Journal articles on the topic 'Sociabilités locales'

Cet article vise à étudier la manière dont les collectifs de jardins partagés, très homogènes, notamment socialement, s’intègrent dans les sociabilités de leurs adhérents et participent ainsi à la construction de réseaux locaux solides. Il s’appuie sur une enquête qualitative mêlant observation participante, questionnaires et entretiens semi-directifs, et menée au sein de deux jardins partagés de la région francilienne. Les résultats montrent que les réseaux locaux créés par les jardiniers sont mobilisés pour la solidarité et le soutien qu’ils leur apportent, mais également comme une ressource leur permettant de se positionner à l’échelle d’un quartier et d’y exercer une influence quant aux représentations qui y sont associées et aux pratiques qui s’y déploient. Ces réseaux viennent par le fait même renforcer des inégalités existant dans le corps social quant aux capacités à investir et s’approprier un espace.

L’article propose une analyse d’un recueil manuscrit de poèmes rédigé par un officier français inconnu, prisonnier dans le gouvernement de Courlande après la guerre de 1812. Les poésies de circonstance relèvent du style troubadour, entré à la mode au début du XIXe siècle. Les textes du recueil témoignent de l’engagement du prisonnier dans la sociabilité locale et ses bons contacts avec les élites de la région. La compréhension entre l’auteur et ses hôtes repose sur l’intérêt commun pour le livre, la littérature française et la maîtrise des normes de sociabilité conçues par la culture aristocratique française et adoptées dans l’Empire de Russie au tournant du XIXe siècle. À la suite du dialogue poétique, surgit une identité de groupe particulière. Transmise dans la langue internationale de l’Europe, cette identité ne contredit pas les sentiments patriotiques, ni ne gêne l’expression du caractère national.

Abstract.Studies of the local organizations of Canadian political parties often neglect those organizations' small leadership groups, the local executives. This article explores and develops a classification of constituency association executives. Interviews and participant observation in the Liberal party's constituency associations reveal that executives differ in their personnel, internal relations, organization, leadership and permeability. The result of this analysis is the development of two distinct types of executives: professional and sociable. Preliminary analysis suggests that political factors—local electoral strength and the presence of members of Parliament—play a crucial role in determining the development of professional executives.Résumé.L'étude des organisations locales des partis politiques canadiens tend à négliger le leadership de ces petites organisations, soit les comités exécutifs de comté. Cet article explore le sujet et établit une classification de ces comités. La conduite d'entrevues et une observation participative au sein des associations de circonscription du Parti libéral révèlent que les comités exécutifs diffèrent dans leur gestion des ressources humaines, leurs relations internes, leur organisation, leur leadership et leur perméabilité. Les résultats de ces analyses permettent de dégager deux types de comité exécutif de comté, soit le type social et le type professionnel. Des analyses préliminaires permettent aussi de suggérer que des facteurs politiques – la force du parti dans la circonscription et la présence d'un élu au Parlement – jouent un rôle crucial dans la formation d'un comité exécutif de type professionnel.

Le vieillissement dans les territoires ruraux engage une double problématique démographique et territoriale. Les modalités du vieillir dans ces espaces se distinguent nettement de ceux des aires urbaines. Qu’il s’agisse des pratiques sociales du quotidien, des formes d’expression des sociabilités ou des solidarités ou encore des manières d’être intégré et de participer à la vie locale, qu’il s’agisse du sens conféré aux différentes étapes et épreuves de l’avancée en âge, des régularités sont observables, qui ne sont que nuancées par les trajectoires sociales antérieures des individus. Les cadres territoriaux, fonctionnant comme systèmes de ressources et de contraintes, et le territoire, fonctionnant comme lieu anthropologique, contribuent à l’agencement des parcours du vieillir. Un système d’influences croisées entre les populations et les territoires se développe alors. Les modalités de l’action publique s’avèrent également empreintes de ces « effets de milieu » que nous nous proposons de définir.

Résumé Cet article propose de suivre l’ itinéraire d’ un missionnaire français installé à Istanbul à la fin de la période ottomane en se concentrant sur les stratégies urbaines employées au cours de sa mission, qui lui ont permis de s’ installer durablement dans la capitale ottomane. Le père Lobry apparaît en effet comme un entrepreneur urbain au service des lazaristes et d’ autres missions catholiques à Istanbul. Il impose une vision de l’ espace concentrée sur la moralité et les frontières entre les missionnaires et la ville, pratique des contournements du cadre juridique ottoman et promeut des sociabilités transnationales dans les établissements qu’ il administre. Il paraît ainsi judicieux de le traiter comme une figure locale d’ Istanbul, procédant comme d’ autres autorités de ce milieu, à la recherche d’ un contrôle de l’ espace urbain.

The article presents an analytical concept, the Constitution of Accessibility through Meaning of Public Places (CAMPP) model. The CAMPP model distinguishes different manifestations of public places according to how they facilitate and restrict communication between urbanites. It describes public places along two analytical dimensions: their degree of perceived accessibility and the elaboration of knowledge necessary to participate in place-related activities. Three patterns of communicative interaction result from these dimensions: civil inattention, small talk, and sociability. We employ the CAMPP model as an analytical tool to investigate how digital annotations affect communicative patterns and perceptions of accessibility of public places. Based on empirical observations and interviews with users of smartphone apps that provide digital annotations, such as Foursquare City Guide, we observe that digital annotations tend to reflect and reinforce existing patterns of communication and rarely evoke changes in the perceived accessibility of public places.

L’histoire du quotidien, sous ses diverses formes, a investi desproblèmes forts différents selon les époques et les courants. L’histoiredes mentalités à la française demeurait dans l’abstraction, mais d’autres écoles,italienne, allemande ou britannique, proposaient un retour vers l’individu,citoyen banal confronté aux multiples et menues exigences de tous les jours.L’histoire religieuse québécoise ne fut pas à part de cet élan. Explorant lesarchives qui évoquaient la vie ordinaire des paroisses, elle décrivit une religionconcrète, inséparable du jeu général de la sociabilité locale. Une secondehistoire du quotidien est possible cependant, qui cherche non pas à faire sensdes événements les plus habituels, mais entend produire une histoire de lacatégorie et de son incorporation. Il s’agit en fait d’un retour vers la structureet son évolution, celle du temps défini, représenté, expérimenté sur le modede la répétition. Dans cette perspective, l’histoire religieuse a égalementbeaucoup à apporter.

Les Ebriés1 ont adopté les églises Harriste, Méthodiste et Catholique, devenues des patrimoines culturels religieux. En dépit du contrôle social mis en œuvre pour y maintenir les fidèles, nombreux sont les Ebrié, qui ont opté pour les églises Évangéliques, ce qui a occasionné des conflits à Anono, M’Badon et Blockhaus. Cette étude analyse les conflits liés aux pratiques religieuses et leurs conséquences dans lesdits villages. La méthodologie de recherche, essentiellement qualitative, s’appuie sur 30 personnes interrogées au moyen d’un guide d’entretien semi-directif et d’une grille d’observation. L’étude présente les résultats de terrain. Elle indique d’abord que les pratiques religieuses à Anono, M’Badon et Blockhaus sont le sceau d’une affiliation à des religions révélées et une fidélité à une tradition locale. L’article montre ensuite les conflits de leadership pour l’appropriation et la structuration sociale des espaces villageois, les conflits de perception des pratiques culturelles et christianisées. Enfin, l’étude explique les conséquences, dont la reconstruction identitaire (recomposition de la gouvernance politique, sociale et culturelle, rupture de la sociabilité familiale et communautaire) liées aux conflits dans ces espaces sociaux. The Ebriés adopted the Harrist, Methodist and Catholic churches, which became religious cultural heritages. Despite the social control implemented to keep the faithful there, many are the Ebrié, who opted for the Evangelical churches, which caused conflicts in Anono, M’badon and Blockhaus. This study analyzes the conflicts linked to religious practices and their consequences in the said villages. The research methodology, which is essentially qualitative, is based on 30 people interviewed using a semistructured interview guide and an observation grid. The study presents the results from the field. First, it indicates that the religious practices at Anono, M’badon and Blockhaus are the seal of an affiliation with revealed religions and a fidelity to a local tradition. The article then shows the leadership conflicts for the appropriation and social structuring of village spaces, the conflicts of perception of cultural and Christianized practices. Finally, the study explains the consequences, including identity reconstruction (recomposition of political, social and cultural governance, breakdown of family and community sociability) linked to conflicts in these social spaces.

