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1
Gornik, Barbara. "The Dark Side of the Moon: Nationalism, Human Rights, and the Erased Residents of Slovenia." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (March 14, 2019): 477–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.10.
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In 1992, after the dissolution of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Slovenian government unlawfully erased 25,671 individuals—ethnically mainly Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Roma—from the Register of Permanent Residents of Slovenia. The aim of this article is to analyze the logic of the governmental rationalities that served as a basis for the politics of the erasure. The article begins by refuting claims that the erasure was a tactic for achieving ethnocultural homogeneity and continues by explaining the mindset involved in this particular practice of government, resting upon Foucault’s notions ofraison d’état, governmentality, and sovereign power. Highlighting the prominence of the individual’s political opinion and loyalty to the newly established state, the article discusses the principles of nationalism, which reinforce the very common-sense exclusionary politics related to political loyalty implied in citizenship and ethnic identity. Finally, the article deliberates on the effects of the contemporary diagram of power of the nation-state, which legitimizes the exclusion of individuals from the national polity and thus immobilizes universal respect of human rights.
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Crnčec, Danijel, and Ana Bojinović Fenko. "Slovenia as a Stress Test of the EU’s External Dimension of Energy Policy. Case Studies of Russian and American Influence." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (2022): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2022-1-14.
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The article focuses on Slovenia’s unique historical and geopolitical position, which makes the country a highly unusual EU (Central East European – CEE) member state and determines its stance on the EU’s energy policy with respect to the USA and Russia. It pursues the research question: how does Slovenia balance between the EU energy policy framework and its particular national energy interests related to Russia and the USA? Conceptually, the article builds on the Europeanization of foreign policy applying the downloading path to Slovenian external energy policy via three indicators: the increasing salience of the European political agenda, adherence to common (EU) objectives, and internalization of EU membership and its integration process. It employs a method of statistical data and content analysis of documents and secondary sources within two case studies of energy projects, namely the South Stream involving Russia, and long-term use of nuclear energy for electricity production involving the USA. The results substantiate that Slovenia has managed to balance between its energy-related national interests and the EU energy framework by formulating and legitimizing the former within the EU policy framework. However, the second case reveals that the open EU legal framework on the member states’ choice of nuclear energy cooperatives is a notable limitation to Europeanization due to the tendency for interests in national foreign policy and domestic politics – both performed by the government – to drift away from general EU values. In the conclusion, the article identifies two important implications arising from the case of Slovenia as a stress test of the EU’s external dimension of energy policy.
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Krašovec, Alenka, and Nemanja Batrićević. "Cleavages and Government in Slovenia and Montenegro." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 593–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0027.
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Abstract In this article we identify the factors that contribute to the formation and especially the durability/stability of governments in both Slovenia and Montenegro after they formally introduced multiparty systems and following their democratic transition, with a focus on the effect of cleavages and party system characteristics generally. Although these two polities share several important similarities (small size, common institutional setting during Yugoslav era, aspirations for membership in international organisations etc.), the nature of governments’ durability/stability in the democratic era entails distinct differences. While Montenegro stands out in post-socialist Europe as the only case where the ruling party has not been overthrown, Slovenia has been led by many governments composed of different political parties. While it seems that in neither country are the ideological characteristics of the governments able to explain their duration/stability to any important extent, it is obvious that the cleavage structure in the two countries has varied, as has the importance of particular cleavages.
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Krašovec, Alenka, and Nemanja Batrićević. "Cleavages and Government in Slovenia and Montenegro." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 593–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0027.
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AbstractIn this article we identify the factors that contribute to the formation and especially the durability/stability of governments in both Slovenia and Montenegro after they formally introduced multiparty systems and following their democratic transition, with a focus on the effect of cleavages and party system characteristics generally. Although these two polities share several important similarities (small size, common institutional setting during Yugoslav era, aspirations for membership in international organisations etc.), the nature of governments’ durability/stability in the democratic era entails distinct differences. While Montenegro stands out in post-socialist Europe as the only case where the ruling party has not been overthrown, Slovenia has been led by many governments composed of different political parties. While it seems that in neither country are the ideological characteristics of the governments able to explain their duration/stability to any important extent, it is obvious that the cleavage structure in the two countries has varied, as has the importance of particular cleavages.
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Bobič, Pavlina. "Pota "Štajerskega bataljona" - od idealizma do preobrazbe leta 1942." Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine 5, no. 2 (December 2021): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.21.10.
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The beginning of the World War II and occupation in Slovenia in 1941 confronted the leading traditional parties with a dilemma of political and national survival and initiatives for military uprising against the occupier. Underground legions began to form and groups that were uniting under organization of military units as well as uniting in their loyalty to the Yugoslav government in London, in support to Western intelligence, and the idea of a post-war restoration of the monarchy. At the same time, the traditional camp encountered activities of the Communist Party, which, with tried and tested tactics of illegal propaganda and uncompromising use of force, effectively intervened in Slovenian (political) space. Major Karel Novak took over, as the commander of the Royal Yugoslav Army in Slovenia, a military formation of resistance against the occupier, which at the same time led his units to a clash with the revolutionary side under the cloak of the LF (Liberation Front). The first national underground movement, the so-called the Styrian Battalion, tried to combine the idea of the liberation struggle with the uprising against the Communist violence. The traditional politics significantly intervened in this idea.
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Vintar, Mirko, Mateja Kunstelj, Mitja Dečman, and Boštjan Berčič. "Development of e-government in Slovenia." Information Polity 8, no. 3,4 (July 19, 2004): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-2003-0035.
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Kukovič, Simona, Colin Copus, Miro Haček, and Alasdair Blair. "Direct Mayoral Elections in Slovenia and England: Traditions and Trends Compared." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 697–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.697-718(2015).
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Direct mayoral elections have in recent decades become an important and popular feature of many local governments across Europe. The direct election of the mayor enhances the accountability and transparency of local political leadership and gives voters the opportunity to gain important influence on local politics. This contrasts with councillors who choose the mayor in single-party private settings. This article provides a case study analysis of two directly elected mayors in contrasting political settings, namely England and Slovenia. Whereas England is regarded as the mother of all Parliaments, Slovenia’s democratic traditions are more recent. Yet nonetheless Slovenia displays all the features of a strong local democracy where an independent mayoral system operates within a nonpartisan political setting. By contrast, whereas England provides the longest-standing case of local democracy in Europe, directly elected mayors have only recently been introduced into the political system, the outcome of which has been mixed in terms of successfulness and acceptance by national political parties within municipalities.
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Bratina, Rok. "Fight For Media Pluralism Or Just “JanŠA’S War On Media”?" Research in Social Change 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rsc-2021-0009.
