Sabrina P. "Explaining the Yugoslav meltdown, 2: A Theory about the Causes of the Yugoslav Meltdown: The Serbian National Awakening as a “Revitalization Movement”*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 765–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296122.

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The argument to be presented here is that the Yugoslav meltdown involved three factors or sets of factors: first, the various underlying problems such as economic deterioration, political illegitimacy, and structural factors which drove the system toward crisis; second, the presence and persistence of inter-ethnic resentments deriving from irreconcilable national historical narratives in which Yugoslavia's constituent peoples cast each other as “the Enemy” (usually across the Serb–non-Serb cleavage) and specifically stoked by certain ambitious political figures; and third, the emergence, in Serbia, of a national “revitalization movement” led by Slobodan Milošević, nurturing grandiose territorial fantasies. I shall also argue that understanding the Serb national awakening of the late 1980s as a “revitalization movement” helps to understand the nature of what happened in Serbia, in particular how Serb nationalists could construe their initiatives as responses to some perceived threat coming from outside the community of Serbs, the phases in the development of that movement, and its role in impelling socialist Yugoslavia toward breakup and meltdown.
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Djordjevic, Ksenija. "La violence verbale après la violence de masse. Le procès de Slobodan Milošević devant le Tribunal pénal international." Mots, no. 91 (November 30, 2009): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mots.19288.

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Ristić, Maja. "Culture of resistance: The theatre that changes the world." Kultura, no. 169 (2020): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura2069234r.

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The main goal of this paper is to point out the power of the alternative and independent theatre in changing society, based on the scientific research of prof, dr Milena Dragićević-Šešić. The first part of the paper offers deliberations on the theories of reflection and shaping of Victoria de Alexander, according to which art and theatre always reflect social events. In the second part of the paper, we will analyse the work of independent theatre troupes (Dah teatar, Mim Art.) during the nineties, and their resistance to the regime of Slobodan Milošević - a significant contribution to the struggle for freedom of thought and the right of every human being to take to the streets freely. And the streets were indeed cordoned by police during the student and civil protests. This paper wants to point out the importance of the applied theatre for spreading of culture and the influence of the theatre on the audiences. The work was written based on the sociological theories of art of Victoria de Alexander, the theory of applied theatre by August Boal, and also the studies of dr Milena Dragićević Šešić: Art and Alternative, Culture of Resistance and Indian Theatre.
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Fabre, Cécile. "The Case for Foreign Electoral Subversion." Ethics & International Affairs 32, no. 3 (2018): 283–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679418000424.

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AbstractIt is widely alleged that President Putin's regime attempted to exercise influence on the 2016 U.S. presidential election. It is known that its Soviet predecessors funded Western communist parties for decades as a means to undermine noncommunist regimes. Similarly, the United States has a long history of interfering in the institutions and elections of its Latin American neighbors, as well as (at the height of the Cold War) its European allies. More recently, many believe that, absent U.S.-driven assistance, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia would have lost the 2000 Yugoslavian presidential election to Slobodan Milošević. As those examples suggest, attempting to subvert the democratic elections of a putatively sovereign country is a time-honored way of bending the latter's domestic and foreign policy to one's will. In this paper, I focus on the state-sponsored, nonviolent, nonkinetic subversion of nationwide elections (for short, subversion) through campaign and party financing, tampering with electoral registers, and conducting disinformation campaigns about candidates. I argue that, under certain conditions and subject to certain constraints, subversion is pro tanto justified as a means to prevent or end large-scale human rights violations.
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Rodman, Kenneth A. "When Justice Leads, Does Politics Follow?" Journal of International Criminal Justice 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqz002.

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Abstract One of the arguments for international prosecution of criminal violence regardless of political context is the presumed normative pull of global justice, which can stigmatize targeted leaders to both international and domestic audiences, leading to their marginalization. However, the examples most closely associated with this argument — Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić (arrest warrants issued in 1995), Slobodan Milošević (arrest warrant unsealed in 1999) and Charles Taylor (arrest warrant unsealed in 2003) — are false positives since they were empowered by a political commitment by powerful states to remove those actors from power. In contrast, when powerful third parties prefer to engage regimes whose leaders are subjected to criminal scrutiny — either because of shared interests or a diplomatic approach to conflict management — the stigmatizing impact of criminalization is limited, as demonstrated by the failure of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda to prosecute commanders of the Rwandan Patriotic Front and the problems the International Criminal Court has encountered in its Darfur and Kenyan investigations. The findings point to the realist limits of the shaming function of international criminal tribunals, whose ability to sideline abusive leaders is dependent on parallel political strategies to achieve the same ends.
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Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. "The International Criminal Court and the Warrant of Arrest for Sudan's President Al-Bashir: A Crucial Step Towards Challenging Impunity or a Political Decision?" Nordic Journal of International Law 78, no. 3 (2009): 397–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/090273509x12448190941200.

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AbstractOn 4 March 2009 the Pre-Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Court (ICC) held that it was satisfied that there were reasonable grounds to believe that Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir, the president of Sudan, is criminally responsible under Article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute as an indirect (co)perpetrator for war crimes and crimes against humanity (but not for genocide). The Chamber issued a warrant for the arrest of Al Bashir making him the third sitting head of state to be charged by an international court following Liberia's Charles Taylor and Yugoslavia's Slobodan Milošević. Since then the ICC has been accused of making a "political decision" and that it is "part of a new mechanism of neo-colonialism". This article examines the ICC's decision against the background of the situation in Darfur. The article concludes that although the ICC decision and warrant cannot be considered political and neo-colonial in nature, the decision and warrant can be criticised as selective. It calls on the ICC to broaden its scope of investigations and for the international community to affirm its support for the ICC and insist that Sudan and other states cooperate fully as required by the United Nations Security Council.
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Lomonosov, Matvey. "Slobodan Milošević between the left and the right: Слободан Милошевич между левыми и правыми: the balance of power, political struggle, and persuasion strategy." Slavianovedenie, no. 1 (February 2021): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0012783-4.

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