L’embourgeoisement des quartiers centraux a fait couler beaucoup d’encre au cours des dernières décennies. Le rôle joué par les familles dans les processus de transformations des quartiers demeure cependant méconnu. Nous étudions les transformations du quartier Ahuntsic comme quartier péricentral montréalais, un type de quartier en transformation peu exploré dans la littérature, face à l’arrivée de familles avec de jeunes enfants. Les résultats présentés sont le fruit d’une enquête conduite à Ahuntsic entre 2010 et 2012 où ont été menées : 1) une trentaine d’observations d’espaces publics (parcs, installations sportives, centres communautaires et bibliothèques) ; 2) plus d’une quarantaine d’entrevues courtes avec des résidents et usagers de ces espaces ; ainsi que 3) plus d’une vingtaine d’entrevues approfondies auprès de familles avec de jeunes enfants. L’arrivée de familles avec de jeunes enfants participe à la transformation du quartier à travers leur occupation de l’espace public, leurs habitudes de consommation et leurs relations sociales. Deux principaux changements sont observés. Premièrement, les familles ont des attentes spécifiques à l’égard des commerces, des parcs et des installations sportives dans le quartier. Deuxièmement, elles ont des rapports de voisinage et des pratiques de sociabilité quotidienne qui altèrent les dynamiques locales et participent au maintien de leur mode de vie urbain, précédant l’arrivée des enfants. Les changements qu’occasionne l’arrivée de familles avec de jeunes enfants invitent à repenser la place et le rôle des familles dans les quartiers péricentraux, de même qu’à une production renouvelée et inclusive de la ville.

Despite the fading cultural value as a Chinatown, the relationship of the society and its public space is a form of a natural phenomenon that is inseparable. The changing functions of public space in Malaysia were identified to decrease the quality of social and cultural activities in Petaling Street. Therefore, this study aims to explore urban public spaces as the main social driver in crating interaction in Petaling Street, Kuala Lumpur. The relationship between attributes of the urban public space and visitor retention were analyzed in this study. In terms of social interaction, the user activities were interrelated with the sociability of the urban space. The questionnaire survey was selected as the main medium for data collection distributed to the visitors and locals within the Klang Valley who have visited Petaling Street Chinatown. A total of 150 respondents involved and the analysis shows that street furniture does affect their preferences in an urban public space. Furthermore, the time spent by respondents will increase depending on the external factors such as weather and aesthetics. On the other hand, the internal factor that contributes to the number of visitors in Petaling Street Chinatown is their accompanying traveler which in the context of a solo traveler, the street should be celebrated with vibrancy.

Objective: The study aim was to investigate the differences and prediction of post-traumatic stress disorder (further PTSD) by trait emotional intelligence (further EI) and its four factors (well-being, self-control, sociability, and emotionality) of two specific groups. Method: Research groups were immigrants coming to Slovakia from Turkey (N=104, Mage=35.4 years, /SD=10.2/) and national majority of the Slovaks living in Slovakia (N=264, Mage=33.2 years /SD=11.9/). PTSD was assessed by PCL-5 (PTSD Checklist for DSM-5, Weathers et al., 2013), and trait EI by Trait Emotional Intelligence Questionnaire-Short Form (TEIQue-SF; Petrides 2009) modified and adapted to Turkish and Slovak population. Results: T-test analysis and effect size estimation proved a higher level of PTSD for Turks in comparison to the locals (p≤.001; d=.54), though no differences were proved in trait EI and its four factors. Correlation and regression analysis revealed the higher level of trait EI is significantly related to lower level of PTSD (strong relations for the immigrants). Global trait EI level predicts significantly to a certain extent PTSD in both groups (for the Turks 54%, F (1,103) = 119.627, p≤.001), for the Slovaks 16%, F (1,263) = 50.526, p≤.001). Self-control was the only significant moderate predictor in both groups (p≤.001) whilst controlling for the other EI factors. Conclusions: The study emphasizes the need to educate, facilitate and support any man´s emotion-related personality traits, especially self-control skills, as a form of PTSD prevention.

TERRITORIAL PLANNING AND CREATION OF RUC: geographic reading from the impacts from the Baixão do Tufi in Altamira – ParáORDENACIÓN TERRITORIAL Y CREACIÓN DE LOS RUC: una lectura geográfica a partir de los impactos en el Baixão del Tufi en Altamira – ParáNo trabalho, objetiva-se mostrar como materializam-se estratégias de ordenamento territorial como condição para a construção de grandes projetos hidroelétricos na Amazônia, com estratégias de reassentamento da população atingida em espaços de sociabilidade comum (Reassentamentos Urbanos Coletivos – RUC). O estudo de caso e análise documental, vinculados aos moradores do antigo espaço do Baixão do Tufi, zona urbana de Altamira/PA, ratificou que tais políticas desestruturam as redes territoriais locais, os nexos com o lugar, e imprimiram novas lógicas de desigualdade que consolidam a instrumentalização do território e a marginalização da população local. Por isso, problematizar os documentos oficiais (Plano Básico Ambiental e Estudo de Impacto Ambiental) que são base para desenvolvimento das condicionantes e construção da obra é fundamental para se propor uma geografia para o desenvolvimento socioespacial local (re)pensando o ordenamento territorial por causa das individualidades de cada lugar.Palavras-chave: Usina Hidroelétrica; Amazônia; Reassentamento Urbano.ABSTRACTThe objective of this paper is to show how territorial planning strategies materialize as a condition for the construction of large hydroelectric projects in the Amazon, with strategies for resettlement of the affected population in spaces of common sociability (Collective Urban Resettlements - RUC). The case study and documentary analysis, linked to the inhabitants of the former Baffin do Tufi area, urban area of Altamira / PA, ratified that such policies de-structured local territorial networks, the nexuses with the place, and printed new logics of inequality that consolidate the exploitation of the territory and the marginalization of the local population. Therefore, to problematize the official documents (Basic Environmental Plan and Environmental Impact Study) that are basis for the development of the conditions and construction of the work is fundamental to propose a geography for the local socio-spatial development (re) thinking the territorial order because of the Individualities of each place.Keywords: Hydroelectric Plant; Amazônia; Urban Resettlement.RESUMENEn el trabajo, se pretende mostrar cómo se materializan estrategias de ordenamiento territorial como condición para la construcción de grandes proyectos hidroeléctricos en la Amazonia, con estrategias de reasentamiento de la población afectada en espacios de sociabilidad común (Rebentamientos Urbanos Colectivos - RUC). El estudio de caso y análisis documental, vinculados a los habitantes del antiguo espacio del Baixo del Tufi, zona urbana de Altamira / PA, ratificó que tales políticas desestructuran las redes territoriales locales, los nexos con el lugar, e imprimieron nuevas lógicas de desigualdad que consolidan La instrumentalización del territorio y la marginación de la población local. Por eso, problematizar los documentos oficiales (Plan Básico Ambiental y Estudio de Impacto Ambiental) que son base para el desarrollo de las condicionantes y construcción de la obra es fundamental para proponer una geografía para el desarrollo socioespacial local (re) pensando el ordenamiento territorial a causa de las condiciones Individualidades de cada lugar.Palabras clave: Usina Hidroeléctrica; Amazônia; Reasentamiento Urbano.