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Abstract Since Janez Janša’s government has been installed, not a day has gone by that the ruling coalition party, SDS (the Slovenian Democratic Party), has not been accused of undermining the freedom of media or threatening media pluralism. Sometimes, critics go even further in condemning Janša as wilfully subordinating media to politics. Regarding subordination, independent media studies from 2002, 2006, 2007, 2008 and lastly 2020 haveclearly indicated that the media in Slovenia are to a certain extent already under the influence of politics, namely those close to the left circles. Whilst scientific conclusions prove the fact that changes in media legislation are more than needed, the question that arises is whether the proposers are looking at the concept of media pluralism from the right perspective. Leaning on the most recent Media landscape research, this article stands out from the rest as it draws parallels with the state of political pluralism, demonstrating how partial and imbalanced covering of news could lead to the domination of one political spectrum. Further, we do a historical review of the right-wing media policy and bring to light those aspects that have undergone the sharpest criticism when it comes to media pluralism. In addition, new ideas for future research are discussed.
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Brezovšek, Marjan, and Lea Smerkolj. "2010 Local Elections- A Serious Warning to Parliamentary Political Parties." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 2 (April 18, 2011): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.2.145-162(2011).
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The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiarities that cannot be applied to the national level. This is especially true regarding the dominant role of non-partisan candidates, and the ever decreasing support for political parties. Without the latter, one cannot even imagine the national level of government because they represent the key actors in national democratic political systems. Regarding the degree of trust in political parties at the local level, one can identify a trend indicating that citizens have gained a greater awareness that local-level politics is not related to party adherence, and that individuals’ personalities and their alleged apolitical character is coming increasingly to the fore, which is reflected by a high number of eligible non-partisan candidates. Therefore, one can see in Slovenia that people have become frustrated over the politicisation of local-level politics by expressing an ever-greater desire to support non-partisan candidates for the leaders of their local communities. Thus, they seek the candidates whose performance is not politically marked so that they can more easily identify themselves with them.
Keywords: • local democracy • local elections • parliamentary elections • political parties • non-partisan candidates • Slovenia
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Butković, Hrvoje. "The Impacts of Executive Responses on Democracy During the Coronavirus Crisis in Croatia, Slovenia and Austria." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1771.
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In Croatia, Slovenia and Austria, the coronavirus crisis raised pre-existing deficiencies in the democratic orders to the surface, i.e., issues in functioning according to democratic principles in the circumstances of a public health crisis. In Austria, the strained executive-legislative relations were already visible in April 2020, when the opposition parties refused to support the second wave of crisis legislation without the appraisal process that would justify its urgency. In Croatia and Slovenia, the governments decided not to declare a state of emergency, arguably in order to avoid cooperation with the opposition and other state institutions in drafting and passing crisis legislation. Finally, in Slovenia, the government used the crisis as a pretext to install its people into leading positions in several key state and public institutions.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Slovenci u Antifašističkoj borbi u Bosni i Hercegovini i izgradnji federativnih osnova Jugoslavije (1941-1945)." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 9 (June 20, 2023): 113–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.113.
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Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as those who came as exiles in 1941. Major events related to the construction of the “new” Yugoslavia took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Slovenians participated, important for the history of Slovenia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By actively participating in the anti-fascist war, the engagement and visions of their prominent representatives at the top of the NOP (Edvard Kardelj and others) and in the activities of the AVNOJ in 1943, determining and making its landmark decisions, the Slovenians had a significant share in the victory and establishment of a new, federal the Yugoslav state and the construction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complex Yugoslav federalism, with scattered forms and models, represented a specific historical phenomenon.
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Kunstelj, Mateja, Tina Jukić, and Mirko Vintar. "How to fully exploit the results of e-government user surveys: the case of Slovenia." International Review of Administrative Sciences 75, no. 1 (March 2009): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852308099509.
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The article presents users' views on the development of e-government, addressing two interrelated questions that have not been sufficiently answered thus far: (1) How to increase the current low level of e-government use, and (2) How to advance the current practice of analyzing data from e-government satisfaction surveys in order to arrive at guidelines for decision-makers when shaping future actions of e-government development. For this purpose, a cause-and-effect model was developed and operationalized by a set of indicators observed by a citizen satisfaction survey carried out in Slovenia between 2005 and 2006. The model was then estimated using the PLS (Partial Least Squares) regression method. Finally, an improvement-priority matrix was applied to prioritize significant factors. The proposed manner of analyzing data from user surveys offers a universal tool for analyzing drivers and consequences of user satisfaction and the use of e-government, and prioritizing them in order to assist decision-makers in preparing future strategies, action plans, or guidelines for further developments. Points for practitioners 1. Methodological implications: • guidelines on how to conduct e-government user satisfaction surveys; • guidelines on how to analyze user survey data in order to formulate guidelines for future development of e-government. 2. Empirical implications: •results of e-government user satisfaction survey in Slovenia and other countries; • guidelines for future development of e-government services in Slovenia and beyond.
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Maksuti, Alem, Danica Rotar Pavlič, and Tomaž Deželan. "The Analysis of Slovenian Political Party Programs Regarding Doctors and Health Workers from 1992 to 2014." Slovenian Journal of Public Health 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjph-2016-0010.
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AbstractIntroductionThe study focuses on the programmatic bases of Slovenian political parties since independence. It presents an analysis of party programs and their preferences regarding doctors and other health workers, as well as the contents most commonly related to them. At the same time, the study also highlights the intensity of the presence of doctors on the policy agenda through time.MethodsIn the study, 83 program documents of political parties have been analysed. The study includes programmes of political parties that have occurred in parliamentary elections in Slovenia between 1992 and 2014 and have exceeded the parliamentary threshold. The data were analysed using the content analysis method, which is suitable for analysing policy texts. The analysis was performed using ATLAS.ti, the premier software tool for qualitative data analysis.ResultsThe results showed that doctors and other health workers are an important political topic in noncrisis periods. At that time, the parties in the context of doctors mostly dealt with efficiency and the quality of services in the health system. They often criticize doctors and expose the need for their control. In times of economic crisis, doctors and other health workers are less important in normative commitments of parties.ConclusionsSlovenian political parties and their platforms cannot be distinguished ideologically, but primarily on the principle of access to government. It seems reasonable to conclude that parties do not engage in dialogue with doctors, and perceive the latter aspassive recipients of government decisions—politics.
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Butković, Hrvoje. "The Impacts of Executive Responses on Democracy During the Coronavirus Crisis in Croatia, Slovenia and Austria." Czech Journal of International Relations 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.49.
