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Journal articles on the topic 'Snorri Sturluson'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 June 2024

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1

Hermann, Pernille. "En ny verden set fra udkanten: Europa-forestillinger hos Snorri Sturluson." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 37, no. 108 (August 22, 2009): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v37i108.21994.

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A New World Seen from the Edge: Snorri Sturluson and Images of Europe:In the beginning of the 13th century, the Icelander Snorri Sturluson wrote the Prose Edda. The prologue to this text describes how the linguistic, political and religious preconditions for Northern Europe were to be found in Asia. Snorri’s perspective was determined by his position in the Christian world, and his work articulates both Christianity’s universality and history’s teleological character. Like other learned people in Medieval Europe, Snorri was guided by his knowledge of the high cultures, Antiquity’s and Christianity’s, and these were decisive for the description he gives of the North. This essay shows how the Nordic countries, positioned on the periphery of the Christian world, through the assimilation of Trojan emigrants and pre-historical Nordic people, were in the Edda assigned a status equivalent to those of the high cultures. Through a cultural translatio, Snorri modified the prevailing centre-periphery division of the world and the view that the North was subordinate to the high cultures.

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2

Hugus, Frank. "Gylfaginning. Snorri Sturluson , Gottfried Lorenz." Speculum 62, no. 2 (April 1987): 474–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2855278.

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3

van Nahl, Jan Alexander. "Jón Viðar Sigurðsson and Sverrir Jakobsson (eds.), Sturla Þórðarson. Skald, Chieftain and Lawmen. The Northern World, 78. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017, 291 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 448–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.112.

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Throughout the twentieth century, scholars in Medieval Studies cast Snorri Sturluson (1179–1241) as medieval Iceland’s greatest personage in terms of learning and power. Only recently have some scholars started to throw doubt on Snorri’s ingenuity, and today’s picture of him may thus be considered more multi-faceted than ever. With Snorri no longer outshining his contemporaries, scholarship has turned attention toward other supposed key figures in medieval Iceland. Particular attention has been payed to Sturla Þórðarson (1214–1284), Snorri’s nephew. Celebrating Sturla’s 800th anniversary, in 2014, a conference was held at the University of Iceland, the gathered results of which were later published in The Northern World series. Twenty-two short chapters elaborate on various aspects of Sturla, who is introduced by the editors as “one of Iceland’s most famous medieval politicians and authors” as well as “certainly one of the most significant” historians of thirteenth-century Iceland (p. 1). Consequently, the papers set out “to commemorate Sturla himself, to discuss the diverse body of works attributed to him, and to place them in a wider European context” (p. 7).

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4

Fjalldal, Magnús. "By Means of Deception: Snorri Sturluson as a Military Strategist." Neophilologus 99, no. 1 (July 9, 2014): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11061-014-9407-3.

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5

Medeiros, Elton Oliveira Souza de. "LASSEN, Annette. Odin på kristent pergament: En teksthistorisk studie. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanums Forlag, 2011, 447 p." SIGNUM - Revista da ABREM 15, no. 2 (December 18, 2014): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.21572/2177-7306.2014.v15.n2.10.

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O islandês Snorri Sturluson (c. 1178 – 1241), em sua obra Heimskringla – especificamente no primeiro capítulo, a Ynglinga Saga –, nos descreve que na Ásia, ao leste de Tanakvisl, havia uma região conhecida como Asaland ou Asaheim e cuja capital seria conhecida como Asgard. E lá se encontraria o senhor de tal reino, cercado por doze sacerdotes responsáveis pelos sacrifícios realizados na cidade e em auxiliar seu soberano a executar a justiça. Este poderoso líder era um grande guerreiro que havia viajado por diversas terras, sido tão vitorioso e conquistado tantos reinos, que acreditavam ser impossível derrota-lo. Era versado em magia, podia se comunicar com os mortos, entre outros feitos sobrenaturais. Segundo Sturluson o nome desse líder era Odin, e dele descenderiam muitas linhagens de casas régias e heróis do norte europeu.

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6

Jakobsson, Ármann. "Skáldið í skriftinni: Snorri Sturluson og "Egils saga". Torfi H. Tulinius." Speculum 81, no. 4 (October 2006): 1266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003871340000498x.

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7

Poole, Russel. "Snorri Sturluson: Kolloquium anläßlich der 750. Wiederkehr seines Todestages (review)." Parergon 13, no. 2 (1996): 298–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1996.0026.

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8

Jackson, Tatjana N. "“Some call Europe, and some call Eneá”: on the origins of the Old Icelandic learned prehistory." Miscellanea Geographica 23, no. 3 (July 31, 2019): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2018-0038.

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Abstract By the 12th century, northern territories were fairly well known in practice, but there was an urgent need to explain the state of this region in written form. In most national narratives, there is an evident tendency to emphasise the similarity of local history with a more significant and more authoritative (Roman or sacred) history (Mortensen 2005). This paper deals with a very specific geographical image—“Europe, or Eneá”—that appears on two “textual maps” by an Icelandic historian of the 13th century, Snorri Sturluson, in his Edda, an Icelandic ars poetica (c. 1220), and in his large compendium of the kings’ sagas entitled Heimskringla (c. 1230). The author demonstrates that the toponym Eneá, going back to the ancient hero Aeneas, was formed by Snorri himself as a result of his immersion in the local Icelandic culture and literature, where the Troy story had, by that time, occupied a significant place.