O presente trabalho busca compreender quais os fundamentos da Educação em Direitos Humanos (EDH) na América Latina, identificando as possíveis rupturas e continuidades com o projeto social delineado na Modernidade. O artigo parte da ideia que a sociabilidade moderna formou as bases das práticas educativas contemporâneas latino-americanas, que têm como elementos a emancipação humana através da produção racional e universal do conhecimento, economia capitalista e Estado centralizado. No percurso investigativo realizado, entende-se que por não serem monolíticos, o conjunto de ideias, valores e crenças que formam a Modernidade apresentam tensões e conflitos internos, os quais não impediram o surgimento de um pensamento homogêneo e a colonização de múltiplos interesses sociais locais pela satisfação dos interesses econômicos globais. Em seguida, abordam-se os efeitos da adoção desse projeto na América Latina, marcado pela dominação direta dos colonizadores europeus, extermínio dos povos originários e sucessivos governos autoritários, emergindo práticas educativas que impedem o diálogo com o conhecimento local e a formação de cidadãos participativos. Por meio de uma abordagem qualitativa e revisão de literatura, é possível identificar que a EDH na América Latina se fundamenta na reflexão social crítica, que tem raízes nos preceitos da educação popular e movimentos sociais pró-democráticos, que buscam a ampliação da participação política popular. É possível concluir que o diálogo e a democracia são a um só tempo pré-condição e fim da prática da educação comprometida com a emancipação humana e a participação inclusiva. O desafio à manutenção de um programa permanente de EDH é a neutralização ou esvaziamento por interesses econômicos, antidemocráticos e de negação dos saberes locais. La educación en derechos humanos en América Latina: bases para una práctica educativa democrática El presente trabajo busca comprender los fundamentos de la Educación en Derechos Humanos (EDH) en América Latina, identificando las posibles rupturas y continuidades con el proyecto social perfilado en la Modernidad. El artículo parte de la idea de que la sociabilidad moderna fue la base de las prácticas educativas latinoamericanas contemporáneas, cuyos elementos son la emancipación humana a través de la producción racional y universal del conocimiento, la economía capitalista y el estado centralizado. En el camino investigativo tomado, se entiende que por no ser monolíticos, el conjunto de ideas, valores y creencias que conforman la Modernidad presenta tensiones y conflictos internos, que no impidieron el surgimiento de un pensamiento homogéneo y la colonización de múltiples intereses sociales y culturales. para la satisfacción de los intereses económicos globales. Luego, se abordan los efectos de la adopción de este proyecto en América Latina, marcado por la dominación directa de los colonizadores europeos, el exterminio de los pueblos originarios y sucesivos gobiernos autoritarios, prácticas educativas emergentes que impiden el diálogo con los saberes locales y la formación de ciudadanos participativos. A través de un enfoque cualitativo y revisión de la literatura, es posible identificar que EDH en América Latina parte de una reflexión social crítica, que tiene sus raíces en los preceptos de la educación popular, defensora del diálogo con los saberes locales y movimientos sociales prodemocráticos. , que buscan ampliar la participación popular. Es posible concluir que el diálogo y la democracia son a la vez condición previa y fin de la práctica de una educación comprometida con la emancipación humana y la participación inclusiva, y es un desafío mantener un programa permanente que no se neutralice ni se vacíe. Palabras clave: Educación en derechos humanos. América Latina. Fundamentos sociohistóricos. Democracia. Justicia social. Human rights education in Latin America: foundations for a democratic educational practice The present work seeks to understand the fundamentals of Human Rights Education (HRE) in Latin America, identifying the possible ruptures and continuities with the social project outlined in Modernity. The article starts from the idea that modern sociability formed the basis of contemporary Latin American educational practices, whose elements are human emancipation through the rational and universal production of knowledge, capitalist economy and centralized state. In the investigative path taken, it is understood that because they are not monolithic, the set of ideas, values and beliefs that make up Modernity present internal tensions and conflicts, which did not prevent the emergence of homogeneous thinking and the colonization of multiple social and cultural interests by the satisfaction of global economic interests. Then, the effects of the adoption of this project in Latin America are approached, marked by the direct domination of European colonizers, the extermination of the original peoples and successive authoritarian governments, emerging educational practices that prevent dialogue with local knowledge and the formation of participatory citizens. Through a qualitative approach and literature review, it is possible to identify that HRE in Latin America starts from a critical social reflection, which has its roots in the precepts of popular education and pro-democratic social movements, which seek to expand popular political participation. It is possible to conclude that dialogue and democracy are both a precondition and an end to the practice of education committed to human emancipation and inclusive participation. The challenge for maintaining a permanent HRE program is its neutralization or emptying due to economic, anti-democratic interests and the denial of local knowledge. Keywords: Human rights education. Latin America. Socio-historical foundations. Democracy. Social justice.

This article shows through a female worker life history in Béjar, named Lucía García Hernández, an ordinariness story during post-war time in a rural community located in Salamanca. Through this oral source interpretation and also through the historical events that happenned in the fourties and in the fifties in Béjar, this articles intends to explore how local authorities from Francoism and Catholic church imposed the representations of national identity. Straight ahead the dictatorship power, this paper examines from the history from below approach the different attitudes and social behaviours from the textile female workers in Béjar and also the Catholic female mobilization concerning to these ones, specially on morality issue. For that purpose, special emphasis is placed upon common experiences from gender, class, race and age notions. Finally, this article examines some of the sociabilities from the Catholic Workers Action, “grey places” where female and male labor force experienced a different way of religiousness and shared ordinariness happenings related to labour factories and fam-ily difficulties during the Spanish post-war.

L'anthropologie en tant que discipline scientifique s'est institutionnalisée de manière concomitante à l'affirmation de l'État-nation, aux entreprises coloniales et au souci politique de comprendre et gérer ces diversités censées menacer la cohésion sociale et la légitimité des institutions centrales: 'paysans', 'criminels', 'sauvages', 'indigènes' deviennent à la fois des objets de connaissance et de régulation. La question de la frontière s'est donc posée à double titre : à l'intérieur, dans la démarcation entre cultures savantes et cultures populaires, entre « modernité » et « survivances folkloriques », entre majorité et minorités, et à l'extérieur, dans le rapport aux sujets coloniaux. Toutes les anthropologies ont ainsi face au rapport « centre-périphérie », avec le souci de donner voix à des populations inécoutées, même si parfois cette opération a contribué à les constituer comme « autres ». Mais l'anthropologie a également contribué à montrer le caractère dynamique des frontières, leur épaisseur dense de toutes les potentialités du désordre, de l'informel (Van Gennep 1922; Douglas 1966; Turner 1969) et de la créativité culturelle (→) : en définissant les limites d'un système ou d'un monde, la frontière peut devenir le centre d'un autre. Une buffer-zone peut se constituer en État; dans les friches urbaines des quartiers, des sociabilités, des rituels inédits prennent forme; dans les frontières se donne à voir le caractère non essentialiste, négocié et performatif des identifications ethniques (Barth 1969). Le transnationalisme, la déterritorialisation, les flux de personnes, technologies, finances, imaginaires, marchandises accentuent ce processus et engendrent des réalités segmentées (Appadurai 1996): fractures et frontières dessinent des zones de contact (Pratt 1992) où le jeu des interactions produit aussi bien des pratiques et des imaginaires spécifiques, que des conflits et des relations de pouvoir. Par les frontières, le pouvoir se rend visible que ce soit par des stratégies de définition du centre, que par leur corollaire, la mise en marge et la création de discontinuités : « Une anthropologie des frontières analyse comment nations, groupes ethniques, religions, États et d'autres forces et institutions se rencontrent et négocient les conditions réciproques, dans un territoire où toutes les parties en cause s'attendent à rencontrer l'autre, un autre de toute manière construit par nous » (Donnan et Wilson, 1998 : 11). Pour les populations jadis colonisées, migrantes ou diasporiques, vivre la frontière, la porter en soi, constitue le jalon de stratégies identitaires et donne accès à un espace tiers (→) où on compose entre les enracinements à une patrie déterritorialisée et de nouvelles appartenances (Bhabha 1994; Pian 2009). Ce sujet qui se construit dans une situation de frontière n’est toutefois pas la prérogative de populations déplacées. Comme nous le rappelle Agier (2013), il constitue le soubassement d’une condition cosmopolite, au cœur de laquelle, la frontière devient l’espace, le temps et le rituel d’une relation. La frontière est centrale car elle nous rappelle concrètement qu’il n’y a pas de monde commun sans altérité : « pour l’anthropologie de la condition cosmopolite, il s’agit de transformer l’étranger global, invisible et fantomatique, celui que les politiques identitaires laissent sans voix, en une altérité proche et relative » (Agier 2013 : 206). Dans cette anthropologie qui déjoue le piège identitaire (Brubaker et Cooper 2000) et le refus de l’autre, connaissance et reconnaissance (→) vont ensemble. Cette liminarité féconde est au cœur d'une anthropologie non-hégémonique. Mais loin d'en constituer uniquement un objet d'étude, elle désigne également une posture épistémologique. Elle nous invite à déplacer le regard du centre aux marges des lieux de production intellectuelle, à en interroger la créativité, à analyser comment les frontières entre savoirs sont reformulées et comment elles sont mises en œuvre dans les pratiques de recherche. Ce décentrement interroge différents niveaux: un déplacement géographique qui implique une connaissance et une valorisation de ce qui se fait en-dehors des foyers conventionnels de production et de rayonnement scientifique de la discipline. Ces productions sont parfois peu connues en raison d'une difficile compréhension linguistique, à cause d'une rareté d'échanges liée à des contextes de répression politique, ou encore par l'accès difficile au système de l'édition. Un déplacement du regard en direction de ce qui est produit en-dehors des frontières des institutions universitaires et académiques, la professionnalisation de la discipline impliquant un essaimage des anthropologues dans les associations, dans les ONG, dans les entreprises, dans les administrations publiques. Comment, compte tenu des exigences de rigueur théorique et méthodologique de la discipline, ces productions en marge des centres de recherche institués, participent au renouvellement et à la revitalisation de l'ethnologie? Une anthropologie non hégémonique s'interroge également sur les sujets frontières de la discipline: elle est là où les limites bougent, là où une frontière en cache une autre, où les conflits éclatent, auprès d'interlocuteurs à qui le savoir officiel a longtemps nié la légitimité de parole et de subjectivité. Elle questionne une autre opération de bornage interne à sa constitution : une discipline ne se reconnaît pas uniquement pour ce qu'elle accepte à l'intérieur de ses frontières, mais aussi par ce qu'elle rejette et reformule. Ces processus d'inclusion, de purification et de catégorisation donnent lieu à des configurations spécifiques et constituent un analyseur des spécificités intellectuelles locales. Leur analyse permet aussi de s'interroger sur ces situations de croisement entre savoirs favorisant l'innovation scientifique. La tension entre anthropologies centrales et périphériques rejoint enfin la question de l'hégémonie dans les rapports entre sciences, avec tout ce que cela implique en termes de légitimité et de reconnaissance: ainsi l'opposition entre sciences 'dures' et 'molles', les paradigmes qui inspirent les dispositifs d'évaluation disciplinaire, les hégémonies linguistiques.