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In Croatia, Slovenia and Austria, the coronavirus crisis raised pre-existingdeficiencies in the democratic orders to the surface, i.e., issues infunctioning according to democratic principles in the circumstances of apublic health crisis. In Austria, the strained executive-legislative relationswere already visible in April 2020, when the opposition parties refused tosupport the second wave of crisis legislation without the appraisal processthat would justify its urgency. In Croatia and Slovenia, the governmentsdecided not to declare a state of emergency, arguably in order to avoidcooperation with the opposition and other state institutions in drafting andpassing crisis legislation. Finally, in Slovenia, the government used the crisisas a pretext to install its people into leading positions in several key stateand public institutions.
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ARISTOVNIK, Aleksander. "Investigating public governance models in Slovenia and Japan: a comparative survey on state and local government." Administratie si Management Public 41 (November 28, 2023): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/amp/2023.41-01.
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Public administration and governance must adapt to the changing socio-economic environment, improving quality, process efficiency, and collaboration. Hence, public administration and public governance models have been significantly modified multiple times, resulting in differences in public governance practices. This paper examines different public governance models’ principles in Slovene and Japanese public administration. It quantifies elements based on the models' principles and applies them to an empirical case using a survey of 55 Slovene and 135 Japanese public managers. The independent samples t-test examines the differences in characteristics of public governance practices between state administration and local government in Slovenia and Japan. The results show that state administration institutions in both countries are strongly characterised by the (Neo)Weberian model’s principles, while Slovenia's local government leans towards Digital-era governance (DEG) and good governance (GG) principles. Japan's state and local administrations show equal presence of New public management (NPM), DEG, and GG models. The study aims to bridge a research gap by providing new findings on how different public governance models can be found at various Slovene and Japanese public administration levels and offers insights for public managers and policymakers for future public administration reforms.
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Hodge, Carl Cavanagh. "Botching the Balkans: Germany's Recognition of Slovenia and Croatia." Ethics & International Affairs 12 (March 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1998.tb00035.x.
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On December 23, 1991, the Federal Republic of Germany announced its intention to proceed with unilateral diplomatic recognition of the secessionist Yugoslav states of Croatia and Slovenia, unquestionably one of the most precipitous acts in post-Cold War Europe. With it the Bonn government in effect renounced the legitimacy of the existing Yugoslav state and pressured other European governments to do the same. Within weeks the Yugoslav federation came apart at every seam, while its civil affairs degenerated into an anarchy of armed violence as convoluted in many respects as the Thirty Years' War.In Germany's defense, it should be conceded at the outset that an alternative approach to recognition would not necessarily have produced a fundamentally more peaceful transformation of Yugoslavia. In light of the deepening political and economic cleavages with which the multinational state had been wrestling since the 1970s, the reasonable question is not whether the serial wars of the Yugoslav succession could have been avoided altogether, but whether Germany's action offered Yugoslavia and its populace the best chance for a more peaceful course of change given the circumstances. Did Bonn apply the best of its diplomatic and political brains to the issues of sovereignty, self-determination, and human rights? Were its actions morally responsible with regard to Balkan, German, and European history?
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "30 YEARS OF SLOVENIA’S INDEPENDENCE AND ITS SECURITY PERSPECTIVE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, ISSUE VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/1 (May 14, 2021): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.1.00.
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Every year, the first issue of Contemporary Military Challenges is published in May. This year, May is particularly important for Slovenia and especially for the Slovenian Armed Forces. Thirty years have passed since the first training of Slovenian military recruits on Slovenian territory. The beginning of this training additionally enraged the then authorities, especially the Yugoslav People's Army, and led to what is today known as the Pekre events. The first victim of the independence process fell, and the tensions due to the events that followed grew. They escalated into an armed conflict and a war, which fortunately did not last long. The independence process, however, began much earlier, before May of 1991, and ended with the departure of the last soldier of the former Yugoslav army from Slovenia in October of the same year. The thirtieth anniversary of Slovenian independence is an important milestone in Slovenian history. Unfortunately, this year it will not be commemorated as it should be as the COVID-19 pandemic has severely restricted us from socializing and celebration. It has also brought new circumstances and insights in many areas, where the resilience of the society and security should be particularly emphasized. The understanding and functioning of our national security system has been greatly influenced by the European migrant crisis in 2015, illegal migration, which is still underway, and the pandemic that has no end in sight. In the second semester of this year, Slovenia will hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union. All of the above brings challenges as well as opportunities. We have learned a lot from the above, one of the most important findings being that self-sufficiency and the ability to take care of oneself are good. In a situation where all countries, not just EU members, are facing problems, it is very useful to be autonomous and independent of others. The various mechanisms of the European Union, NATO and some other international security organizations operate on the principles of solidarity, assistance and burden-sharing. However, it is very hard to share when everybody is lacking in something. The challenge for the future is certainly to anticipate trends, especially in security, to prepare accordingly, to own as much of what you need for yourself and for the functioning of your country, and, if possible, help other countries as well. It is the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union that requires more investment in the security and defence of countries, as well as in strengthening our common resilience. This has been included in several directives and other documents of the European Union, continually pointed out by its representatives; yet, according to the facts there is still a steady decline in this area. Perhaps Slovenia's Presidency of the Council of the European Union is the right opportunity to pay more attention to this topic. This year, May is also important for the Contemporary Military Challenges. Following last year’s indexing of the publication in the Crossref database, all articles that are available from the Digital Library of the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Slovenia will, as of May 2021, also be available from the Military and Government Collection of the EBSCO database and in Air University Library Index in Military Periodicals. This will enable a greater exchange of views, opinions and ideas between Slovenian and foreign authors in the security, defence and military domains. In the Slovenian Armed Forces, a Military Strategy of the Republic of Slovenia is being drafted, and the now retired Brigadier General Branimir Furlan is writing a book on military strategy. Hence, there will be more than enough opportunities for interesting military-related reading. The issues of our publication will contribute to this as well. In this issue, Pavel Vuk writes about the Evolution of the concept of strategy and its relating with the politics. He begins by explaining the historical aspect, when military leaders still consider the combat strategy to be a necessary concept, and gradually moves into the strategy as a way of shaping the public policy and reflecting the political will of the ruling elite. More on how successful countries are in implementing their strategies can be found in the article. Valerija Bernik writes about the Perspectives and challenges of Slovenian military education system. In her article, we learn a lot about the latest changes in the Slovenian Armed Forces in this regard. The author participated in the process of establishing the Higher Military Vocational School (NCO College) and acts as its Head. However, the establishment of the school is not the end, but the beginning of a new path and new opportunities for military education. In her article Activities of the Slovenian Armed Forces during the COVID-19 epidemic, Tanja Kremžar Kovač writes about the experiences of the Slovenian Armed Forces in these exceptional circumstances. The mission of international operations and missions continues despite the epidemic and the various restrictions on movement and travel bans. The armed forces must remain active and effective regardless of the various obstacles. Her article describes in detail how the Slovenian Armed Forces have managed to achieve this. Marjan Horvat focused on an ever-topical issue. Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces touches upon some new, as well as some already known topics. Leadership is an area that has never been sufficiently researched and which, despite continuous training and many years of practice, can never be mastered enough. Therefore, every effort dedicated to making progress in leadership is a good investment in every organization, especially in the Slovenian Armed Forces. The COVID-19 epidemic prevents us from properly commemorating the 30th anniversary of our country's independence this year, so we may do so on some other occasion. However, remembering important events and personalities is essential for a nation’s consciousness and patriotism. Jerica Pavšič and Zvezdan Markovič write about this in their article Forms of collective remembrance of General Maister, where they establish how we have been remembering this important figure, his actions and consequences that mainly reflect in the territorial integrity of our country.