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9

Medeiros, Elton Oliveira Souza de. "A LINHAGEM PERDIDA DE SCEAF: REFLEXÕES METODOLÓGICAS SOBRE GENEALOGIAS MÍTICO-HISTÓRICAS NA INGLATERRA E ESCANDINÁVIA MEDIEVAL & A TRADUÇÃO DO PRÓLOGO DA EDDA DE SNORRI STURLUSON." SIGNUM - Revista da ABREM 16, no. 3 (December 28, 2015): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21572/2177-7306.2015.v16.n3.04.

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Os estudos a respeito de genealogias durante o período medieval muitas vezes acaba por se restringir apenas a área da curiosidade acadêmica, do folclore ou como parte de estudos sobre mitologia. Entretanto, sua importância pode se revelar como uma ferramenta importante para identificarmos elementos que poderiam ser tentativas de construção de identidades nacionais no período. Neste artigo, pretendemos usar o estudo sobre genealogias régias ao redor do Mar do Norte para realizar a crítica a respeito da tendência recorrente em explicar as semelhanças existentes entre elas simplesmente como fruto de uma suposta cultura pangermânica. Além disso, neste trabalho, também trazemos pela primeira vez em língua portuguesa a tradução do prólogo da Edda do islandês Snorri Sturluson, a partir do texto original em nórdico antigo.

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10

Gulliksen, Øyvind T. "Returning to the Old Country: Bill Holm’s Quest for an Icelandic-American Identity." American Studies in Scandinavia 49, no. 2 (October 31, 2017): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v49i2.5673.

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This article focuses on the Icelandic-American identity of Bill Holm (1943–2009), American poet and essayist. It explores the twofold identity of an American writer, who was a grandson and a great-grandson of immigrants in the Upper Midwest. Writing from his background in rural and small-town Minnesota, and from his return trips to Iceland, Bill Holm developed what historian Jon Gjerde (1953–2008) referred to as a “complementary identity.” Holm was especially interested in the farmer-poet and worker-intellectual, both in his local Icelandic-American community and in Iceland. As an Icelandic-American writer, Holm had the benefit of using his knowledge of, and his extensive reading of, both Icelandic and American literature in his own experiences and his writing. Both Snorri Sturluson and Walt Whitman providedhim with a useful past.

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11

Andersson, Theodore M. "Torfi H. Tulinius. The Enigma of Egill: The Saga, the Viking Poet, and Snorri Sturluson." Scandinavian-Canadian Studies 23 (December 1, 2016): 274–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/scancan126.

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12

NEIDORF, LEONARD. "WODEN AND MAXIMS I." Traditio 78 (2023): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2023.5.

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This paper reconsiders the passage in Maxims I in which Woden is said to have constructed wēos, a word that can be understood to mean “idols” or “pagan shrines.” It compares the passage to various euhemeristic narratives concerning Woden (or Óðinn) preserved by authors such as Ælfric, Æthelweard, Saxo Grammaticus, and Snorri Sturluson, and it argues that the Maxims I passage has more in common with ideas expressed in the later Scandinavian sources than in the earlier homiletic or insular historiographical sources. This exercise in comparative euhemerism suggests that the Woden passage in Maxims I is indebted to a narrative that resembled either the story of Óðinn's misadventure with an idol (preserved in Gesta Danorum) or the story of Óðinn as the builder of temples and founder of pagan religion (preserved in Ynglinga saga). In either case, it appears that a euhemeristic narrative of the sort preserved by Snorri and Saxo circulated centuries earlier in England. Toponymic evidence lends support to this conclusion, as place-names such as Wōdnes dīc and Grīmes dīc bear witness to the early circulation of otherwise unrecorded ideas about Woden as a supernatural builder. Finally, the presence of the Woden passage in Maxims I is viewed as a manifestation of the poem's indebtedness to the tradition of the wisdom contest, a genre associated with Óðinn in Old Norse sapiential literature.

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13

Larrington, Carolyne. "Snorri Sturluson and the 'Edda': The Conversion of Cultural Capital in Medieval Scandinavia by Kevin J. Wanner." Modern Language Review 105, no. 1 (2010): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2010.0183.

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14

Meulengracht Sørensen, Preben. "Der Runen-Stein von Rök und Snorri Sturluson - oder 'Wie aussagekräftig sind unsere Quellen zur Religionsgeschichte der Wikingerzeit?'." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 13 (January 1, 1990): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67173.

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The article contributes to the discussion on source criticism within the research field of Old Norse religion. It examines the common assumption that archaeological sources are always to prefer above written sources from the Middle Ages where the Viking Era is described as such accounts are invariably tendentious and biased. Influenced by theories from the field of social anthropology, however, the article argues for the worth of written sources as a complement to the material ones. As an example, the effort to interpret the inscriptions on the runic stone from Rök are introduced. The article suggests that different kinds of source material offer a spectrum of possibilities out of which none alone, but rather all taken together, can deepen the researcher’s knowledge about the object under study.