Society shows a double bind, as it defines adolescents´ place. This is reflected on the attitude of the educators, who understand this phase as the most critical and complex. One among the new passwords for youth is the redesigning of sociability around the so-called “urban tribes”; in other words, young people are motivated by categories that signal to being together and to a new organic solidarity. In the dynamicity of such re-appropriations by adolescents, the means of communication, specially tv, as social and cultural mediators, become new perceptual organizer and re-organizer that act upon relationships and social experiences. Who is this XXI century young person? Howdoes he live? How does he relate to the tv? What does he like?... La sociedad, al definir el lugar del adolescente, tiene ambivalencias que se reflejan en las actitudes de los educadores, que entienden esta fase como una de las más críticas y complejas. Una de las nuevas señas de la identidad juvenil es la reafirmación de la socialización en torno de las llamadas «tribus urbanas» o sea, sus motivaciones están en torno de categorías que constituyen las señales de un estar juntos, en una nueva solidaridad orgánica. En la dinámica de esas reapropiaciones por los jóvenes, los medios de comunicación, en especial la televisión, como una de las mediaciones sociales y culturales, constituyen un nuevo organizador perceptivo y un reorganizador de relaciones y experiencias sociales. ¿Quién es ese joven del siglo XXI? ¿Cómo vive? ¿Cómo es que el se relaciona con la televisión y el cine? ¿Cuáles son sus predilecciones? Son interrogantes que nos llevaron a querer escuchar, mirar y conocer quién es el adolescente, que muchas veces no logra comunicarse con el adulto. Conocerlos más de cerca, por medio de sus ojos y de sus relaciones con los medios, nos permitió diferentes formas de interpretación de su día a día para la comprensión de los significados atribuidos a las situaciones locales y eventos y consecuentemente establecer espacios de aprendizaje, de dialogo y comunicación con los sujetos escolares para mejor entender la escuela actual. Por tanto, trajimos datos de investigaciones por nosotros realizadas (en escuelas básicas de Pelotas/RS y SP/SP Brasil) con adolescentes que nos proporcionaran reflexiones acerca de sus intereses, relaciones e interacciones con la televisión, cine y con la sociedad en general. Para recoger datos, utilizamos la observación participante, el cuestionario, la entrevista no estructurada y la realización de vivencias, con los adolescentes con los medios, en especial, con la TV y el Cine. Las experiencias con los medios de comunicación tienen por objetivo contribuir para la motivación, funcionar como preparación y, sobre todo, provocar la reflexión en los adolescentes. Así los datos nos proporcionarán conocer y actuar de acuerdo con la realidad de estos jóvenes que tienen tantas cosas para contarnos y muchas veces no les son ofrecidos los espacios ni el tiempo necesario. Comprender lo que los movilizan y las actividades con las cuales se envuelven es una forma de que nosotros profesores e investigadores tengamos elementos para el ejercicio de la docencia y de la ciudadanía, en el contexto de nuestra actuación.