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Novak, Meta, and Olivera Komar. "The organisational development of interest groups in Montenegro and Slovenia: Do they contribute to more inclusive democracy?" Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 647–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0029.
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Abstract Despite the joint history of Montenegro and Slovenia as republics of the former Yugoslavia, the development of the interest groups system has been different in these countries. While in Slovenia, these groups started to develop from the 19th century, in Montenegro the interest groups system was almost non-existent in the pre-socialist period with only a few participative elements, such as the use of tribal assemblies. Socialism did not support associational life, since most of the organizations that were founded at the time were under some form of government control. As a consequence, the interest groups system in Slovenia shrank during socialist rule, while in Montenegro it remained at the same level. During the 1980s and after the collapse of the socialist regime the interest group system in Montenegro finally starts to develop, being heavily influenced by international donor and assistance programmes, while in Slovenia the system had a new opportunity to flourish. In this article we are in particularly interested in how the interest group system contributes to the quality of democracy. Although Montenegrin interest groups have been a tool of influence and democratisation primarily on behalf of the international community, their internal democracy is less sophisticated than is the case in Slovenia. The results show that the origin of the interest groups system and the distinct histories of the specific political cultures seem to be embedded in the functioning of contemporary interest groups. This in turn, determines the strength or weakness of these groups in facing the challenges of de-democratisation.
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Vintar, Mirko, and Janja Nograšek. "How much can we trust different e-government surveys? The case of Slovenia." Information Polity 15, no. 3 (November 19, 2010): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-2010-0207.
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Nisnevich, Y. "Fighting Corruption: the Slovenian Phenomenon." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-36-48.
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Today, corruption remains a challenge for most post-socialist states. Unfortunately, this social pandemic was by and large inherited by these countries from the Soviet regime. A lot of representatives of that regime, who actually were the instigators of corrupt practices while governing a state, managed to keep their posts in power even after the regime change. In this way the representatives of the old regime facilitated further spread of corrupt practices in new governments. The research, conducted in cooperation with Professor Peter Rozic (USA), indicates an interesting phenomenon: lustration (in other words, the purge of government officials once affiliated with the Communist system) is indeed an effective mechanism to do away with corrupt legacy of a previous government. In the majority of post-socialist states (except for Albania and Bulgaria), where lustration was carried out in one form or another, we can observe a cleanup of the Soviet times instigators' corrupt practices in public authorities. Interestingly enough, nowadays, the corruption situation in these countries is considerably better than in those were lustration was not conducted. However, it is worth noting that lustration per se is not the panacea for corruption, but it does help to create a fertile ground and serves as a springboard for further anti-corruption measures and reforms. Yet what we see in Slovenia is, in fact, an obvious deviation from this pattern. Lustration was not carried out here. Nonetheless, the country is among the best anti-corruption performers and can be compared with Estonia, where lustration took place. Today, Estonia is ranked by Transparency International’s CPI as a top performer among all other post-Soviet and post-socialist states. We, therefore, decided to look deeper into Slovenian anti-corruption efforts made by the new democratic government after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and to understand the reasons underlying its success in this field. Our research findings indicate that the first factor, which sets this situation apart, was filtering out the government authorities that could bring corrupt relationships or practices of the old Soviet regime, and replacing them with representatives of the nationally-oriented elites. This kind of purge, supposedly complemented by the factor of a small territorial and demographic size, created the advantageous conditions for corruption to be contained right from the start before it would become widespread. The second factor was following the GRECO recommendations to take institutional and legal anti-corruption measures during the process of accession to the European Union. Another defining characteristic of Slovenia is a relatively high quality of the political and good governance principles implementation inherent to the polyarchic democracy, which allows for corruption to be dealt with and kept at low levels through constant civil checks and balances over decisions and actions of authorities.
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Tičar, Bojan. "Local Safety: An Analysis of Minor Offences in the Largest Slovenian Cities – A Case Study on Ljubljana and Maribor." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 27, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-02701004.
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In accordance with the regulations in force in Slovenia, a minor offence is an act that entails a violation of a law, a Government decree, or an ordinance of a self-governing local community that is determined to constitute a minor offence and for which a sanction is prescribed. In the Slovenian legal order, minor offence law consists of a general part (i.e. general provisions) and a specific part (i.e. provisions on individual minor offences). While the provisions on individual minor offences are scattered over numerous laws and executive regulations containing descriptions of individual minor offences, the general provisions are provided in one law, i.e. the Minor Offences Act. The Minor Offences Act is a systemic act that determines the general conditions for determining individual minor offences and prescribes sanctions for such, the general conditions as to accountability for committing a minor offence, the general conditions for imposing and enforcing sanctions for minor offences, minor offence proceedings, and the bodies and courts that decide in such proceedings. The contribution focuses on the issue of how sanctions for minor offences are imposed in large Slovenian towns (i.e. urban municipalities). In order to ascertain actual revenue from fines imposed for minor offences at the local level, the annual reports on the operations of the municipal warden service and the inspection service of the two largest municipalities in Slovenia, i.e. the Urban Municipality of Ljubljana and the Urban Municipality of Maribor, were analysed. Data that could answer the question of whether municipalities impose sanctions for minor offences for safety and security reasons, which is the ratio legis of minor offence regulations, or primarily for fiscal reasons in order to strengthen municipal budgets, are also analysed. If the examples reviewed demonstrate that the latter reason is in the foreground, the legitimacy and legality of the extent to which sanctions are imposed are questionable. The primary focus of the analysis is sanctions imposed at the municipal level for minor offences violating public order and traffic regulations.
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Kropivnik, Samo, and Simona Kustec Lipicer. "Evolution of manifestos in a developing parliamentary democracy with proportional representation and multiparty coalition governments." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (November 28, 2016): 296–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678890.