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15

McKinnell, John. "Snorri Sturluson and the Edda. The Conversion of Cultural Capital in Medieval Scandinavia (review)." JEGP, Journal of English and Germanic Philology 109, no. 1 (2010): 84–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/egp.0.0099.

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16

Quinn, Judy. "The ‘Wind of the Giantess’: Snorri Sturluson, Rudolf Meissner, and the Interpretation of Mythological Kennings along Taxonomic Lines." Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 8 (January 2012): 207–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.vms.1.103199.

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17

Lundgreen-Nielsen, Flemming. "N. F. S. Grundtvig: Rim-Brev til Nordiske Paarørende, 1832. Tekstkritisk og kommenteret udgave." Grundtvig-Studier 59, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 53–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v59i1.16529.

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N. F. S. Grundtvig: “Rim-Brev til Nordiske Paarørende”, 1832. Tekstkritisk og kommenteret udgave[N. F. S. Grundtvig: Rhymed Epistle to the Norse Kinsmen ”, 1832. Critical and annotated edition]By Flemming Lundgreen-NielsenGrundtvig’s “Rhymed Epistle to the Norse Kinsmen” (258 verses), published as a prologue to Norse Mythology or The Language of Myth, 1832, is reprinted in a densely annotated version, with attention being given to manuscripts in the Grundtvig Archive and statements in Grundtvig’s other writings as well as to earlier scholarly treatments. Emphasis is placed on the extent to which Grundtvig employs ambiguous imagery with a multitude of mythological details which may be categorised according as they derive from medieval sources such as The Prose Edda of Snorri Sturluson, poems of The Elder Edda and The Danish Chronicle by Saxo. In a Postscript, the text as a whole is located in Grundtvig’s secular writings in exactly that period when he coins the phrase “First a Man, then a Christian”, thus heralding a humanistic approach to an education for citizenship and practical everyday life. It is among numerous other things demonstrated that the still frequently quoted lines about freedom for Loki as well as for Thor and about struggle and competition historically viewed embody meanings different from those routinely assumed by modem users.

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18

Görman, Marianne. "The Necklace as a Divine Symbol and as a Sign of Dignity in the Old Norse Conception." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 16 (January 1, 1996): 111–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67226.

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Neck-rings are frequent in finds from the Early Bronze Age, ca. 1000-550 B.C. Far later necklaces are mentioned in the Old Icelandic literature. For instance, thegoddess Freyja was the owner of the Brisingamen necklace, according to Snorri Sturluson in his Edda, written in the 13' century A.D. He also tells that the god Ööinn was in possession of the ring Draupnir, from which eight new rings fell every ninth night. Thus, necklaces appear in three quite distinct eras: the Early Bronze Age, the Migration Period, and the early Middle Ages. Is this interest of our ancestors in neck-ornaments concentrated on these periods, or were they used continuously during this long space of time? What meaning did the neck-ring have for prehistoric man? The finds indicate that the ring was not only used for decoration, but served other purposes as well. It might have been used as a sign of prestige or it might have had a religious significance. A necklace and a ring are the attributes of Freyja and Minn. Is it possible to find a connection between these divine accessories and the neckornaments which appear so abundantly in the finds from earlier periods? Could such a connection contribute to the understanding of the religion of the Viking Age?

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19

Moll, Martin. "Gudmundsson, Óskar, Snorri Sturluson - Homer des Nordens. Eine Biographie. Aus dem Isländischen übersetzt v. Jucknies, Regina. Mit einem Vorwort v. Simek, Rudolf." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 129, no. 1 (August 1, 2012): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2012.129.1.522.

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20

Rindal, Magnus. "Review - Alexandra Pesch:Brunao ld, haugso ld, kirkjuo ld. Untersuchungen zu den arch ologisch berpr fbaren Aussagen in der Heimskringla des Snorri Sturluson." Norwegian Archaeological Review 32, no. 1 (November 15, 1999): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/002936599420920.

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21

Tulinius, Torfi H. "Rev. of François-Xavier Dillmann (ed.). <em>Histoire des rois de Norvège, par Snorri Sturluson. Deuxième partie </em>." Scripta Islandica: Isländska Sällskapets Årsbok 73 (2023): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.33063/diva-499573.

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22

Cole, Richard. "When Gods Become Bureaucrats." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 2 (April 2020): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000048.

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AbstractEven gods are not always above bureaucracy. Societies very different from each other have entertained the idea that the heavens might be arranged much like an earthly bureaucracy, or that mythological beings might exercise their power in a way that makes them resembles bureaucrats. The best-known case is the Chinese “celestial bureaucracy,” but the idea is also found in (to take nearly random examples) Ancient Near Eastern cosmology, the Hebrew Bible, Late Antiquity, and modern popular culture. The primary sources discussed in this essay pertain to an area of history where bureaucracy was historically underdeveloped, namely medieval Scandinavia. Beginning with the Glavendrup runestone from the 900s, I examine a way of thinking about divine power that seems blissfully bureaucracy-free. Moving forwards in time to Adam of Bremen’s description of the temple at Uppsala (1040s–1070s), I find traces of a tentative, half-formed bureaucracy in the fading embers of Scandinavian paganism. In the 1220s, well into the Christian era, I find Snorri Sturluson concocting a version of Old Norse myth which proposes a novel resolution between the non-bureaucratic origins of his mythological corpus and the burgeoning bureacratization of High Medieval Norway. Although my focus is on medieval Scandinavia, transhistorical comparisons are frequently drawn with mythological bureaucrats from other times and places. In closing, I synthesise this comparative material with historical and anthropological theories of the relationship between bureaucracy and the divine.

