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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Slovenia, politics and government

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Academic literature on the topic 'Slovenia, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Slovenia, politics and government"

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Gornik, Barbara. "The Dark Side of the Moon: Nationalism, Human Rights, and the Erased Residents of Slovenia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (March 14, 2019): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.10.

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In 1992, after the dissolution of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Slovenian government unlawfully erased 25,671 individuals—ethnically mainly Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Roma—from the Register of Permanent Residents of Slovenia. The aim of this article is to analyze the logic of the governmental rationalities that served as a basis for the politics of the erasure. The article begins by refuting claims that the erasure was a tactic for achieving ethnocultural homogeneity and continues by explaining the mindset involved in this particular practice of government, resting upon Foucault’s notions ofraison d’état, governmentality, and sovereign power. Highlighting the prominence of the individual’s political opinion and loyalty to the newly established state, the article discusses the principles of nationalism, which reinforce the very common-sense exclusionary politics related to political loyalty implied in citizenship and ethnic identity. Finally, the article deliberates on the effects of the contemporary diagram of power of the nation-state, which legitimizes the exclusion of individuals from the national polity and thus immobilizes universal respect of human rights.

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Crnčec, Danijel, and Ana Bojinović Fenko. "Slovenia as a Stress Test of the EU’s External Dimension of Energy Policy. Case Studies of Russian and American Influence." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (2022): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2022-1-14.

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The article focuses on Slovenia’s unique historical and geopolitical position, which makes the country a highly unusual EU (Central East European – CEE) member state and determines its stance on the EU’s energy policy with respect to the USA and Russia. It pursues the research question: how does Slovenia balance between the EU energy policy framework and its particular national energy interests related to Russia and the USA? Conceptually, the article builds on the Europeanization of foreign policy applying the downloading path to Slovenian external energy policy via three indicators: the increasing salience of the European political agenda, adherence to common (EU) objectives, and internalization of EU membership and its integration process. It employs a method of statistical data and content analysis of documents and secondary sources within two case studies of energy projects, namely the South Stream involving Russia, and long-term use of nuclear energy for electricity production involving the USA. The results substantiate that Slovenia has managed to balance between its energy-related national interests and the EU energy framework by formulating and legitimizing the former within the EU policy framework. However, the second case reveals that the open EU legal framework on the member states’ choice of nuclear energy cooperatives is a notable limitation to Europeanization due to the tendency for interests in national foreign policy and domestic politics – both performed by the government – to drift away from general EU values. In the conclusion, the article identifies two important implications arising from the case of Slovenia as a stress test of the EU’s external dimension of energy policy.

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Krašovec, Alenka, and Nemanja Batrićević. "Cleavages and Government in Slovenia and Montenegro." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 593–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0027.

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Abstract In this article we identify the factors that contribute to the formation and especially the durability/stability of governments in both Slovenia and Montenegro after they formally introduced multiparty systems and following their democratic transition, with a focus on the effect of cleavages and party system characteristics generally. Although these two polities share several important similarities (small size, common institutional setting during Yugoslav era, aspirations for membership in international organisations etc.), the nature of governments’ durability/stability in the democratic era entails distinct differences. While Montenegro stands out in post-socialist Europe as the only case where the ruling party has not been overthrown, Slovenia has been led by many governments composed of different political parties. While it seems that in neither country are the ideological characteristics of the governments able to explain their duration/stability to any important extent, it is obvious that the cleavage structure in the two countries has varied, as has the importance of particular cleavages.

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Krašovec, Alenka, and Nemanja Batrićević. "Cleavages and Government in Slovenia and Montenegro." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 593–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0027.