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In exploring the first two decades of evolution of political programmes applied for the electoral processes in Slovenia, a young European multiparty parliamentary democracy with a proportional electoral system and multiparty government coalitions, the article contributes to a rich tradition of studying the programmes of political parties as relevant narrators of the development of democratic systems and suggests an answer to ‘why do parties write manifestos?’ The main findings include the distinct issue emphasis of parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties’ manifestos and convergence in issue emphasis over time among parliamentary parties who go on to form coalition governments. Regarding the ‘why’, these and other findings indicate that the manifestos considered here are intended more for post-election purposes – in particular, for the formation of alliances and negotiating and running a coalition government – than for attracting voters in the pre-election period. Party programmes are seen more as self-intended tools for political struggle than as promoters or control mechanisms for the further development of the democratic political system.
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Genov, Nikolai. "State Functions and Media Politics." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 2 (February 7, 2013): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412474462.
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What is specific in the efforts of the Slovenian state institutions to handle the current economic, political, and cultural crisis in the country? The answer is searched for in the media representations of the building of a new government in February 2012. The analysis is focused on five major functions of modern states: security provision, regulation of macro-economy, administration, reproduction of human resources, and environmental protection. The source of primary information for the analysis and argumentation is the daily newspaper Delo (Labor). Relevant publications in the newspaper were differentiated by applying two criteria: first, predominant reference to one of the five functions of the state; second, if the article contains no alternative (1) or presents a strong alternative to a given situation, event or opinion related to the state functions (5) on a 5-point scale. The analysis identifies a large share of publications focusing on the administrative function of the state and rather limited share of publications on security issues and environmental protection. The analyzed publications contain only modest efforts to present and discuss alternatives to political situations and opinions. The hypothesis about alleged colonization of politics by mass media is falsified.
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Hibbing, John R., and Samuel C. Patterson. "Public Trust in the New Parliaments of Central and Eastern Europe." Political Studies 42, no. 4 (December 1994): 570–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb00299.x.
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After the collapse of the Soviet empire, democratic parliamentary elections were conducted in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and new parliaments convened, in the early 1990s. How much confidence did citizens in these new democracies have in their new parliament? Under what conditions is citizens' trust in parliament meagre or ample? Public opinion surveys conduced in 1990–1 in nine countries – Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovenia, and Ukraine – provide data for analysing citizens', trusting or distrusting orientations. Parliamentary trust is significantly influenced by perceptions of economic conditions, and by confidence in politicians and government generally but, surprisingly, not much affected by political awareness or involvement levels, political efficacy, or social class differentials. These findings indicate that public confidence in these parliaments will grow with economic prosperity and the demonstrated effectiveness of the government to govern.
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Kropivnik, Samo, and Simona Kustec Lipicer. "Between institutional political and policy agenda: An analysis of issue congruence in the 2004–2008 election cycle in Slovenia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 1 (February 14, 2015): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.01.002.
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This article draws on the assumption that certain congruence between the parties’ electoral platforms and of the succeeding government’s performance shall exist in democratic systems and shall, as such, be considered as an important research topic for the researchers of democratic policy-making processes and political systems in general. In the article, we analyse whether the contents of parties’ electoral programmes and the contents of key post-electoral governmental policy documents — that is, the coalition agreement, the government sessions’ agenda and governmental weekly press releases —correspond to each other. Slovenia, as one of the younger EU democracies, is used as a case study to test the application of the stated. Original Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) methodology for quantifying documents’ content is applied and analysis primarily focuses on governmental period of the first right-centred government from 2004 to 2008. The conclusions confirm the existence of issue congruence in the period of the analysed electoral cycle, and at the same time reveal substantial specifics between the hierarchy of political to policy issue orientations of the government and its constitutive political parties. Consequently, an initiative for constructing a tentative theory of political documents is put forward on the basis of inductive research conclusions.
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Banchev, Biser. "Bulgarian Foreign Policy and Recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 7, no. 11 (October 6, 2024): 318–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.11.318.
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This paper explains that Bulgaria took the responsibility to be the only country to recognise the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina already in January 1992, with the deep conviction that only in this way equality could be achieved between all former Yugoslav republics, and specifically for Bosnia and Herzegovina – the impending tragedy could be prevented. The chronological framework of the article presents Bulgarian foreign policy from the mid-1980s to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood in April 1992. In the early 1990s Bulgaria had a special interest and a specific concern regarding the process of rethinking the existing relations between the detached republics in the multinational Yugoslav federation. When negotiations on the future of Yugoslavia ended in failure in the spring of 1991, the Bulgarian Foreign Ministry developed a new approach in relations with Yugoslavia. The emphasis shifted from contacts with the leadership of the federation to contacts with the leaderships of the republics. As soon as Croatia and Slovenia declared their independence on June 25, 1991, the official Bulgarian position followed that of the European Community (EC), which had initially advocated the preservation of the Yugoslav federation. At the same time, Sofia expressed its principled view that the individual Yugoslav republics were free to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. Already during the early autumn of 1991, Sofia officially received guests at government level from Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia. After them, Bulgaria’s attention turned to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Bulgarian ambassador in Belgrade visited Sarajevo on 22 and 23 October 1991. He held an impressive number of meetings covering the whole spectrum of state and party institutions. At the end of 1991 Bulgaria was preparing to establish full relations with the Yugoslav republics. It was ready to recognise their independence, but it had stated an official position that it would synchronise concrete steps in this respect with the moves of the EC. The positions of Turkey and Greece were also important for Bulgaria. On January 13, 1992, the Bulgarian Foreign Ministry decided to include Bosnia and Herzegovina „in a package” with the other Yugoslav republics to be recognised as independent states. The Bulgarian government’s decision was officially announced on 15 January 1992. Some Bulgarian politicians had some concerns about Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had not even yet held a referendum on secession from Yugoslavia. The opinion of the Bulgarian Prime Minister Philip Dimitrov was decisive: „It was more beneficial for me to look incompetent in constitutional and legal terms on the issue of Bosnia than to create a mess for me and be one of the people who encouraged Milosevic to enter Bosnia”. Although it claimed that it was relying on the criteria adopted by the EC, Bulgaria actually went much further than the EC, which only recognised Slovenia and Croatia. Sofia’s recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina was symbolically important because it came in a moment of rising extreme internal conflict when the whole of Europe was silent and hesitant how to react.
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Pavlovic, Vojislav. "France and the Serbian government's Yugoslav project." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637171p.
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The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 the dismantlement of Austria-Hungary was envisaged, but with the view to weakening the adversary camp, while the destiny of the Yugoslav provinces remained undecided. Moreover, war imperatives required extreme caution in relation to Italian intransigency. The Italian veto weighed heavily on French politics, to the extent that even the actual realization of the Yugoslav project, proclamation of a unified state on 1 December 1918 in Belgrade, took place without a consent or implicit support on the part of the French government.