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23

Markelova, Olga. "The sturlung era in modern Icelandic historical prose: Einar Kárason." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 70 (March 31, 2022): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202270.20-32.

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The period from 1220 to1262-64, the so-called Sturlung era, is significant in Icelandic culture, not only due to its dramatic political events, but also because by that time the great works of the Old Icelandic literature have been written down. In modern Icelandic historical fiction the most noticable text, devoted to the Sturlung era, is the tetralogy by Einar K?rason ("A Gathering of Foes“ 2001, "Fury“ 2008, "The Skald“ 2012 and "The Axe era“, 2014). It is based on the Old Icelandic "Sturlunga saga“, in particular, on "The Saga of Icelanders“ by Sturla Thordarson. The writing technique in the tetralogy s nevertheless antipodal to the saga manner: the events are described fragmentary, from the subjective point of view of a variety of persons, also the episodical ones; thus the complexity and the multifaceted character of the historical prcess is being stated. In each novel of the tetralogy there is one central character, the other narrators reflect upon. Snorri Sturluson, the most iconic figure of this era, is often mentioned, but is never among the narrators. The writing of sagas is being described (especially in "The Skald“), and the inner intentions of the 13th century scribes creating their texts turn out to be similiar to the intentions of modern authors. The narration manner and the universal thinking way of thecharacters neutralizes the historical distance between the narration and the readers. In modern Icelandic literature a firm narrative tradition of perception of the Sturlung era is absent, thus, the works of Einar K?rason can be regarded as the direct reception of the Old Icelandic sourse texts as they are, but not as an interplay with a set tradition of their perception. But such a tradition can be formed in future by this tetralogy.

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24

Wolf, Kirsten. "Snorri Sturluson, The Uppsala Edda: DG 11 4to., ed., Heimir Pálsson and trans., Anthony Faulkes. London: Viking Society for Northern Research, 2012. Pp. cxxxiv, 327. £12. ISBN: 9780903521857." Speculum 88, no. 4 (October 2013): 1167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713413003527.

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25

Hermann, Pernille. "Visualiseringsstrategier og erindringsarkitektur i Snorri Sturlusons Edda." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift 74 (March 25, 2022): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v74i.132106.

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ABSTRACT: This article investigates Snorri Sturluson’s Edda seen in light of medieval memory theory. It is argued that the pagan myths that are treated in bookish culture are adjusted to ideas about memory that circulated in the 13th century. It is shown that important mnemonic principles, such as spatiality and visuality, have put their stamp on the Edda and other mythological texts, which seem to describe and transmit to their readers comprehensive memory architectures and topographies. The mnemonic dimensions of the texts are important to include in source critical discussions, when the medieval texts are used as sources to pre-Christian mythology. RESUME: Denne artikel undersøger Snorri Sturlusons Edda i lyset af antik og middelalderlig erindringsteori. Der argumenteres for, at skriftkulturens behandling af de hedenske myter har medført en tilpasning til ideer om erindringen, som cirkulerede i 1200-tallet. Det bliver vist, at centrale erindringsprincipper, såsom spatialitet og visualitet, har sat deres præg på Edda og andre mytologiske tekster, som beskriver og formidler omfattende erindringsarkitekturer og –topografier til deres læsere. Teksternes erindringsmæssige dimensioner er væsentlige at medtænke i den kildekritik, som de underlægges, når de bruges som kilder til den før-kristne nordiske mytologi.

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26

Nikolaev, Dmitry. "Fír Flathemon in the Russian Primary Chronicle? The Legend of the Summoning of the Varangians and the Prefatory Matter to Audacht Morainn." Studia Celto-Slavica 6 (2012): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54586/bxab9752.