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AbstractIn this article we identify the factors that contribute to the formation and especially the durability/stability of governments in both Slovenia and Montenegro after they formally introduced multiparty systems and following their democratic transition, with a focus on the effect of cleavages and party system characteristics generally. Although these two polities share several important similarities (small size, common institutional setting during Yugoslav era, aspirations for membership in international organisations etc.), the nature of governments’ durability/stability in the democratic era entails distinct differences. While Montenegro stands out in post-socialist Europe as the only case where the ruling party has not been overthrown, Slovenia has been led by many governments composed of different political parties. While it seems that in neither country are the ideological characteristics of the governments able to explain their duration/stability to any important extent, it is obvious that the cleavage structure in the two countries has varied, as has the importance of particular cleavages.

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Bobič, Pavlina. "Pota "Štajerskega bataljona" - od idealizma do preobrazbe leta 1942." Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine 5, no. 2 (December 2021): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.21.10.

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The beginning of the World War II and occupation in Slovenia in 1941 confronted the leading traditional parties with a dilemma of political and national survival and initiatives for military uprising against the occupier. Underground legions began to form and groups that were uniting under organization of military units as well as uniting in their loyalty to the Yugoslav government in London, in support to Western intelligence, and the idea of a post-war restoration of the monarchy. At the same time, the traditional camp encountered activities of the Communist Party, which, with tried and tested tactics of illegal propaganda and uncompromising use of force, effectively intervened in Slovenian (political) space. Major Karel Novak took over, as the commander of the Royal Yugoslav Army in Slovenia, a military formation of resistance against the occupier, which at the same time led his units to a clash with the revolutionary side under the cloak of the LF (Liberation Front). The first national underground movement, the so-called the Styrian Battalion, tried to combine the idea of the liberation struggle with the uprising against the Communist violence. The traditional politics significantly intervened in this idea.

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Vintar, Mirko, Mateja Kunstelj, Mitja Dečman, and Boštjan Berčič. "Development of e-government in Slovenia." Information Polity 8, no. 3,4 (July 19, 2004): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-2003-0035.

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Kukovič, Simona, Colin Copus, Miro Haček, and Alasdair Blair. "Direct Mayoral Elections in Slovenia and England: Traditions and Trends Compared." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 697–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.697-718(2015).

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Direct mayoral elections have in recent decades become an important and popular feature of many local governments across Europe. The direct election of the mayor enhances the accountability and transparency of local political leadership and gives voters the opportunity to gain important influence on local politics. This contrasts with councillors who choose the mayor in single-party private settings. This article provides a case study analysis of two directly elected mayors in contrasting political settings, namely England and Slovenia. Whereas England is regarded as the mother of all Parliaments, Slovenia’s democratic traditions are more recent. Yet nonetheless Slovenia displays all the features of a strong local democracy where an independent mayoral system operates within a nonpartisan political setting. By contrast, whereas England provides the longest-standing case of local democracy in Europe, directly elected mayors have only recently been introduced into the political system, the outcome of which has been mixed in terms of successfulness and acceptance by national political parties within municipalities.

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Bratina, Rok. "Fight For Media Pluralism Or Just “JanŠA’S War On Media”?" Research in Social Change 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rsc-2021-0009.

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Abstract Since Janez Janša’s government has been installed, not a day has gone by that the ruling coalition party, SDS (the Slovenian Democratic Party), has not been accused of undermining the freedom of media or threatening media pluralism. Sometimes, critics go even further in condemning Janša as wilfully subordinating media to politics. Regarding subordination, independent media studies from 2002, 2006, 2007, 2008 and lastly 2020 haveclearly indicated that the media in Slovenia are to a certain extent already under the influence of politics, namely those close to the left circles. Whilst scientific conclusions prove the fact that changes in media legislation are more than needed, the question that arises is whether the proposers are looking at the concept of media pluralism from the right perspective. Leaning on the most recent Media landscape research, this article stands out from the rest as it draws parallels with the state of political pluralism, demonstrating how partial and imbalanced covering of news could lead to the domination of one political spectrum. Further, we do a historical review of the right-wing media policy and bring to light those aspects that have undergone the sharpest criticism when it comes to media pluralism. In addition, new ideas for future research are discussed.

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Brezovšek, Marjan, and Lea Smerkolj. "2010 Local Elections- A Serious Warning to Parliamentary Political Parties." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 2 (April 18, 2011): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.2.145-162(2011).