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Perovšek, Jurij. "Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 359–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-11.
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For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.
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Kera, Denisa. "NanoŠmano Lab in Ljubljana: disruptive prototypes and experimental governance of nanotechnologies in the hackerspaces." Journal of Science Communication 11, no. 04 (December 21, 2012): C03. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.11040303.
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New forms of co-working spaces and community labs, such as Hackerspaces and Fablabs, but also open science and citizen science initiatives, by involving new actors often described as makers, tinkerers, and hackers enable innovation and research outside the walls of academia and industry. These alternative and global innovation networks are test beds for studying new forms of public engagement and participation in emergent scientific fields, such as nanotechnology. The article shows how these grassroots and Do-It-Yourself (DIY) or Do-It-With- Others (DIWO) research subcultures connect politics with design, community building with prototype testing, and how they establish an experimental approach for policy deliberation. We will consider a case study of a temporary, ad hoc and mobile NanoŠmano Lab in Ljubljana, Slovenia, which specializes in nanoscale materials and designs, to demonstrate the potential of prototypes and collective tinkering to become models for public involvement in emergent science and technology fields. This Hackerspace model of governance offers an alternative to the usual route of disruptive innovation, which starts in the R&D laboratory where it waits to be scrutinized by some government or regulatory body and be utilized by a start-up or mega corporation, and only then be safely taken up by the public. Hackerspaces operate through “disruptive prototypes” that create decentralized and nonlinear value chains and interactions between research, design and policy. Adoption of technology goes hand in hand with collective tinkering, and deliberation and assessment are happening simultaneously while prototyping. In this sense, disruptive prototypes can be said to support experimental governance. This policy closely follows some recent calls for “greater reflexiveness in the R&D process” via anticipatory policy and real-time assessment approaches, rather than more common, timeworn precautionary principles.
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Evkoski, Bojan, Igor Mozetič, Nikola Ljubešić, and Petra Kralj Novak. "Community evolution in retweet networks." PLOS ONE 16, no. 9 (September 1, 2021): e0256175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256175.
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Communities in social networks often reflect close social ties between their members and their evolution through time. We propose an approach that tracks two aspects of community evolution in retweet networks: flow of the members in, out and between the communities, and their influence. We start with high resolution time windows, and then select several timepoints which exhibit large differences between the communities. For community detection, we propose a two-stage approach. In the first stage, we apply an enhanced Louvain algorithm, called Ensemble Louvain, to find stable communities. In the second stage, we form influence links between these communities, and identify linked super-communities. For the detected communities, we compute internal and external influence, and for individual users, the retweet h-index influence. We apply the proposed approach to three years of Twitter data of all Slovenian tweets. The analysis shows that the Slovenian tweetosphere is dominated by politics, that the left-leaning communities are larger, but that the right-leaning communities and users exhibit significantly higher impact. An interesting observation is that retweet networks change relatively gradually, despite such events as the emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic or the change of government.
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Stojanović, Dubravka. "Private Yugoslavism and Serbian Public Opinion, 1890–1914." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (August 8, 2015): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201002.
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This article addresses manifestations of Yugoslavism in the pre-1914 period that have been neglected by recent scholarship. Its focus on everyday life reveals that since the mid-1890s there were constant contacts between the major ethnic groups that would constitute Yugoslavia after 1918. These contacts were not initiated by the political elite or by official activities. They were instead the reactions of ordinary residents of Belgrade who “discovered” peoples speaking the same language and having similar problems, “as we do.” There were many visits from Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia to Belgrade in the period 1890–1914 organized by different associations or individuals. Some of them organized public gatherings in the center of Belgrade that allowed residents to show “their love” to “our compatriots” from the South Slav lands of Austria-Hungary. Some of these events turned into real public demonstrations even before 1903, under the Obrenović dynasty and government, which was not Yugoslav oriented. And under the succeeding Karađorđević dynasty, even its leading Radical politicians favored the Yugoslav idea for a future state, although withholding public support until after the Serbian victory in the First Balkan War in 1912.
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Horváthová, Brigitte, Michael Dobbins, and Rafael Pablo Labanino. "Towards energy policy corporatism in Central and Eastern Europe?" Interest Groups & Advocacy 10, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 347–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41309-021-00138-9.
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AbstractThis paper contributes to our understanding of interest intermediation structures in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and, specifically, whether, which, how and to what extent organized interests are incorporated into policy-making processes. Unlike previous studies primarily focusing on patterns of economic coordination (Jahn 2016), we focus on energy policy-making in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. We address the extent to which these energy interest intermediation systems are gravitating towards a more corporatist policy-making paradigm and whether corporatist arrangements have been dismantled in view of the new wave of national conservatism in CEE. We offer a complex operationalization of corporatism based on concrete indicators and present the results of a survey of energy interest groups operating in the region. It covers questions regarding interest intermediation between the organized interests and the government, regulatory authorities as well as the degree of policy coordination and political exchange with the state and between rivalling organizations, enabling us to derive a “corporatism score” for each national institutional setting and discuss them in the light of Jahn’s (2016) corporatism rankings for the region. We show that—despite striking differences—at least rudimentary corporatist interest intermediation structures have emerged with some variations of pluralism and statism in all four countries.
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DEČMAN, Mitja, Janez STARE, and Maja KLUN. "THE IMPACT OF THE COVID-19 CRISIS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE INFORMATION SOCIETY IN SLOVENIA." ADMINISTRATIE SI MANAGEMENT PUBLIC 1, no. 39 (November 25, 2022): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/amp/2022.39-05.
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Digital transformation is trending pursuant to the almost ubiquitous use of digital technology by private and public sectors, and general populations. The disruption caused by advancing technology requires strategic responses to mitigate the negative aspects of such disruption and generate positive change. Other disruption, moreover, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, additionally imposes limitations on what we consider to be normal life, further engendering the utilization of digital technology. Even though the impact of digital transformation can be assessed by means of different metrics, including the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI), they do not provide sufficient clarity in terms of pain points and improvement possibilities. The differences in relation to the availability of said technology and the skills necessary for its optimal use, which are closely related to user education level, age, and economic status, are additional parameters governments and policymakers need to consider, and data-driven decision-making is essential to ensure optimal policy-making and investment vis-à-vis digital transformation, such as the EU Recovery and Resilience Facility. This paper analyses Slovenia’s digital transformation between 2018 and 2021, using data collected from more than 5,000 respondents, to detect technology use differences in terms of demographics, focusing on the digital divide and the COVID-19 crisis, and compares Slovenia’s experience with other EU Member States, focusing especially on online public administration services. Our results evidence that the digital divide is the main differentiating factor in Slovenia and that gender is accordingly not of great import, and that Slovenia’s oldest generation and some members of younger generations face problems when endeavoring to digitally integrate. Compared to other EU Member States, Slovenia is average according to DESI, but the findings show that EU Member States should take its specifics into account to address their own DT paradigm.