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The legend of the summoning of the Varangians as presented in different versions of the Russian Primary Chronicle (also known as Povest' Vremennykh Let) provided a matter for hot debates among the students of Russian history: to some of them it seemed to present a proof that Eastern Slavic peoples found themselves unable to establish a reliable state to settle their disputes. The idea of an orderly government had to be imported from Scandinavia with the rulers themselves. This discussion, however, seemed to come to an end in the 1990s when a new approach to the analysis of this section of the RPC was introduced. Russian scholars Ye. Mel'nikova and V. Petrukhin proposed to treat the Varangian-summoning legend not as a historical source, but as a literary tale (analogical to the opening parts of Res gestae saxonicae by Widukind of Corvey or Heimskringla by Snorri Sturluson) the main purpose of which was to explain the aetiology of the Russian statehood. In the end Mel'nikova and Petrukhin suggest, nevertheless, that this tale could have had a genuine historical core—the treaty (r'ad) established between Varangian rulers and their Slavic subjects regulating their mutual rights and duties. However, not mentioned in their paper is the closest parallel to the RPC-legend, the Irish tale of the killing of noble lineages of Ireland and their subsequent return to the island, as it is set forth in the late-Old-Irish historical poem Sóerchlanda Érenn uile. This poem which, accompanied by a prose setting, serves in some manuscripts as introductory matter to Audacht Morainn shows the effects of the lack of fír flathemon on peoples not having a proper ruler. The striking resemblance between this tale and the Varangian legend in the RPC gives us an opportunity to reconsider the motif structure and the ideological purport of the latter: the establishment of r'ad may probably be seen not as an account of a historical fact ornamented with some wandering motifs but as a wandering (or inherited) motif itself, and the main purpose of this tale could have been not to provide an aetiology for the Russian statehood, but to show the importance of having a ruler possesing ‘rightness’ (pravda).

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Lubik, Maciej. "Some Remarks on the Ambiguous Portrayal of Olaf Haraldsson in Snorri Sturluson’s Narrative." Średniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne 12 (December 15, 2020): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spip.2020.16.01.

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Olaf Haraldsson (Saint Olaf) made history as a king and missionary but also as one of the forefathers and patron saints of Christian Norway. His achievements have perpetuated in the folk memory of the Scandinavian peoples, making him the Eternal King of Norway (Rex Perpetuus Norvegiae) and the most distinguished figure among those Norwegian rulers whose reigns are recorded in sagas. Nevertheless, Olaf, though a saint, is depicted as a bellicose, harsh, and severely punishing ruler – a picture that seems to diverge significantly from the model of a gentle, merciful, and saintly king, widespread in the European hagiographic tradition. That twofold nature of Olaf is described in Snorri Sturluson’s narrative, as indicated earlier by Carl Phelpstead. The present study refers to the findings of that scholar and emphasizes two interrelated facets of Olaf’s picture in Snorri’s narrative: his childhood and his appearance. In the former case, Olaf is shown as a naughty child, disrespecting his stepfather, which corresponds to the posterior episode of Olaf’s return to Norway, depicted as a paraphrase of the Parable of the Prodigal Son. Snorri provides a picture of a young man who, unlike the prodigal son, fails to change his faulty nature, and that in turn influences the way he rules. In the latter case, while depicting Olaf’s appearance, Snorri seems to present his looks only partially. Although Olaf is handsome, well-built, and his face and hair have a fair shade, he is short, has a flushed face and brown hair. In this way, Snorri departs from the model of a tall ruler with a fair complexion and blond hair. However, if we take into account the older Legendary Saga, it seems that Snorri in both cases follows solutions that are deeply rooted in the oral and written tradition, and which are supposed to reflect the ambiguity characterizing the memories of Olaf kept by the peoples of Scandinavia in the generations living after his death.

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28

Rowe, Elizabeth Ashman, and Sverre Bagge. "Society and Politics in Snorri Sturluson's." American Historical Review 97, no. 5 (December 1992): 1501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165969.

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29

Mckinnell, John. "The Earth as Body in Old Norse." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift 74 (March 25, 2022): 534–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v74i.132122.

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ABSTRACT: This article investigates two of three main ways outlined by Snorri Sturlusson in Gylfaginning in which Old Norse poets might refer to the earth in their poetry: By reference to the myth of the killing of Ymir as well as by reference to the immediate family of the goddess Jǫrð. By looking at the meaning of these references to the origins of the earth, the article investigates the underlying human ideas and reactions of these references. RESUME: Denne artikel undersøger to af tre hovedmåder skitseret af Snorri Sturlusson i Gylfaginning, hvorpå norrøne digtere kunne henvise til jorden i deres poesi: Gennem reference til myten om drabet på Ymir såvel som ved reference til gudinden Jǫrð’s nærmeste familie. Ved at se på betydningen af disse henvisninger til jordens oprindelse undersøger artiklen henvisningernes underliggende menneskelige ideer og reaktioner.

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Gaskins, Richard. "Visions of Sovereignty in Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla." Scandinavian Journal of History 23, no. 3-4 (September 1998): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759850115945.

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Wolf, Kirsten. "Kevin J. Wanner, Snorri Sturluson and the “Edda”: The Conversion of Cultural Capital in Medieval Scandinavia. (Toronto Old Norse–Icelandic Series, 4.) Toronto; Buffalo, N.Y.; and London: University of Toronto Press, 2008. Pp. x, 257; 2 black-and-white figures. $70." Speculum 85, no. 2 (April 2010): 478–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713410000795.

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von Schnurbein, Stefanie. "The Function of Loki in Snorri Sturluson's "Edda"." History of Religions 40, no. 2 (November 2000): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463618.

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Ciklamini, Marlene. "Society and Politics in Snorri Sturluson's "Heimskringla.". Sverre Bagge." Speculum 69, no. 2 (April 1994): 413–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865090.

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Quinn, Judy. "Society and politics in Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla (review)." Parergon 10, no. 2 (1992): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1992.0069.