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The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiarities that cannot be applied to the national level. This is especially true regarding the dominant role of non-partisan candidates, and the ever decreasing support for political parties. Without the latter, one cannot even imagine the national level of government because they represent the key actors in national democratic political systems. Regarding the degree of trust in political parties at the local level, one can identify a trend indicating that citizens have gained a greater awareness that local-level politics is not related to party adherence, and that individuals’ personalities and their alleged apolitical character is coming increasingly to the fore, which is reflected by a high number of eligible non-partisan candidates. Therefore, one can see in Slovenia that people have become frustrated over the politicisation of local-level politics by expressing an ever-greater desire to support non-partisan candidates for the leaders of their local communities. Thus, they seek the candidates whose performance is not politically marked so that they can more easily identify themselves with them. Keywords: • local democracy • local elections • parliamentary elections • political parties • non-partisan candidates • Slovenia

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Butković, Hrvoje. "The Impacts of Executive Responses on Democracy During the Coronavirus Crisis in Croatia, Slovenia and Austria." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1771.

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In Croatia, Slovenia and Austria, the coronavirus crisis raised pre-existing deficiencies in the democratic orders to the surface, i.e., issues in functioning according to democratic principles in the circumstances of a public health crisis. In Austria, the strained executive-legislative relations were already visible in April 2020, when the opposition parties refused to support the second wave of crisis legislation without the appraisal process that would justify its urgency. In Croatia and Slovenia, the governments decided not to declare a state of emergency, arguably in order to avoid cooperation with the opposition and other state institutions in drafting and passing crisis legislation. Finally, in Slovenia, the government used the crisis as a pretext to install its people into leading positions in several key state and public institutions.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Slovenia, politics and government"

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Lindstrom, Nicole Renee. "Rethinking sovereignty: The domestic politics of Europeanization in Europe's southeastern periphery (Croatia, Slovenia)." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.

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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.

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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.

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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

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Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.

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RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.

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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.

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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.

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Durazo, Herrmann Julián. "Subnational politics and regime change in Mexico." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102799.

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What happens to subnational states when the parent federation undergoes a regime change process? This is a crucial question in understanding political processes in federal countries. The visible political differentiation amongst subnational states belonging to the same federation underscores the fact that some processes are at work that are being ignored by the literature's current focus on national developments. To fill this lacuna, I develop an analytical model that seeks to explain regional differentiation during federal regime change by focusing directly on subnational politics and institutions in comparative fashion, while accounting for the inescapable influence of broader federal actors and processes. In constructing this model, I draw extensively from the theories of federalism, regime change and political parties. I argue that the decision to initiate a transition in an authoritarian setting belongs to the federation. However, regional political actors mediate federal processes in their territory and give them a profoundly subnational logic. Regionally specific institutions, interests and histories thus become intangible frontiers between subnational politics and external processes. The constant repetition of this mechanism throughout the transition creates distinct subnational polities. To test my hypothesis, I study three cases in central-northern Mexico: Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi and Zacatecas.

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Telford, Hamish. "Federalism in multinational societies : Switzerland, Canada, and India in comparative perspective." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0016/NQ46433.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Slovenia, politics and government"

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Ferfila, Bogomil. Japonska in Slovenija =: Japan and Slovenia. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede, 2006.

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Toplak, Cirila. Slovenia: Political insights. Warszawa: European School of Law and Administration, 2012.

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Fedor, Černe, and Ferfila Bogomil, eds. Slovenia and European Union =: Slovenija in Evropska unija. Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede, 2002.

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Niko, Grafenauer, ed. The Case of Slovenia. Ljubljana: Nova Revija, 1991.

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Brezovšek, Marjan. Political system of Slovenia. Calcutta: Sampark, 2012.

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Institut für Höhere Studien und Wissenschaftliche Forschung (Vienna, Austria). The Republic of Slovenia. Vienna: Bank Austria, 1995.