This article makes a case for the everyday while on tour and argues that the ability to continue with everyday routines and social relationships, while at the same time moving through and staying in liminal or atypical zones of tourist locales, is a key part of some kinds of tourist experience. Based on ethnographic field research with grey nomads (retirees who take extended tours of Australia in caravans and motorhomes) everyday life while on tour is examined, specifically the overlap and intersection between the out-of-the-ordinary “tourist zone” and the ordinariness of the “everyday zone.” The “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” can be readily differentiated by their obvious geospatial boundaries (being at home or being away on holiday). More specifically, the “everyday zone” refers to the routines of quotidian life, or the mundane practices which make up our daily, at-home lives. These practices are closely connected with the domestic realm and include consumption practices (clothing, cooking, mass media) and everyday social interactions. The “tourist zone” is similarly concerned with consumption. In this zone, however, tourists are seen to consume places; the culture, landscape, and peoples of exotic or out-of-the-ordinary tourist locales. Needless to say this consumption of place also includes the consumption of services and objects available in the tourist destinations (Urry, “The Consuming of Place” 220). The notion of tourists being away from home has often been contrasted with constructions of home—with the dull routines of everyday life—by social scientists and tourist marketers alike in an effort to illuminate the difference between being “away” and being at “home.” Scott McCabe and Elizabeth Stokoe suggest that peoples’ notion of “home” takes into account the meaning of being away (602). That is to say that when people are away from home, as tourists for example, they often compare and contrast this with the fundamental aspects of living at home. Others, however, argue that with the widespread use of mobile communication technologies, the distinction between the notion of being at “home” and being “away” becomes less clear (White and White 91). In this sense, the notion of home or the everyday is viewed with an eye towards social relationships, rather than any specific geographical location (Jamal and Hill 77–107; Massey 59–69; Urry, “The Tourist Gaze” 2–14; White and White 88–104). It can be argued, therefore, that tourism entails a fusion of the routines and relationships associated with the everyday, as well as the liminal or atypical world of difference. This article is based on semi-structured interviews with 40 grey nomads, as well as four months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out in rural and remote Australia—in Western Australia, the Northern Territory, and South Australia. Grey nomads have been part of Australian senior culture for at least four decades. They are a relatively heterogeneous group of tourists encompassing a range of socio-economic backgrounds, preferred activities, health status, and favoured destinations (Davies et al. 40–1; Economic Development Committee 4; Holloway 117–47), as well age cohorts—including the frugal generation (1910–1932), the silent generation (1931–1946), and the baby boomer generation (1946–65). Grey nomads usually tour as spousal couples (Tourism Research Australia 26; Onyx and Leonard 387). Some of these couples live solely on government pensions while others are obviously well-resourced—touring in luxury motorhomes costing well over half a million dollars. Some prefer to bush camp in national parks and other isolated locations, and some choose to stay long term in caravan parks socialising with other grey nomads and the local community. All grey nomads, nonetheless, maintain a particularly close link with the everyday while touring. Mobile communication technologies anchor grey nomads (and other tourists) to the everyday—allowing for ready contact with existing family and friends while on tour. Grey nomads’ mobile dwellings, their caravans and motorhomes, integrate familiar domestic spaces with a touring life. The interior and exterior spaces of these mobile dwellings allow for easy enactment of everyday, domestic routines and the privatised world of adult spousal relationships. This peripatetic form of dwelling, where the dwelling itself accommodates both travel and an everyday domestic life further blurs the distinctions between the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone”. In this sense grey nomads carry out a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile; anchored in the everyday domestic life while at the same time being nomadic or geographically unstable. This blurring of the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” is attractive to senior tourists, offering them a relatively safe and comfortable incursion into tourist locales, where established routines and patterns of everyday life can be maintained. Other homes-away-from-homes such as serviced apartments, holiday homes and house swaps also offer greater connection to the everyday, but are geographically anchored to specific tourism spaces. The caravan or motorhome allows this at-home connection for the peripatetic tourist offsets the relative rigours of outback touring in remote and rural Australia. Everyday Social Relationships in the “Tourist Zone” When tourists go away from home, they are usually thought of as being away from both place (home) and relationships (family and friends). Nowadays, however, being away from home does not necessarily mean being away from family and friends. This is because the ease and speed of today’s telecommunication technologies allows for instantaneous contact with family and friends back home—or the virtual co-presence of family and friends while being away on tour. In the past, those friends and relations who were geographically isolated from each other still enjoyed social contact via letters and telegrams. Such contacts, however, occurred less frequently and message delivery took time. Long distance telephone calls were also costly and therefore used sparingly. These days, telecommunication technologies such as mobile phones and the Internet, as well as the lower cost of landline phone calls, mean that everyday social contact does not need to be put on hold. Keeping in contact is now a comparatively fast, inexpensive, and effortless activity and socialising with distant friends and relatives is now a routine activity (Larsen 24). All grey nomads travel with a mobile phone device, either a digital mobile, Next G or satellite phone (Obst, Brayley and King 8). These phones are used to routinely keep in contact with family and friends, bringing with them everyday familial relationships while on tour. “We ring the girls. We’ve got two daughters. We ring them once a week, although if something happens Debbie [daughter] will ring us” (Teresa). Grey nomads also take advantage of special deals or free minutes when they scheduled weekly calls to family or friends. “I mainly [use] mobile, then I ring, because I’ve got that hour, free hour” (Helen). E-mail is also a favoured way of keeping in contact with family and friends for some grey nomads. This is because the asynchronicity of e-mail interaction is very convenient as they can choose the times when they pick up and send messages. “Oh, thank goodness for the e-mail” (Pat). Maintaining social contact with family and friends at a distance is not necessarily as straightforward as when grey nomads and other tourists are at home. According to discussants in this study and the Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee, mobile phone coverage within Australia is still rather patchy when outside major metropolitan areas. Consequently, the everyday task of kin keeping via the phone can be somewhat intermittent, especially for those grey nomads who spend a great deal of time outside major towns in rural and remote Australia. “You can never get much [reception] but [...] they can just ring the mobile and just leave a message and we will get that message [later]” (Rena). Similarly, using the Internet to e-mail family and friends and catch up with online banking can only be carried out when passing through larger towns. “I do it [using the Internet] like every major town we went through. I’d stop and do a set of e-mails and I used to do my banking” (Maureen). The intermittent phone coverage in remote and rural Australia was not always viewed as an inconvenience by discussants in this study. This is because continuing engagement with family and friends while on tour may leave little respite from the ongoing obligations or any difficulties associated with family and friends back home, and encroach on the leisure and relaxation associated with grey nomad touring. “I don’t want the phone to ring […] That’s one thing I can do without, the phone ringing, especially at 4:00 in the morning” (Rena). In this way, too much co-presence, in the form of mobile phone calls from family and friends, can be just as much a nuisance when away from home as when at home—and impinge on the feeling of “being away from it all.” Naomi White and Peter White also suggest that “being simultaneously home and away is not always experienced in a positive light” (98) and at times, continued contact (via the phone) with friends and family while touring is not satisfying or enjoyable because these calls reiterate the “dynamics evident in those that are [usually] geographically proximate” (100). Thus, while mobile communication technologies are convenient tools for grey nomads and other tourists which blur the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zones” in useful and pleasurable ways, their overuse may also encroach on tourists’ away time, thus interfering with their sense of solitude and quiescence when touring in remote or rural Australia. The “Everyday Zone” of the Caravan or Motorhome Being a tourist involves “everyday practices, ordinary places and significant others, such as family members and friends, but co-residing and at-a-distance” (Larsen 26). While tourism involves some sense of liminality, in reality, it is interspersed with the actuality of the everyday routines and sociabilities enacted while touring. Tim Edensor notes that; Rather than transcending the mundane, most forms of tourism