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Sayers, William. "Snorri’s Trollwives." Scandinavian-Canadian Studies 18 (December 1, 2009): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/scancan30.

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ABSTRACT: The 60 names for female trolls associated with Snorri Sturluson’s Skaldskaparmál are constructed according to specific phono-semantic criteria. Some are represented elsewhere in the literary record, e.g., Grýla; others appear more arbitrary constructs, no less typical. The names suggest conflict, the noise of weapons, darkness, disturbed emotional states, and point to the warrior’s susceptibility to panic and fear. The trollwives are thus potential judges of male courage and competence.

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Seweryn, Dariusz. "Romantic medievalism from a new comparative perspective." Colloquia Litteraria 20, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.2016.1.16.

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From certain point of view a desperate defense of an aesthetic doctrine of classicism, undertaken by Jan Śniadecki, a Polish mathematician and astronomer of the eighteenth century, resembles the E. R. Curtius’ thesis on “Latinism” as a universal factor integrating European culture; it may be stated that post-Stanislavian classical writers in Poland were driven by the same “concern for the preservation of Western culture” which motivated Ernst Robert Curtius in the times of the Third Reich and after its collapse. But the noble-minded intentions were in both cases grounded on similarly distorted perspective, which ensued from a mistificatory attitude towards a non-Latin heritage of the European culture. The range of that mystification or delusion has been fully revealed by findings made by modern so-called new comparative mythology/philology. Another aspect of the problem is an uniform model of the Middle Ages, partially correlated with the Enlightenment-based stereotype of “the dark Middle Ages”, which despite of its anachronism existed in literary studies for a surprisingly long period of time. Although the Romantic Movement of 18th – 19th centuries has been quite correctly acknowledged as an anti-Latinistic upheaval, its real connections with certain traditions of Middle Ages still remain not properly understood. Some concepts concerning Macpherson’s The Works of ossian, put forward by modern ethnology, may yield clues to the research on the question. As suggested by Joseph Falaky Nagy, Macpherson’s literary undertaking may by looked into as a parallel to Acallam na Senórach compiled in Ireland between 11th and 13th centuries: in both cases to respond to threats to the Gaelic culture there arose a literary monument and compendium of the commendable past with the core based on the Fenian heroic tradition that was the common legacy for the Irish and Highlanders. Taking into consideration some other evidence, it can be ascertained that Celtic and Germanic revival initiated in the second half of 18th century was not only one of the most important impulses for the Romantic Movement, but it was also, in a sense, an actual continuation of the efforts of mediaeval writers and compilers (Geoffrey of Monmouth, Snorri Sturluson, Saxo Grammaticus, anonymous compilers of Lebor gabála Érenn and Acallam, Wincenty Kadłubek), who would successfully combine Latin, i.e. classical, and ecclesiastical erudition with a desire to preserve and adapt in a creative way their own “pagan” and “barbarian” legacy. A special case of this (pre)Romantic revival concerns Slavic cultures, in particular the Polish one. Lack of source data on the oldest historical and cultural tradition of Slavic languages, especially in the Western region, and no record about Slavic tradition in highbrow literary culture induced two solutions: the first one was a production of philological forgeries (like Rukopis královédvorský and Rukopis zelenohorský), the second one was an attempt to someway reconstruct that lost heritage. Works of three Romantic historians, W. Surowiecki, W. A. Maciejowski, F. H. Lewestam, shows the method. Seemingly contradicting theories they put forward share common ground in aspects which are related to the characteristics of the first Slavic societies: a sense of being native inhabitants, pacifism, rich natural resources based on highly-effective agriculture, dynamic demography, a flattened social hierarchy and physical prowess. The fact of even greater importance is that the image of that kind has the mythological core, the circumstance which remains hitherto unnoticed. Polish historians not only tended to identify historical ancient Slavs with mythical Scandinavian Vanir (regarding it obvious), but also managed to recall the great Indo-European theme of ”founding conflict” (in Dumézilian terms), despite whole that mythological model being far beyond the horizon of knowledge at that time. Despite all anachronisms, lack of knowledge and instrumental involvement in aesthetic, political or religious ideology, Romanticism really started the restitution of the cultural legacy of the Middle Ages, also in domain of linguistic and philological research. The consequences of that fact should be taken into account in literary history studies.

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Grimstad, Kaaren. "Skáldskaparmál: Snorri Sturluson's "Ars Poetica" and Medieval Theories of Language. Margaret Clunies Ross." Speculum 65, no. 4 (October 1990): 955–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863580.

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Kuhn, Hans. "Skáldskaparmál: Snorri Sturluson's 'ars poetica' and medieval theories of language (review)." Parergon 8, no. 1 (1990): 138–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1990.0005.

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Lombardi, Maria Cristina. "Skaldic Poetry across Borders. Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Austrfararvísur." LEA - Lingue e Letterature d'Oriente e d'Occidente 12 (December 23, 2023): 331–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/lea-1824-484x-14937.