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Timotijević, Đorđe. "Legal standing of churches and religious communities in the kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and the kingdom of Yugoslavia." Vesnik pravne istorije 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/hlh_22203a.
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This paper shows how the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia legally regulated the position and organisation of religious communities, which after unification found themselves in a joint and multi-confessional state. Although the concept of complete separation of churches and religious communities from the state was not implemented in the Constitutions of 1921 and 1931, religious communities were very influential in social life and politics, and after several unsuccessful draft laws on religions and interreligious relations, specific laws that regulated the legal position of many churches and religious communities that were represented in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia were adopted. In addition, negotiations with the Holy See were carried out in order to conclude a concordat that would determine the status of the Catholic Church in the Yugoslav state in detail. From the adopted constitutions and the entire religious legislation on individual religions and their communities in the common state, it can be concluded that the principle of the state church was abandoned, as well as that religious communities enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy in regulating their own organisation and internal affairs. Nevertheless, the election of supreme church leaders and dignitaries depended on the king and the government, so the state still exerted a great deal of influence over the church organisation and structure.
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Maulana, Rio Yusri. "Digital Government Transformation in Slovenia." Jurnal Manajemen Pelayanan Publik 6, no. 2 (April 3, 2023): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jmpp.v6i2.45442.
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The need for a shift towards digital governance is now a crucial issue in various government sectors, ICTs have become an inseparable tool considering the public's demand for more responsive, inexpensive, and inclusive government. The process of shifting, which is better known as digital transformation in Government. This article provides a comprahensive overview of how Slovenian government deliver a digital transformation strategy, as former Yugoslavian republic, Slovenia quickly achieved democratic political stability, implementing the necessary social and economic reforms to help Slovenia progressively strengthen relations in the European continent. Slovenia has made digital government a key priority in recent years through its Public Administration 2020 and Digital Slovenia 2020 strategies. Slovenia adopted key enablers from European Union (EU) to improve access and interoperability of government services. This article uses a case study to collect the necessary data and analyzing the digital transformation phenomenon and exploring the implementation of digital transformation in Slovenia. The results show that Slovenia has increasingly made digital government a key policy priority and has invested in several public policies that stress the importance of technology.
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Komac, Miran. "Minority Self-government in Slovenia." Comparative Southeast European Studies 49, no. 7-8 (July 1, 2000): 358–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2000-497-803.
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Oplotnik, Zan, and Bostjan Brezovnik. "Financing local government in Slovenia." Post-Communist Economies 16, no. 4 (December 2004): 483–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1463137042000309575.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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Ziherl, Slavko, and Blanka Kores Plesnicar. "Slovenia." International Psychiatry 5, no. 3 (July 2008): 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600002101.
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Slovenia, with an area of 20 000 km2 and a population of 2 million, is one of the smallest members of the European Union. It gained its independence from Yugoslavia in 1991. The country has a gross domestic product (GDP) of US$27 300 per capita. (Largely because of its historical links with Western Europe, Slovenia has a higher GPD compared with other countries in transition in Central Europe.) The health budget represents 8.4% of GDP. Slovenia has a low birth rate and an ageing population. It is divided into 210 municipalities; however, the re organisation of government into several separate regions with more administrative and economic autonomy is in progress. The prevalence of mental illness is comparable to that in other European countries, although there are high levels of alcoholism and suicide.
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Kukovič, Simona. "Local government fighting COVID-19: the Case of Slovenian Municipalities." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 637–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0034.
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Abstract When the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus broke out, it was initially assumed that Slovenian municipalities would successfully cope with the crisis situation due to their experience in dealing with natural and other disasters. Nevertheless, the unprecedented pandemic posed significant challenges to local governments, especially in the first wave, from managing responses to an unknown crisis situation to ensuring the safety of citizens in times of extreme uncertainty. Using a four-dimensional framework, the article analyses the results of the first post-COVID-19 survey of mayors of Slovenian municipalities, which reveals differences and similarities in policies to contain and prevent the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus disease. The analysis proves that there is no single and well-established procedure for dealing with a crisis situation. Indeed, responses varied from municipality to municipality, and the intensity of action depended to a large extent on the commitment, initiative and innovation of the individual mayor.
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Hintea, Calin Emilian, Maja Klun, and Juraj Nemec. "Editorial: COVID-19 Pandemics and Politics." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2022-0001.
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Abstract This short editorial proposes a specific topic for comprehensive research in COVID-19 in the CEE area, namely the role of politicians and politics during the pandemic. The text includes three short country case studies (Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia), describing different aspects of the politics/political fighting relationship and the COVID-19 pandemic. The experts’ arguments suggest that the “motto of the day” should be working together and not fighting each other. However, nothing (“almost nothing”) like this is visible in our region – or at lease in our three case studies, the only positive aspect from this point of view is the joint call of all parliamentary group leaders for vaccination in Slovenia. By its content, the editorial calls for comprehensive research on the aims of the current antagonistic situation and possible actions.
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Avbelj, Matej. "Contextual Analysis of Judicial Governance in Slovenia." German Law Journal 19, no. 7 (December 1, 2018): 1901–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200023270.
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AbstractWhat is a real character of judicial (self)-government in Slovenia? Does it live up to the standards established in a well-ordered society, based on the established rule of law and consolidated democracy? This certainly is an impression that an external critical, but uniformed, observer develops when he or she approaches the legal regulation of judicial (self)-government in Slovenia. This also is an impression that has been perpetuated in academic and professional circles prior and after the enlargement of the EU. The article dispels this myth. It does so by providing a comprehensive assessment of all the bodies and processes involved in the judicial (self)-government in Slovenia. Contrary to the prevalent formalistic legal approach, which dominates the legal scholarship concerned with judicial governance and the courts more generally, the article relies on a socio-legal methodological approach. It therefore situates the system of judicial self-government in the Slovenian socio-political context in order to provide an insight into how the judicial self-government really works and to what an extent it falls short of the normative ideals prescribed by the Slovenian positive law.
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Shakhin, Yuri. "Slovenian Economic Republicanism at the Formative Stage of Self-Government Socialism (1950–1953)." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 24, no. 1 (March 27, 2023): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2023.24(1).77-104.