are fashioned by culturally coded escape attempts. Moreover, although suffused with notions of escape from normativity, tourists carry quotidian habits and responses with them: they are part of the baggage. (61) Grey nomads go further than this by bringing on tour with them a domestic space in which everyday routines and sociabilities are sustained. Travelling in this manner “makes possible, and probably encourages, greater continuity with everyday routine than many other kinds of holiday making” (Southerton et al. 6). To be able to sleep in your own bed with your own pillow and linen, or perhaps travel with your dogs, makes caravanning and motorhoming an attractive touring option for many people. Thus, the use of caravans or motorhomes when travelling brings with it a great deal of mobile domesticity while on tour. The caravan or motorhome is furnished with most of the essentially-domestic objects and technologies to enable grey nomads to sleep, eat, relax, and be entertained in a manner similar to that which they enjoy in the family home, albeit within smaller dimensions. Lorna: We have shower, toilet. We had microwave, stereo. We have air conditioning and heating.Eric: Yeah, reverse cycle air conditioning.Lorna: Reverse cycle. What else do we have?Eric: Hot water service. Gas or 240 volt. 12 volt converter in that, which is real good, it runs your lights, runs everything like that. You just hook it into the main power and it converts it to 12 volt. Roll out awning plus the full annex.Lorna: Full annex. What else do we have? There’s a good size stove in it. The size of caravans and motorhomes means that many domestic tasks often take less time or are simplified. Cleaning the van takes a lot less time and cooking often becomes simplified, due to lack of bench and storage space. Women in particular like this aspect of grey nomad travel. “It is great. Absolutely. You don’t have toilets to clean, you don’t have bathrooms to clean. Cooking your meals are easier because everything is all […] Yeah. It’s more casual” (Sonya). This touring lifestyle also introduces new domestic routines, such as emptying chemical toilets, filling water tanks, towing and parking the van and refilling gas tanks, for example. Nonetheless grey nomads, spend significantly less time on these domestic tasks when they are touring. In this sense, the caravan or motorhome brings with it the comforts and familiarity of home, while at the same time minimising the routine chores involved in domestic life. With the core accoutrements of everyday life available, everyday activities such as doing the dishes, watching television, preparing and eating a meal—as well as individual hobbies and pastimes—weave themselves into a daily life that is simultaneously home and away. This daily life, at home in the caravan or motorhome, brings with it possibilities of a domestic routinised lifestyle—one that provides welcome comfort and familiarity when travelling and a retreat from the demands of sightseeing. On the farm I used to make jam and cakes, so I do it again [in the caravan]. I make jam, I made marmalade a couple of weeks ago. We’d often stay home [in the caravan], I’d just clean or do a bit of painting. (Jenny) Touring in a caravan or motorhome allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. “We go for a long walk. We come back and we see friends and we stop and have a coffee with them, and then you come home in the caravan at 2.30 and you can still have lunch” (Yvonne). Touring in a caravan or motorhome also frees grey nomads from dependence on prearranged tourist experiences such as organised tours or hotel meal times where much of the tourist experience can be regimented. We always went in hotels and you always had to dress up, and you had to eat before a certain time, and you had your breakfast before a certain time. And after 2.30 you can’t have lunch anymore and sometimes we have lunch at 2 o’clock. I like the caravan park [better]. (Donald) Despite the caravan or motorhome having close links with everyday life and the domestic realm, its ready mobility offers a greater sense of autonomy while touring: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place or timetable, and can move on at whim. Grey nomads often cross paths with other tourists dependent on guided bus tours. “They go in [to Kakadu] on a bus trip. All they do is go in on the main road, they’re in there for the day and there’re back. That’s absolutely ridiculous” (Vance). This autonomy, or freedom to structure their own tourist experiences, allows grey nomads the opportunity to travel at a leisurely pace. Even those grey nomads who travel to the same northern destination every year take their time and enjoy other tourist locations along the way. We take our time. This time, last time, we did three weeks before we got in [to] Broome. We spent a lot [of time] in Karratha but also in Geraldton. And when we came back, in Kalbarri, [we had] a week in Kalbarri. But it’s nice going up, you know. You go all through the coast, along the coast. (John) Caravan or motorhome use, therefore, provides for a routinised everyday life while at the same time allowing a level of autonomy not evident in other forms of tourism—which rely more heavily on pre-booking accommodation and transport options. These contradictory aspects of grey nomad travel, an everyday life of living in a caravan or motorhome coupled with freedom to move on in an independent manner, melds the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone” in a manner appealing to many grey nomads. Conclusion Theories of tourism tend to pay little attention to the aspects of tourism that involve recurrent activities and an ongoing connectedness with everyday life. Tourism is often defined: by contrasting it to home geographies and everydayness: tourism is what they are not. [...] The main focus in such research is on the extraordinary, on places elsewhere. Tourism is an escape from home, a quest for more desirable and fulfilling places. (Larsen 21) Nonetheless, tourism involves everyday routines, everyday spaces and an everyday social life. Grey nomads find that mobile phones and the Internet make possible the virtual co-presence of family and friends allowing everyday relationships to continue while touring. Nonetheless, the pleasure of ongoing contact with distant family and friends while touring may at times encroach on the quietude or solitude grey nomads experienced when touring remote and rural Australia. In addition to this, grey nomads’ caravans and motorhomes are equipped with the many comforts and domestic technologies of home, making for the continuance of everyday domiciliary life while on tour, further obfuscating the boundaries between the “tourist zone” and the “everyday zone.” In this sense grey nomads lead a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile. This anchoring involves dwelling in everyday spaces, carrying out everyday domestic and social routines, as well as maintaining contact with friends and family via mobile communication technologies. This anchoring allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. Conversely, the ready mobility of the caravan or motorhome offers a sense of autonomy: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place and can move on at whim. This peripatetic form of dwelling, where the dwelling itself is the catalyst for both travel and an everyday domestic life, is an under researched area. Mobile dwellings such as caravans, motorhomes, and yachts, constitute dwellings that are anchored in the everyday yet unfixed to any one locale. References Davies, Amanda, Matthew Tonts, and Julie Cammell. Coastal Camping in the Rangelands: Emerging Opportunities for Natural Resource Management. Perth: Rangelands WA, 2009. 24 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.rangelandswa.com.au/pages/178/publications›. Economic Development Committee. Inquiry into Developing Queensland’s Rural and Regional Communities through Grey Nomad Tourism. Brisbane: Queensland Parliament, 2011. 23 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.parliament.qld.gov.au/Documents/TableOffice/TabledPapers/2011/5311T3954.pdf›. Edensor, Tim. “Performing Tourism, Staging Tourism: (Re)Producing Tourist Space and Practice.” Tourist Studies 1 (2001): 59–81. Holloway, Donell. Grey Nomads: Retirement, Leisure and Travel in the Australian Context. PhD diss. Edith Cowan University: Perth, 2010. Jamal, Tanzin, and Steve Hill. “The Home and the World: (Post) Touristic Spaces of (in) Authenticity.” The Tourist as a Metaphor of The Social World. Ed. Graham Dann. Wallingford: CAB International, 2002. 77–107. Larsen, Jonas. “De-Exoticizing Tourist Travel: Everyday Life and Sociality on the Move.” Leisure Studies 27 (2008): 21–34. Massey, Doreen. “Power-Geometry and a Progressive Sense of Place.” Mapping the Futures: Local Cultures, Global Change. Eds. Jon Bird et al. London: Routeledge, 1993. 59–69. McCabe, Scott, and Elizabeth Stokoe. “Place and Identity in Tourists’ Accounts.” Annals of Tourism Research 31 (2004): 601–22. Obst, Patricia L., Nadine Brayley, and Mark J. King. “Grey Nomads: Road Safety Impacts and Risk Management.” 2008 Australasian Road Safety Research, Policing and Education Conference. Adelaide: Engineers Australia, 2008. Onyx, Jenny, and Rosemary Leonard. “The Grey Nomad Phenomenon: Changing the Script of Aging.” The International Journal of Aging and Human Development 64 (2007): 381–98. Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee. Regional Telecommunications Review Report: Framework for the Future. Canberra: RTIRC, 2008. Southerton, Dale, Elizabeth Shove, Alan Warde, and Rosemary Dean. “Home from Home? A Research Note on Recreational Caravanning.” Department of Sociology, Lancaster University. 1998. 10 Jan. 2009 ‹http://www.lancs.ac.uk/fass/sociology/papers/southerton-et-al-home-from-home.pdf›. Tourism Research Australia. Understanding the Caravan industry in WA: Grey Nomads—Fast Facts. Perth, Australia: Tourism WA (n.d.). Urry, John. “The Consuming of Place.” Discourse, Communication, and Tourism. Eds. Adam Jaworski and Annette Pritchard. Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2005. 19–27. ———. The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage, 2002. White, Naomi, and Peter White. “Home and Away: Tourists in a Connected World.” Annals of Tourism Research 34 (2006): 88–104.