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Lundin, Jan. Slovenia in 1988: Pluralism and reaction. [Uppsala, Sweden]: Uppsala Universitet, 1989.

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1951-, Buc̆ar Bojko, and Kuhnle Steve, eds. Small states compared: Politics of Norway and Slovenia. Bergen, Norway: Alma Mater, 1994.

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Englefield, Greg. Yugoslavia, Croatia, Slovenia: Re-emerging boundaries. Durham, England: Published by IBRU Press on behalf of the International Boundaries Research Unit (IBRU) Science Laboratories, University of Durham, 1992.

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Zajc, Drago. Sodobni parlamentarizem in proces zakonodajnega odločanja: S posebnim poudarkom na Državnem zboru RS. Ljubljana: Fakultet za družbene vede, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Slovenia, politics and government"

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Hartley, Cathy. "Slovenia." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 580–82. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-160.

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Woldendorp, Jaap, Hans Keman, and Ian Budge. "Slovenia." In Party Government in 48 Democracies (1945–1998), 464–66. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2547-7_43.

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Fink-Hafner, Danica. "Summary of Findings and Conclusions." In Party System Changes and Challenges to Democracy, 205–31. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54949-6_8.

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AbstractThis chapter summarizes the gaps in the theory about the role of parties in the context of changes in governing, where parties persist as political institutions with different roles in relation to democracy. In explaining the factors that have an impact on the relationship between parties and democracy, the case study confirms the important role of the economy, social inequality, civil society, a state of emergency and external factors (both supportive and damaging). Besides these, it offers additional political factors that have so far been overlooked. It also points to the relevance of variations in party and party system polarization and institutionalization, as well as in party models. The important role of political institutions is demonstrated by comparing Slovenia with other countries. As well as ideas for further comparative research, the conclusions point to the need to research parties and party systems while taking into account macro issues such as changing modes of capitalism, rapid and at the same time major technological innovations, political representation, government, transnational linkages and the accumulation of international crises.

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Krašovec, Alenka, and Tomaž Krpič. "Slovenia." In Coalition Politics in Central Eastern Europe, 263–87. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003328483-12.

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Töpfer, Jochen. "Slovenia." In Constitutional Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 199–220. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-13762-5_8.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Conference papers on the topic "Slovenia, politics and government"

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Robinson Beachboard, Martine, and John C. Beachboard. "Implications of Foreign Ownership on Journalistic Quality in a Post-Communist Society: The Case of Finance." In InSITE 2006: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3029.

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When freedom from Communism largely eliminated overt government censorship of newspapers, other political and business pressures appeared. Consequently, Southeastern European newspaper publishers faced threats to financial viability and editorial integrity. The editor-in-chief of one newspaper in the former Yugoslavian republic of Slovenia claims to have found freedom from political and advertiser influence after a global media conglomerate invested in the publication. Notably, the business daily Finance is the only hard-news start-up to survive in the eleven years since Slovenia gained independence from the Republic of Yugoslavia. This research paper offers a provocative example where international investment appears to have contributed to the democratizing of media in a post-communist society. The paper is not intended to argue that foreign media investments are necessarily beneficial but to suggest some circumstances in which foreign media investment can be advantageous to the democratic aspirations of a society.

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Bohinc, Rado. "Legal Incentives and Obstacles to Corporate Social Responsibility in Slovenia, the EU and Globally." In Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in green and digital transition: legal and sustainability issues. Science and Research Centre Koper, Annales ZRS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-22-4.1.