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The Austrfararvísur (Verses on a Journey to the East) could be defined as a poem of borders: in these vísur Sigvatr Þórðarson, the skald of Óláfr the Saint, narrates his crossing of various geographical, political, and religious borders. Austrfararvísur are preserved in Snorri Sturluson’s Óláfs saga helga and concern the famous episode of Sigvatr’s visit to Västergötland, where he attempted to mediate a peace deal between King Óláfr Haraldsson of Norway and the king of Sweden. The text describes dramatic moments and inhospitable places that Sigvatr experienced in his travel from Norway to Sweden, where an immense forest still serves as a natural border today. This was also the natural border that the Norwegian dynasty traversed when, in prehistoric times, Swedish kings moved from Sweden to Norway. Now Sigvatr follows the same path, but in the opposite direction.

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Holck, Per. "The oseberg ship burial, Norway: new thoughts on the skeletons from the grave mound." European Journal of Archaeology 9, no. 2-3 (2006): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461957107086123.

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In 1904, a Viking Age ship was found and excavated in Oseberg, on the west side of the Oslo Fjord, south of Oslo, Norway. The skeletal remnants of two females buried onboard were anthropologically examined during the inter-war years. Questions surrounding their identities have prompted much speculation, and many people like to believe that one of the women could be Queen Åsa, the grandmother of Norway's first king. When the skeletons were reburied in 1948, a few smaller pieces were held back and stored in the Anatomical Institute at the University of Oslo. Those fragments have now been radiocarbon dated at 1220±40 and 1230±40 BP. Their similar δ13 = −21.6‰/−21.0‰ indicates that they both were nourished by a diet consisting primarily of terrestrial food and only to a lesser degree by fish. To answer the question of whether the two women were related, Dr Tom Gilbert at the Panum Institute in Copenhagen managed to obtain a DNA profile from the younger of the two, which profile indicates that her sample falls into the haplogroup U7. This finding is interesting, as this haplogroup is nearly absent in modern Europeans but is common in Iranians. Perhaps this could mean that the young lady's ancestors came from the district around the Black Sea, as Snorri Sturlusson notes in his Saga. Unfortunately, the bones from the older woman were too contaminated to provide a clear profile. Because there is reason to fear that the reburied skeletal material will slowly disintegrate in the coffins, some scholars desired that the mound be reopened in order to save the remains and to determine whether it is possible to obtain another DNA profile before such an opportunity is lost.

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Romanova, Natalya. "Reprezentation of emotions in the texts of «Younger Edda»." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Fìlologìâ 12, no. 21 (2019): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2019-12-21-157-165.

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The article considers the emotions of Icelandic ethnic group of the first half of the 18th century. Its poetic vision is presented in the collection of skaldic poems by Snorre Sturluson «Younger Edda». The Skaldic verses were created by some experienced, famous Norwegian and Icelandic skalds, dedicated not so much to a king or a military leader as to his feuds in order to satisfy young skalds’ need for knowledge. This poetry is equated with mastery, it is both transparent and difficult to understand, simple and tricky, it reports only facts, albeit in an incomplete volume and not very clearly. The facts record peacefulness, tolerance, judiciousness, thrift, decency, patriotism, a passion for power, honors, wealth, pomp and crowded feasts, as well as cowardice, indecision, inconstancy, superficial feelings, deceit, enmity, aggression, cruelty, anger, cowardice. For a song of praise, the skald could receive from the hero both a reward, for example, weapons (sword, shield), uniforms (chain mail), and exile or violent death. From some other skalds, one could hear constructive criticism, and even ridicule. Structurally, «Younger Edda» consists of three parts, which are very different from each other in form and content: «Prologue», «Vision of the Gulvi», «Language of Poetry». The fourth part – «List of sizes» – unfortunately, has not been translated into Russian. The status of emotions - highlighted «Christian» and «pagan» ones – is defined only for the first and second parts. «Christian emotions» are objectified by lexical (emotive, emotive-evaluative vocabulary), phraseological (idioms), syntactic (part of a sentence, complex sentences) means and stylistic techniques (word order, hyperbole, comparison), verbalization of «pagan emotions» provide phraseological (variant idioms, turns), lexical (connotative, emotive-evaluative, emotive, emotional, stylistically colored vocabulary), syntactic (simple, complex (hypotaxis, parataxis), complicated sentences), with supersentence (saying) units, proper names (hydronyms, theonyms, zoonyms, mifonimys, hrononimys, pragmatonimys, hrematonimys) and stylistic devices (metaphor, simile, hyperbole, sarcasm, quasi-rhetorical question, repetition, anaphora, transfer). The ambivalence and philosophical nature of «Christian emotions», based on human cognitive activity and magic, the unique mythological and poetic nature of «pagan emotions», focused on natural phenomena of the surrounding world, wild and sacred animals, wild animals, and sacral animals, are revealed. The authors examine the corpus of «Christian emotions and their variants» including wonder, happiness, passion, sympathy, respect, doubt, greed, disrespect, unwillingness, distrust, superficiality and «pagan emotions and their variants», namely: interest, love, laughter, fun, pleasant, anger, rage, anger, aggression, sarcasm, hatred, revenge, fear, misery, unpleasant, not fear, shame.

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Guðmundsson, Guðmundur J. "Óskar Guðmundsson, sagnfræðingur: Snorri - ævisaga Snorra Sturlusonar 1179-1241." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 5, no. 2 (December 15, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.c.2009.5.2.1.