Imaginings of cities are powerful...imagination can be either an escape...or an act of resistance or both (Bridge and Watson 2000: 16). Imagination and the city are closely entwined for Gary Bridges and Sophie Watson who organise the relationship between the city and the imagination in two areas: how the city affects the imagination and how the city is imagined. They see that the city provides both constraints and stimulus on the imagination of all its inhabitants. From screenwriters to urban planners to policy makers to city visitors from suburbs or country towns, each person has his or her imagined city and this is reflected in the way we live (lifestyle), where we choose to live (urban versus suburban) and how we use public and private space. The effects of the city on the imagination are also apparent from the way cities are represented in film, the way they are planned and how they are produced in a range of discourses. However, these diffuse imaginations can be opposing and it these opposing imaginations that forge the distinctions between an imagined city and an urban imagination. So where is this evident? The most visible evidence is found in the use and role of public space. Both Mike Davis and George Morgan document how public space is viewed as a threat giving rise to what Davis calls defensible space and a clear demarcation between public and private space (1994, 79). Davis witnesses that this practice, when applied, results in a fortress mentality of guarded properties and walled-in private suburbs that is destroying accessible public space(1992, 226). Documenting a more sociological approach is Jane Jacobs' argument that the city and social interactions within are a street ballet (2000, 107) and Lewis Mumford's notion of urban drama (2000, 92). This sociological approach views public space as providing an opportunity for people to invest in and interact. These longstanding opposing views toward public space as either a threat or an opportunity are a large part of the urban imagination and have consequences for the way in which the city is designed and planned. General concerns on security are evident by the ever-increasing reliance on architecture to provide security. This is most noticeable in urban areas where the rise of defensible space is apparent. Defensible space can be achieved by applying a commonly accepted practice amongst urban planners known as CPTED (pronounced sep-ted and standing for Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design). CPTED recognises that proper design and effective use of the built environment can lead to a reduction in the fear and incidence of crime, and an improvement in the quality of life (Howe, http://www.cpted-watch.com, 2002). CPTED principles are built on four overlapping strategies of natural surveillance, territorial reinforcement, natural access control and target hardening. These strategies are equally apparent in urban theorists like Morgan, Davis, Bridges and Watson; indeed even Jacobs can be seen as an early pioneer of CPTED with her views on natural surveillance. However, the application of these strategies differ in the separation of public and private space and how public space is designed and planned. Davis may concede CPTED's existence as perhaps only one small component of urban theory and practice that, for the most part, he argues, ignores the existing trend of fortifying the built and natural environment: Contemporary urban theory has been strangely silent about the militarisation of city life that is so grimly visible at street level (1992, 223). For Davis, who is referring to Los Angeles, Hollywood fiction has, ironically, been more realistic and politically perceptive in its representations of the urban. And these representations support Bridge and Watson's view of how the city affects the imagination as they only extrapolate from actually existing trends (Davis 1992, 223). Davis also sees a post-Liberal Los Angeles obsessed with the physical (security systems) and collaterally with policing of social boundaries through architecture. Such developments though are not unique to LA. In Australia the use of CPTED principles, though relatively low-key, are applied to the new Brisbane Busway Stations. In this instance it is the use of natural surveillance, a design concept primarily aimed at maximising the visibility of people and space through site location (parallel to highly utilised suburban streets and a major freeway) and site design (use of glass walls and bright lighting). The application of CPTED principles indicate that the role public space plays in a community has been in the imagination of the planning fraternity and the wider public for many years. Whilst the Brisbane Busway initiative may seem tame in comparison to enfortressed LA, Morgan reveals how CPTED principles have been key to urban and suburban planners in Australia since the late-nineteenth century and involved the imposition of middle-class ideals of how and where to live. Drawing on Sydney's urban planning response to two contrasting moral panics in the late-nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Morgan locates an ironic contrast between the fear of a dense and public sociability at the turn of the [20th] century and the contemporary fear of urban crime which is based on lack of sociability in street spaces that are not occupied or controlled (1994, 80). This contrast depicts the use of public space as associated with inner urban living to the more private existence of outer suburban living which has its roots in the urban planning undertaken in the late nineteenth century. The planning at that time was a response, in the main, to middle-class fears of social ills and disease that over-crowding in the inner city were thought to produce. This same middle class further extended their influence by pushing a population outward and in the process changed the use of public space by disconnecting the existing social and cultural networks of established communities. This outward movement eventuated in suburbs that were founded on the modernist thought of progress reflected in decentralisation, growth in car ownership and a denial of traditional urban life which were seen as dissonant and unacceptable (Morgan 1994, 82). These unacceptable traditions of a gregarious street life were controlled ultimately by urban planning through the design of new suburbs that were sold as a utopian landscape that offered land ownership a concept only previously dreamt or imagined. As the populace spread and thinned out, new communities developed. These new suburban arrivals adapted similar lifestyles and a degree of homogeneity formed within the community that eventually established and then fostered a socio-psychological division between public and private personas as suburban living nurtured a more private existence (1994, 84). This division is a very real danger to Jacobs' idea of a city as a street ballet and to Mumford's notion of urban drama as it takes the view of public space as not a place to stop and interact but as a space to be used, in many cases literally, as a thoroughfare to another private destination. This use of public space is exemplified in the everyday activity of driving a private vehicle straight from work to home. And, more importantly, this use of public space has detrimental affects on the role of public space, most noticeably on streets and sidewalks a city's most public of spaces. Jacobs recognises that the key to making a neighbourhood a community and making a city livable is, first and foremost, the use and safety of the street: Streets and their sidewalks, the main public places of a city, are its most vital organs, Jacobs suggests, and if a city's streets look interesting, the city does so (107). Jacobs addresses the issue of safety as the fundamental task of a city street and sidewalk and is critical of planners, and their inability to understand that people and their subsequent activity leads to attracting even more people to use or watch a sidewalk. By indicating that nobody watches an empty street, Jacobs implies that people do not seek emptiness from an urban setting and by removing the players from the drama also means removing the audience: in this case, the street's natural observers or, in CPTED terms, the safety net that natural surveillance can provide. Despite this apparent resonance between CPTED planning and critical urban theory, there are important distinctions. Mumford's sociological view of what a city is supports Morgan's and Jacobs' views that planners often did not understand the social web of community. In questioning the role of the city as a social institution Mumford identifies a handicap in that planners have had no clear notion of the social functions of the city...(and)... derive these functions from a cursory survey of the activities and interests of the contemporary urban scene (2000, 93). The risk as witnessed with the spread of garrison-suburbia is that the physical organisation of the city may deflate the essential drama and imaginative spur that Mumford believes a city requires. When Mumford identifies that the city fosters art and is art; the city creates the theatre and is the theatre (2000, 94) he is urging that planning considers the fulfilment of people's imaginations, or put another way, their fantasies. The physical layout and organisation of a city is not an end in itself and it must not solely shelter the human body but also the human imagination; it must not simply be at the convenience of industry but must account for social and cultural needs. Or as Mumford states the physical organisation of a city, its industries and its markets, its lines of communication and traffic, must be subservient to its social needs (2000, 94). These social needs can be physically catered for by urban design if public space is approached by planners as an opportunity rather than a threat. Viewing public space as a threat has seen planning and urban design respond with defensible space and a fortress mentality that affects the imagination by playing on fear and security with a preference for separating public and private space. In contrast, by viewing public space as an opportunity, the response of planning and urban design could then deliver public space that inspires and drives the imagination through nurturing social interaction and allowing people to be legitimately active. The response by planning and urban design is then a critical one and plays a very influential role in shaping both the imagination and the material space of the lived city. References Bridge, Gary and Watson, Sophie (2000) A Companion to the City, Blackwell, Oxford, M.A. (Chapter 1, City Imaginaries). Davis, Mike (1992) City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles, Vintage, London (Chapter 4, Fortress L.A., 223-8). Howe, Dorinda R. (2002) Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design, CPTED Handbook, http://www.cpted-watch.com Jacobs, Jane (2001) (1961) The Uses of Sidewalks: Safety in R.LeGates and F.Stout (eds) The City Reader, 2nd edition, Routledge, London. 106-11. Morgan, George (1994) Actsof Enclosure: Crime and Defensible Space in Contemporary Cities, in K.Gibson & S.Watson (eds) Metroplois Now: Planning and the Urban in Contemporary Australia, Pluto, Sydney, Chapter 5. 78-90. Mumford, Lewis (2000) What is a City? in R.LeGates & F.Stout (eds) The City Reader, 2nd edition, Routledge, London. 92-6. Links http://www.cpted-watch.com Citation reference for this article MLA Style Bennett, Simon A.. "A City Divided" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/divided.php>. Chicago Style Bennett, Simon A., "A City Divided" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/divided.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Bennett, Simon A.. (2002) A City Divided. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/divided.php> ([your date of access]).