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Corporate social responsibility (CSR), or responsible business conduct as a tool of sustainable development (green transition) and respect for human rights in the economy is getting more and more legally based. In different countries, the legal levers of CSR are very diverse; since this creates unequal conditions in the global market, the harmonization of the CSR related rules is essential. Important for the legal regulation of CSR is the proposal for the EU Corporate sustainability due diligence directive, CSDDD); among other things, the proposal expands the due diligence of directors from acting in the best interest of the company, also to consider the risks that threaten sustainable development and human rights, and in this regard sharpens corporate liability for damages. Key shifts in CSR can only be ensured by binding corporate law rules on directors’ due diligence and corporate damage liability for sustainability and human rights violations. The integration of environmental, social and governance (ESG) factors into investments is an increasingly common feature of modern CSR concept. Only environmental and labor legislation alone are not sufficient for the implementation of sustainable development and CSR. Interventions in corporate legislation are needed. In the EU, the implementation of CSR has so far been voluntary; only sustainability (non-financial) reporting is mandatory. The proposal of the CSDDD is therefore ground-breaking, as it intervenes for the first time in corporate legislation in favor of sustainable development, namely in regulating the sustainability civil liability of companies and the due diligence of directors. However, political debates between the EC, the Council and the EP due to differences in views about the latter are still ongoing. Slovenia (the government or Parliament) must finally adopt the National Plan for the enforcement of corporate social responsibility, as stipulated by the EU Commission already in the Revised Strategy 2011. In the legislation governing the operation of corporations (ZGD-1), Slovenia must establish the obligation of sustainable due diligence, to determine the duty of adopting a social responsibility strategy in every company and to determine, as a duty of care of directors, also the consideration of sustainability goals and CSR.

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Bohinc, Rado. "Legal incentives and obstacles to corporate social responsibility in Slovenia, the EU and globally." In Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in green and digital transition: legal and sustainability issues. Science and Research Centre Koper, Annales ZRS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-22-4_01.

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Corporate social responsibility (CSR), or responsible business conduct as a tool of sustainable development (green transition) and respect for human rights in the economy is getting more and more legally based. In different countries, the legal levers of CSR are very diverse; since this creates unequal conditions in the global market, the harmonization of the CSR related rules is essential. Important for the legal regulation of CSR is the proposal for the EU Corporate sustainability due diligence directive, CSDDD); among other things, the proposal expands the due diligence of directors from acting in the best interest of the company, also to consider the risks that threaten sustainable development and human rights, and in this regard sharpens corporate liability for damages. Key shifts in CSR can only be ensured by binding corporate law rules on directors’ due diligence and corporate damage liability for sustainability and human rights violations. The integration of environmental, social and governance (ESG) factors into investments is an increasingly common feature of modern CSR concept. Only environmental and labor legislation alone are not sufficient for the implementation of sustainable development and CSR. Interventions in corporate legislation are needed. In the EU, the implementation of CSR has so far been voluntary; only sustainability (non-financial) reporting is mandatory. The proposal of the CSDDD is therefore ground-breaking, as it intervenes for the first time in corporate legislation in favor of sustainable development, namely in regulating the sustainability civil liability of companies and the due diligence of directors. However, political debates between the EC, the Council and the EP due to differences in views about the latter are still ongoing. Slovenia (the government or Parliament) must finally adopt the National Plan for the enforcement of corporate social responsibility, as stipulated by the EU Commission already in the Revised Strategy 2011. In the legislation governing the operation of corporations (ZGD-1), Slovenia must establish the obligation of sustainable due diligence, to determine the duty of adopting a social responsibility strategy in every company and to determine, as a duty of care of directors, also the consideration of sustainability goals and CSR.

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Hajdinac, Sara. "Religious identity as the state’s tool in modification of public space and its identity: the Yugoslav concept of the two squares in Maribor." In International conference Religious Conversions and Atheization in 20th Century Central and Eastern Europe. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-39-2_05.