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Í umsögn gagnrýnanda kemur meðal annars eftirfarandi fram: Hér er saman kominn mikill fróðleikur, ekki bara um Snorra Sturluson heldur einnig samtímamenn hans og sögu þjóðarinnar á þessum örlagatímum, enda er höfundur meðal fróðustu manna um íslenska miðaldasögu. ...greinargott yfirlit um efni Sturlungu og annarra fornrita á því tímabili sem Snorri kemur þar við sögu. Sturlunga er óneitanlega harla óárennileg við fyrstu sýn og því gæti verið góður kostur fyrir þá sem vilja kynna sér efni hennar að lesa Snorra áður en menn hella sér út í lestur á Sturlungu sjálfri.

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Vignola, Marco. "Francesco Sangriso, Snorri Sturluson Heimskringla: le saghe dei re di Norvegia III (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 2015)." Nordicum-Mediterraneum 11, no. 1 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/nm.11.1.22.

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Piet, Jules. "Une histoire des rois de Norvège." Acta fabula Mars 2024 25, no. 3 (March 4, 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.58282/acta.17990.

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Cet article est un compte-rendu du livre : François-Xavier Dillmann, Histoire des rois de Norvège par Snorri Sturluson, Paris : Gallimard, coll « L’aube des peuples », 2022, 1245 p., EAN 9782070758760.

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"Lorenz, G. (ed.), Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning: Texte, Übersetzung, Kommentar." Notes and Queries, June 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/ns-34.2.261.

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Giansanti, Dario, and Stefano Mazza. "Snorri Sturluson in Italy: An Interview With Dario Giansanti and Stefano Mazza." Nordicum-Mediterraneum 4, no. 1 (March 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/nm.4.1.18.

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Magnúsdóttir, Auður. "Rik mans frilla eller fattig mans fru?" Kvinder, Køn & Forskning, no. 3 (October 29, 1997). http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kkf.v0i3.28485.

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It is commonly accepted that marriage was an important political institution in the middle ages. Marriage was one way of making allies, confirming friendship between the two involved families, or even reconciliation. This was by no means different in the Icelandic freestate. Through marriage chieftains like Snorri Sturluson, and his brother ҂órdur, both secured and increased their influence. On the other hand, both Snorri and ҂órdur had concubines; Snorri most likely while he was still married but ҂órdur between his two marriages. In fact, concubinage was common in the Icelandic freestate and the attempts of the church to abolish the custom had little effect. Even though there were differences between legitimate marriage and concubinage my thesis is that both institutions were of great importance politically, perhaps even increasing in the struggle for power we witness in the last hundred years og the Icelandic freestate. The concubines were generally of lower social status than the men they had relations with, but frequently daughters of wealthy farmers with influence in their territories. Becoming a concubine was probably a result of negotiation between two families, as was the case with marriage, and though this connection the women's father or/and brothers and the chieftain became allies.

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Piet, Jules. "The Self-Made Gods - L’évhémérisme dans les œuvres de Saxo Grammaticus et de Snorri Sturluson." Les lieux de rencontre - Circulation des savoirs autour de la mer Baltique du Moyen Âge au début du XXe siècle 45 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11nqe.

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Adalsteinsson, Gisli. "Maurizio Tani, La chiesa di Akureyri: Guida storico-artistica alla parrocchiale luterana della «capitale del nord» (Grafarvogur: Snorri Sturluson, 2010)." Nordicum-Mediterraneum 8, no. 1 (2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/nm.8.1.18.

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Allport, Ben. "The Prehistory of Frá Fornjóti ok hans ættmönnum: Connections with the Chronicon Lethrense and their Consequences." Neophilologus, June 2, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11061-021-09723-4.

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AbstractThe Old Norse origin myth known as Frá Fornjóti ok hans ættmönnum, which claims that Norway was founded by a pair of brothers named Nórr and Górr, is preserved in two distinct variants in the late fourteenth-century Icelandic manuscript known as Flateyjarbók. One variant, Fundinn Noregr, forms the preface to Orkneyinga saga and had therefore come into existence by c. 1230, whereas the other, Hversu Noregr byggðist, is not attested before c. 1290. Most scholars have argued that Hversu Noregr byggðist is a derivative of Fundinn Noregr, which was created to preface Orkneyinga saga by the Icelandic scholar Snorri Sturluson. This article draws attention to hitherto-undocumented parallels between both variants of Frá Fornjóti and a twelfth-century Latin text known as the Chronicon Lethrense or Lejre Chronicle. To explain these parallels, a new hypothesis for the pre-history of Frá Fornjóti is formulated: that both variants are independent witnesses to an earlier version of the myth which drew upon the Chronicon Lethrense or a shared model. This hypothesis is tested against arguments supporting the consensus that regards Fundinn Noregr as the original, taking the myth’s ideological underpinnings and analogues in Old Norse literature into account. It is suggested that the hypothesis best explains patterns of shared wording revealed by close comparative readings of passages in both variants, Orkneyinga saga, and other contemporary Old Norse texts. The article concludes with speculation about the context in which a previous version of the myth might have been composed.

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