IntroductionCoffee, as a stimulant, and the spaces in which it is has been consumed, have long played a vital role in fostering communication, creativity, and sociality. This article explores the interrelationship of café space, communication, creativity, and materialism. In developing these themes, this article is structured in two parts. The first looks back to the coffee houses of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to give a historical context to the contemporary role of the café as a key site of creativity through its facilitation of social interaction, communication and information exchange. The second explores the continuation of the link between cafés, communication and creativity, through an instance from the mid-twentieth century where this process becomes individualised and is tied more intrinsically to the material surroundings of the café itself. From this, we argue that in order to understand the connection between café space and creativity, it is valuable to consider the rich polymorphic material and aesthetic composition of cafés. The Social Life of Coffee: London’s Coffee Houses While the social consumption of coffee has a long history, here we restrict our focus to a discussion of the London coffee houses of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It was during the seventeenth century that the vogue of these coffee houses reached its zenith when they operated as a vibrant site of mercantile activity, as well as cultural and political exchange (Cowan; Lillywhite; Ellis). Many of these coffee houses were situated close to the places where politicians, merchants, and other significant people congregated and did business, near government buildings such as Parliament, as well as courts, ports and other travel route hubs (Lillywhite 17). A great deal of information was shared within these spaces and, as a result, the coffee house became a key venue for communication, especially the reading and distribution of print and scribal publications (Cowan 85). At this time, “no coffee house worth its name” would be without a ready selection of newspapers for its patrons (Cowan 173). By working to twenty-four hour diurnal cycles and heightening the sense of repetition and regularity, coffee houses also played a crucial role in routinising news as a form of daily consumption alongside other forms of habitual consumption (including that of coffee drinking). In Cowan’s words, “restoration coffee houses soon became known as places ‘dasht with diurnals and books of news’” (172). Among these was the short-lived but nonetheless infamous social gossip publication, The Tatler (1709-10), which was strongly associated with the London coffee houses and, despite its short publication life, offers great insight into the social life and scandals of the time. The coffee house became, in short, “the primary social space in which ‘news’ was both produced and consumed” (Cowan 172). The proprietors of coffee houses were quick to exploit this situation by dealing in “news mongering” and developing their own news publications to supplement their incomes (172). They sometimes printed news, commentary and gossip that other publishers were not willing to print. However, as their reputation as news providers grew, so did the pressure on coffee houses to meet the high cost of continually acquiring or producing journals (Cowan 173; Ellis 185-206). In addition to the provision of news, coffee houses were vital sites for other forms of communication. For example, coffee houses were key venues where “one might deposit and receive one’s mail” (Cowan 175), and the Penny Post used coffeehouses as vital pick-up and delivery centres (Lillywhite 17). As Cowan explains, “Many correspondents [including Jonathan Swift] used a coffeehouse as a convenient place to write their letters as well as to send them” (176). This service was apparently provided gratis for regular patrons, but coffee house owners were less happy to provide this for their more infrequent customers (Cowan 176). London’s coffee houses functioned, in short, as notable sites of sociality that bundled together drinking coffee with news provision and postal and other services to attract customers (Cowan; Ellis). Key to the success of the London coffee house of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was the figure of the virtuoso habitué (Cowan 105)—an urbane individual of the middle or upper classes who was skilled in social intercourse, skills that were honed through participation in the highly ritualised and refined forms of interpersonal communication, such as visiting the stately homes of that time. In contrast to such private visits, the coffee house provided a less formalised and more spontaneous space of sociality, but where established social skills were distinctly advantageous. A striking example of the figure of the virtuoso habitué is the philosopher, architect and scientist Robert Hooke (1635-1703). Hooke, by all accounts, used the opportunities provided by his regular visits to coffee houses “to draw on the knowledge of a wide variety of individuals, from servants and skilled laborers to aristocrats, as well as to share and display novel scientific instruments” (Cowan 105) in order to explore and develop his virtuoso interests. The coffee house also served Hooke as a place to debate philosophy with cliques of “like-minded virtuosi” and thus formed the “premier locale” through which he could “fulfil his own view of himself as a virtuoso, as a man of business, [and] as a man at the centre of intellectual life in the city” (Cowan 105-06). For Hooke, the coffee house was a space for serious work, and he was known to complain when “little philosophical work” was accomplished (105-06). Sociality operates in this example as a form of creative performance, demonstrating individual skill, and is tied to other forms of creative output. Patronage of a coffee house involved hearing and passing on gossip as news, but also entailed skill in philosophical debate and other intellectual pursuits. It should also be noted that the complex role of the coffee house as a locus of communication, sociality, and creativity was repeated elsewhere. During the 1600s in Egypt (and elsewhere in the Middle East), for example, coffee houses served as sites of intensive literary activity as well as the locations for discussions of art, sciences and literature, not to mention also of gambling and drug use (Hattox 101). While the popularity of coffee houses had declined in London by the 1800s, café culture was flowering elsewhere in mainland Europe. In the late 1870s in Paris, Edgar Degas and Edward Manet documented the rich café life of the city in their drawings and paintings (Ellis 216). Meanwhile, in Vienna, “the kaffeehaus offered another evocative model of urban and artistic modernity” (Ellis 217; see also Bollerey 44-81). Serving wine and dinners as well as coffee and pastries, the kaffeehaus was, like cafés elsewhere in Europe, a mecca for writers, artists and intellectuals. The Café Royal in London survived into the twentieth century, mainly through the patronage of European expatriates and local intellectuals such as Wyndham Lewis, Ezra Pound, T. S. Elliot, and Henri Bergson (Ellis 220). This pattern of patronage within specific and more isolated cafés was repeated in famous gatherings of literary identities elsewhere in Europe throughout the twentieth century. From this historical perspective, a picture emerges of how the social functions of the coffee house and its successors, the espresso bar and modern café, have shifted over the course of their histories (Bollerey 44-81). In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the coffee house was an important location for vibrant social interaction and the consumption and distribution of various forms of communication such as gossip, news, and letters. However, in the years of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the café was more commonly a site for more restricted social interaction between discrete groups. Studies of cafés and creativity during this era focus on cafés as “factories of literature, inciters to art, and breeding places for new ideas” (Fitch, The Grand 18). Central in these accounts are bohemian artists, their associated social circles, and their preferred cafés de bohème (for detailed discussion, see Wilson; Fitch, Paris Café; Brooker; Grafe and Bollerey 4-41). As much of this literature on café culture details, by the early twentieth century, cafés emerge as places that enable individuals to carve out a space for sociality and creativity which was not possible elsewhere in the modern metropolis. Writing on the modern metropolis, Simmel suggests that the concentration of people and things in cities “stimulate[s] the nervous system of the individual” to such an extent that it prompts a kind of self-preservation that he terms a “blasé attitude” (415). This is a form of “reserve”, he writes, which “grants to the individual a [certain] kind and an amount of personal freedom” that was hitherto unknown (416). Cafés arguably form a key site in feeding this dynamic insofar as they facilitate self-protectionism—Fitch’s “pool of privacy” (The Grand 22)—and, at the same time, produce a sense of individual freedom in Simmel’s sense of the term. That is to say, from the early-to-mid twentieth century, cafés have become complex settings in terms of the relationships they enable or constrain between living in public, privacy, intimacy, and cultural practice. (See Haine for a detailed discussion of how this plays out in relation to working class engagement with Paris cafés, and Wilson as well as White on other cultural contexts, such as Japan.) Threaded throughout this history is a clear celebration of the individual artist as a kind of virtuoso habitué of the contemporary café. Café Jama Michalika The following historical moment, drawn from a powerful point in the mid-twentieth century, illustrates this last stage in the evolution of the relationship between café space, communication, and creativity. This particular historical moment concerns the renowned Polish composer and conductor Krzysztof Penderecki, who is most well-known for his avant-garde piece Threnody to the Victims of Hiroshima (1960), his Polymorphia (1961), and St Luke Passion (1963-66), all of which entailed new compositional and notation techniques. Poland, along with other European countries devastated by the Second World War, underwent significant rebuilding after the war, also investing heavily in the arts, musical education, new concert halls, and conservatoria (Monastra). In the immediate post-war period, Poland and Polish culture was under the strong ideological influence exerted by the Soviet Union. However, as Thomas notes, within a year of Stalin’s death in 1953, “there were flickering signs of moderation in Polish culture” (83). With respect to musical creativity, a key turning point was the Warsaw Autumn Music Festival of 1956. “The driving force” behind the first festival (which was to become an annual event), was Polish “composers’ overwhelming sense of cultural isolation and their wish to break the provincial nature of Polish music” at that time (Thomas 85). Penderecki was one of a younger generation of composers who participated in, and benefited from, these early festivals, making his first appearance in 1959 with his composition Strophes, and successive appearances with Dimensions of Time and Silence in 1960, and Threnody in 1961 (Thomas 90). Penderecki married in the 1950s and had a child in 1955. This, in combination with the fact that his wife was a pianist and needed to practice daily, restricted Penderecki’s ability to work in their small Krakow apartment. Nor could he find space at the music school which was free from the intrusion of the sound of other instruments. Instead, he frequented the café Jama Michalika off the central square of Krakow, where he worked most days between nine in the morning and noon, when he would leave as a pianist began to play. Penderecki states that because of the small space of the café table, he had to “invent [a] special kind of notation which allowed me to write the piece which was for 52 instruments, like Threnody, on one small piece of paper” (Krzysztof Penderecki, 2000). In this, Penderecki created a completely new set of notation symbols, which assisted him in graphically representing tone clustering (Robinson 6) while, in his score for Polymorphia, he implemented “novel graphic notation, comparable with medical temperature charts, or oscillograms” (Schwinger 29) to represent in the most compact way possible the dense layering of sounds and vocal elements that is developed in this particular piece. This historical account is valuable because it contributes to discussions on individual creativity that both depends on, and occurs within, the material space of the café. This relationship is explored in Walter Benjamin’s essay “Polyclinic”, where he develops an extended analogy between the writer and the café and the surgeon and his instruments. As Cohen summarises, “Benjamin constructs the field of writerly operation both in medical terms and as a space dear to Parisian intellectuals, as an operating table that is also the marble-topped table of a café” (179). At this time, the space of the café itself thus becomes a vital site for individual cultural production, putting the artist in touch with the social life of the city, as many accounts of writers and artists in the cafés of Paris, Prague, Vienna, and elsewhere in Europe attest. “The attraction of the café for the writer”, Fitch argues, “is that seeming tension between the intimate circle of privacy in a comfortable room, on the one hand, and the flow of (perhaps usable) information all around on the other” (The Grand 11). Penderecki talks about searching for a sound while composing in café Jama Michalika and, hearing the noise of a passing tram, subsequently incorporated it into his famous composition, Threnody (Krzysztof Penderecki, 2000). There is an indirect connection here with the attractions of the seventeenth century coffee houses in London, where news writers drew much of their gossip and news from the talk within the coffee houses. However, the shift is to a more isolated, individualistic habitué. Nonetheless, the aesthetic composition of the café space remains essential to the creative productivity described by Penderecki. A concept that can be used to describe this method of composition is contained within one of Penderecki’s best-known pieces, Polymorphia (1961). The term “polymorphia” refers not to the form of the music itself (which is actually quite conventionally structured) but rather to the multiple blending of sounds. Schwinger defines polymorphia as “many formedness […] which applies not […] to the form of the piece, but to the broadly deployed scale of sound, [the] exchange and simultaneous penetration of sound and noise, the contrast and interflow of soft and hard sounds” (131). This description also reflects the rich material context of the café space as Penderecki describes its role in shaping (both enabling and constraining) his creative output. Creativity, Technology, Materialism The materiality of the café—including the table itself for Penderecki—is crucial in understanding the relationship between the forms of creative output and the material conditions of the spaces that enable them. In Penderecki’s case, to understand the origins of the score and even his innovative forms of musical notation as artefacts of communication, we need to understand the material conditions under which they were created. As a fixture of twentieth and twenty-first century urban environments, the café mediates the private within the public in a way that offers the contemporary virtuoso habitué a rich, polymorphic sensory experience. In a discussion of the indivisibility of sensation and its resistance to language, writer Anna Gibbs describes these rich experiential qualities: sitting by the window in a café watching the busy streetscape with the warmth of the morning sun on my back, I smell the delicious aroma of coffee and simultaneously feel its warmth in my mouth, taste it, and can tell the choice of bean as I listen idly to the chatter in the café around me and all these things blend into my experience of “being in the café” (201). Gibbs’s point is that the world of the café is highly synaesthetic and infused with sensual interconnections. The din of the café with its white noise of conversation and overlaying sounds of often carefully chosen music illustrates the extension of taste beyond the flavour of the coffee on the palate. In this way, the café space provides the infrastructure for a type of creative output that, in Gibbs’s case, facilitates her explanation of expression and affect. The individualised virtuoso habitué, as characterised by Penderecki’s work within café Jama Michalika, simply describes one (celebrated) form of the material conditions of communication and creativity. An essential factor in creative cultural output is contained in the ways in which material conditions such as these come to be organised. As Elizabeth Grosz expresses it: Art is the regulation and organisation of its materials—paint, canvas, concrete, steel, marble, words, sounds, bodily movements, indeed any materials—according to self-imposed constraints, the creation of forms through which these materials come to generate and intensify sensation and thus directly impact living bodies, organs, nervous systems (4). Materialist and medium-oriented theories of media and communication have emphasised the impact of physical constraints and enablers on the forms produced. McLuhan, for example, famously argued that the typewriter brought writing, speech, and publication into closer association, one effect of which was the tighter regulation of spelling and grammar, a pressure toward precision and uniformity that saw a jump in the sales of dictionaries (279). In the poetry of E. E. Cummings, McLuhan sees the typewriter as enabling a patterned layout of text that functions as “a musical score for choral speech” (278). In the same way, the café in Penderecki’s recollections both constrains his ability to compose freely (a creative activity that normally requires ample flat surface), but also facilitates the invention of a new language for composition, one able to accommodate the small space of the café table. Recent studies that have sought to materialise language and communication point to its physicality and the embodied forms through which communication occurs. As Packer and Crofts Wiley explain, “infrastructure, space, technology, and the body become the focus, a move that situates communication and culture within a physical, corporeal landscape” (3). The confined and often crowded space of the café and its individual tables shape the form of productive output in Penderecki’s case. Targeting these material constraints and enablers in her discussion of art, creativity and territoriality, Grosz describes the “architectural force of framing” as liberating “the qualities of objects or events that come to constitute the substance, the matter, of the art-work” (11). More broadly, the design features of the café, the form and layout of the tables and the space made available for individual habitation, the din of the social encounters, and even the stimulating influences on the body of the coffee served there, can be seen to act as enablers of communication and creativity. Conclusion The historical examples examined above indicate a material link between cafés and communication. They also suggest a relationship between materialism and creativity, as well as the roots of the romantic association—or mythos—of cafés as a key source of cultural life as they offer a “shared place of composition” and an “environment for creative work” (Fitch, The Grand 11). We have detailed one example pertaining to European coffee consumption, cafés and creativity. While we believe Penderecki’s case is valuable in terms of what it can tell us about forms of communication and creativity, clearly other cultural and historical contexts may reveal additional insights—as may be found in the cases of Middle Eastern cafés (Hattox) or the North American diner (Hurley), and in contemporary developments such as the café as a source of free WiFi and the commodification associated with global coffee chains. Penderecki’s example, we suggest, also sheds light on a longer history of creativity and cultural production that intersects with contemporary work practices in city spaces as well as conceptualisations of the individual’s place within complex urban spaces. References Benjamin, Walter. “Polyclinic” in “One-Way Street.” One-Way Street and Other Writings. Trans. Edmund Jephcott and Kingsley Shorter. London: Verso, 1998: 88-9. 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