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In 1934, after several years of struggle, the Orthodox community of Maribor was awarded a lot to construct a new sacral object on General Maister Square (then Yugoslavia Square) in Maribor, at the site of the recently removed monument dedicated to vice-admiral Wilhelm Tegetthoff. The square boasts a rich symbolic history, wherein the very names of the square have clearly indicated the identity of the city through time. The new government sought to modify public space in accordance with the new state – these spaces had to be given not only a Slovenian but also a Yugoslav outlook. The first modification was changing the square’s name to Yugoslavia Square, after which a Serbian Orthodox church was built in Serbian national architectural style by the architect Momir Korunović (1883–1969), who designed all three Serbian sacral objects in the province of Dravska Banovina (in Maribor, Ljubljana, and Celje). The Church of St. Lasarus was to be ideologically connected to the monument dedicated to King Aleksandar Karađorđević on Liberty Square, which would provide a clear Yugoslav identity to the city district. However, the construction of said monument was disabled by the beginning of the Second World War, while the church was destroyed by the Nazis in April 1941 and thus erased from local collective memory. Maribor was the northernmost city of Dravska Banovina and indeed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, yet its public space still failed to reflect a “Yugoslav identity” in the 1930s. Local residents primarily identified as Roman Catholic, while the city was politically predominantly ruled by the Slovenian People’s Party which imposed additional difficulties on the process of selecting the new church’s location. This paper will, accounting for the city’s religious and political climate, present Maribor as a place that obtained one of the biggest and most prominently representative Orthodox sacral objects, despite the fact the Orthodox religion was not dominant in the area. The focus will be on the question of the role and reflection of the unitarian-centralist politics of Belgrade through religion (Orthodox faith) on public space modification, what factors and agents design such space (and memory of such space) and in what way, by analysing commissions and art styles within the context of public spaces of Maister Square and Liberty Square in Maribor.

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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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Grad, Franc. "LOKALNA SAMOUPRAVA V REPUBLIKI SLOVENIJI S POSEBNIM OZIROM NA POLOŽAJ GLAVNEGA MESTA." In Političko-pravni i zakonski položaj Grada Sarajeva u sistemu lokalne samouprave u Bosni i Hercegovini: mogućnosti reforme nadležnosti i teritorijalne organizacije. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2022.204.06.

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Local self-government in Slovenia is comparable to local self-government in other Central European countries. The local self-government system is based on the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia and the European Charter of Local Self-Government. It is particularly important that the Constitution guarantees local self-government in Slovenia, which cannot therefore be abolished. The legal regulation of local self-government is determined in the legislation, mainly by the Act on Local Self-Government, which systematically regulates local self-government. In addition to it, local self-government is regulated at the systemic level by the Municipal Financing Act and the Local Elections Act, as well as a series of laws that regulate individual areas of social life. The Local Self-Government Act defines the city municipality as a special type of municipality, which also includes the city of Ljubljana, which is defined by the constitution as the capital of the Republic of Slovenia. The legal status of the capital city is specifically determined in the special Act on the Capital City of Slovenia, which determines the position of Ljubljana as the capital. The law primarily determines the special tasks and duties of Ljubljana as the capital of Slov

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Đorđević, Miroslav. "LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.027dj.

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The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.

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Intihar Marulc, Ana. "GOVERNMENT LEGAL RESPONSE IN COVID-19 PANDEMIC: A CASE STUDY OF SLOVENIA." In 5th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2021 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2021.407.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has been a disruptive occurrence that has impacted our economies and lives with many restrictions. Countries around the world suffered comparable problems, and many were caught by surprise or unprepared. Each took a slightly different approach. This paper examines a case study of a member of the European Union, Slovenia, how it tried to mitigate the consequences of the pandemic with the implementation of eight new legal acts and helped its economy. Speed proved as one of the crucial factors in legal response while battling the COVID-19 pandemic and trying to help the most affected areas by the disease and various restrictions.

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Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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Reports on the topic "Slovenia, politics and government"

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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.

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Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.

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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.

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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.

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Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.

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Hallerberg, Mark, and Carlos Scartascini. Research Insights: Does Politics Trump the Ability of Having Successful Tax Reforms? Inter-American Development Bank, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005267.

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The probability of tax reform is higher during banking crises. Tax reform is unlikely to occur during election periodseven if the government is facing financing problemsso reforms that seek to raise taxes should be avoided at those times. The ideology of the president does not explain which taxes are reformed, or how they are changed, but the presence of an IMF program does.

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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.

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