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The article analyzes the impact of the 1950–1953 reforms on the economic conflicts between the leadership of Slovenia and Yugoslavia. The reforms and the economic crisis intensified the contradictions between Slovenia and the federal center. Initially they manifested themselves in traditional forms: struggles to reduce targets, concealment of reserves, and struggle for coupons. The crisis gave rise to new struggles over money supply and the construction of key facilities, and reinforced the tendency to close regional markets. However, as the reforms progressed, old sources of conflict gradually lost their role and were replaced by new ones. The struggle over natural resources and manpower diminished, but the struggle for value indicators, primarily for investment, intensified. Slovenia donated significant funds, from which capital investments were made in other regions, and this circumstance gave rise to discontent in the republic. The federal government tried to reform the investment policy in order to alleviate the discontent in Slovenia, but these attempts failed in the period under review.
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Moroz, Olga. "Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.
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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.
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Krašovec, Alenka, and Tim Haughton. "Money, organization and the state: The partial cartelization of party politics in Slovenia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 3 (August 11, 2011): 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.07.003.
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A detailed analysis of party organization, party funding and voting behaviour in parliament in Slovenia indicates a partial cartelization of Slovene party politics. In line with the cartel thesis, parties in Slovenia are heavily dependent on the state for their finances and there is evidence that parties have used the resources of the state to limit competition. Nonetheless, there is much less evidence of cartelization in terms of party organization indicating more cartelization in the party system as a whole than within individual parties.
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Perovšek, Jurij. "Narodni svet in slovenska samoodločba leta 1918." Studia Historica Slovenica 19 (2019), no. 2 (October 30, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2019-10.
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Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovene (Abstract in Slovene and English, Summary in English) Key words: National Council for Slovenia and Istria, Anton Korošec, National manifestation and self-determination of October 29, 1918 in Ljubljana, Slovenian military, National government of the State of SHS in Ljubljana Abstract: With the establishment of the National Council for Slovenia and Istria (National Council) on August 16 and 17, 1918 in Ljubljana, Slovenian national politics embarked on a path of separation from Austria. The National Council has gradually developed into an authority in Slovenian lands. Legitimate Austrian authority began to die out as a sovereign power, and the revolutionary Slovenian authority, exercised by the National Council and its subordinate bodies, was more and more effective every day. In Slovenian lands, state relations with Austria were broken at a major national event on October 29, 1918 at the Congress Square in Ljubljana. The event was attended by more than 30,000 people of all ages and backgrounds, some 200 Slovenian officers and soldiers, and all the leading Slovenian political representatives who were in Ljubljana at that time. In their speeches, they welcomed the separation of Slovenians from Austria and the emergence of an independent state of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, who by then lived in the Habsburg Monarchy (SHS State), and soldiers broke the oath given to the Habsburg Ruler and declared loyalty to the SHS State. The military played a prominent role in establishing a new, Slovenian rule, and decisively contributed to the formation of the first Slovenian national government. On October 31, 1918, the National Council of SHS in Ljubljana was declared the supreme authority in the State of SHS by the National Council of SHS in Zagreb.
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Gornik, Barbara. "The Politics of Victimhood in Human Rights Violations: The Case of the Erased Residents of Slovenia." Nordicum-Mediterraneum 12, no. 2 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/nm.12.2.3.
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During the process of gaining national independence the Slovenian government unlawfully erased 25,671 individuals, mainly citizens of other republics of the former Yugoslavia from the Slovenian Register of Permanent Residents. In 2012 the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Kurić and others vs. Republic of Slovenia held that there had been a violation of the 8th, 13th and 14th Articles of the European Convention on Human rights. Following this judgement the Slovenian government adopted a compensation scheme for the Erased introducing the criteria determining conditions for their redress. The article reflects on the political and legal construction of victimhood and reveals the notions of political loyalty, legal conformity and territorial attachment as one of the most decisive elements of victimhood. It shows that the subjectivity of victims in the case of the Erased is not defined within the human rights discourse but is grounded in nationalist terms.
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Bučar, Maja, and Boštjan Udovič. "Slovenia: a case of a small, relatively new member country." Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 13, no. 3 (December 26, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol13.iss3.15742.
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The concept of differentiated integration (DI) is practically invisible in Slovenian politics. The analysis showed that the key words associated with DI are seldom used in parliamentary debates, coalition programmes or prime ministerial speeches. This suggests that the issue of DI is more a topic of academic discussion than of daily politics. While the low salience of DI in Slovenian political debates makes it hard to establish governmental positions in detail, the common thread throughout Slovenian foreign policy from independence in 1991 onwards has been that a strong and united EU is of key importance for Slovenia. The few instances where wording related to DI models was used reflect a concern about a multi-speed Europe, especially a fear that a multi-tier EU would mean fewer opportunities for future Slovenian governments and in general, fewer opportunities for smaller and/or less developed countries.
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Gašparič, Jure, Andrej Pančur, and Jure Skubic. "European Politics Behind Closed Doors: The Origins of Euroscepticism in Slovenia." Contributions to Contemporary History 63, no. 2 (June 13, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.63.2.02.
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Euroscepticism is a common political problem in many EU member states or potential candidates. There is a general belief that the EU is a giant bureaucratic structure and as such distant, colossal and suspicious, which creates a growing distance between the EU and its citizens. Such ambivalent sentiment towards the EU could be noticed also in Slovenia after it gained independence from Yugoslavia and started the process of joining the EU. The general public opinion about the EU was rather low – people were generally sympathetic about the EU but never completely enthusiastic about it. What attributed to such attitude was also the fact that politicians adopted several regulations without properly informing the public therefore leaving people uninformed about potentially important issues. In this paper, we argue that the threat to representative democracy is not so much in politicians not keeping their promises but rather in politicians not telling their constituents what they are working on and adopting more regulations than communicated with public. Our analysis of election manifestos, public opinion and press releases uncovers two fundamental problems of the Slovenian government between 2000 and 2004. The first one is an almost routine adoption of EU regulations without serious public debates and the second government’s failure to communicate relevant matters with public in a timely manner, problematize them and bring them closer to people. Although the analysis focuses on events that happen around 20 years ago, we believe that our findings are highly relevant also for the state of Slovenian politics today.
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Toplak, Kristina, and Marina Lukšič Hacin. "International Mobile Workers Caught Between Restrictive Measures and Freedom of Movement During the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Case of Slovenia." Two Homelands 2022, no. 56 (July 9, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/dd.2022.2.08.
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The COVID-19 pandemic and the government measures to curb it in the past two years have had a significant impact on the mobility of workers within the EU. In this article, we analyze the measures adopted by the Slovenian government and the governments of some neighboring countries in the first half of 2020 and examine how these have affected international mobile workers. We identified the economic and social risks to which workers have been exposed following their return to Slovenia or while working in neighboring countries. Such risks were largely due to inconsistently adopted measures on an international level and the adoption of measures at short notice.