Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Social aspects of European federation'

Russia has always been a primary factor in the development of the Baltic States. It is impossible to analyse Baltic security without looking into the processes inside Russia and the prevailing trends vis-a-vis the Baltic States. However, the changes in the Baltic security landscape in the 21st century lack a comprehensive analysis. This thesis seeks to bridge the gap. Two key aims are being pursued in this thesis. The first is to present an analysis of Russia's European agenda under President Vladimir Putin and to examine the place of the Baltic States in this agenda. The second aim is to define Russia-related threats and challengers to the Baltic States, as well as prospects in Russo-Baltic relations. To attain these aims, inter-active approach to international relations, comprising three levels of analysis - the international system, the nation state (domestic level) and the individual (personality) level - has been applied. The neo-realist paradigm of international relations theory, comparative analysis and the Knudsen model, which addresses the peculiarities of relations between great powers and small states, are the methodological framework of the thesis. When analysing the development of Russo-Baltic relations in 1990-2006, this thesis focuses on the evolution of the Baltic States from factors to actors and their chance of shaping Russo-Baltic relations from within the enlarged EU and NATO. It also examines possibilities for more active engagement of Russia in the Baltic region. The thesis concludes with an analysis of perspectives for the Baltic States in countering Russia-related threats and building cooperativer elations with Russia. The author maintains that 'high politics' in Russo-Baltic relations has ended, yet, the tensions do remain in 'low politics'. Russia seeks to retain her political and economic influence in the Baltics by exploiting various tools, primarily economic levers and Baltic dependence upon Russian energy.

Global energy trade is one of the most important topics of international relations. This thesis analyzes the European Union (EU)-Russian Federation (RF) energy trade relationship (1991-2008) within an international regime theory perspective. Main hypothesis of the dissertation is that the EU-RF energy trade relationship is an example of partial international regime based on the totality of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), Partnership and Cooperation Treaty (PCA) and the Energy Dialogue. This hypothesis is built on the independent variables (the transformation of the EU&lsquo
s energy policy towards supranationalism
convergence of the energy policy and the foreign policy of the EU
the transformation of the RF&lsquo
s energy policy towards pragmatic statism
convergence of the energy policy and the foreign policy of the RF), intervening variable (EU-RF energy interdependence in natural gas and oil trade) and the dependent variable (international regime formation between the EU and the RF in energy trade). There are also four complementary hypotheses: EU&lsquo
s energy policy has transformed towards supranationalism (hypothesis 2)
energy policy and foreign policy of the EU have practically and officially approached towards each other (hypothesis 3)
RF&lsquo
s energy policy has transformed towards pragmatic statism (hypothesis 4)
energy policy and foreign policy of the RF have practically and officially approached towards each other (hypothesis 5). Original contribution of this dissertation to the relevant literature is its detailed application of the regime theory to the EU-RF relationship which finds that this relationship is a case of partial regime formation.

The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.

Large numbers of incoming refugees since 2015 were perceived as a major challenge for European cooperation and migratory regimes and the situation has within Europe soon been seen as a crisis. Since then, European states and the European Union (EU) have intensified measures to shut down migrant routes to Europe as well as their attempts to externalise means of protection of refugees in Africa. Based on a theoretical framework consisting of political science border studies, postcolonial studies and the method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) together with the study of narratives in politics, this thesis analyses two critical events in this field, the 2015 Valletta Summit on migration where European and African leaders discussed the terms of migration cooperation and the 2018 debate on disembarkation platforms. The focus in this work lies especially on neocolonial elements in the power relations between Europe and Africa and how these are expressed in the narratives that were used to justify and explain the action taken. For this purpose, official documents, speeches, interviews and additional utterances from European heads of states and European politicians as well as from African heads of states and African Union (AU) representatives are analysed. Eventually, the thesis comes to the conclusion that a form of neocolonial exists that is here named implicit or indirect neocolonialism.

Olfactory behaviour in the European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) has been studied extensively under laboratory and semi-natural conditions. Results of observations on aspects of the olfactory behaviour of a free-living population of rabbits are presented. To facilitate interpretation of these results, considerable preliminary information about the population was collected. The study was conducted over a three year period on the Isle of May off the east coast of Scotland. A total of 326 rabbits were trapped and marked to permit identification in the field, and data on sex, age and social status of these individuals was collated. Data on the overall structure and fluctuations in the population are presented. The social organisation and home ranges of rabbits at four study sites throughout the three years are described. Observations indicate that the social organisation of free-living populations is more complex and variable than previous descriptions of semi-natural populations would have led us to expect. The reproductive performance of the population was investigated and intra and interwarren variations are analysed with respect to warren and group size. Results indicate an inverse relationship between warren size and reproductive success. The most frequently observed group composition (2 males, 2 females) was also the most reproductively successful. Daily and seasonal activity patterns of different age, sex and social status classes of rabbits are described. Olfactory communication was investigated by analysis of the frequency, daily and seasonal variation, and behavioural context of odour related activities performed by members of different age, sex and social status classes. The importance of using appropriate methods for the sampling of behaviour in field studies of olfaction is stressed. The present study concentrates on behaviour related to latrines; chin marking of the substrate and of conspecifics; enurination and urine squirting; and pawscraping. The results suggest that different scent products may carry similar information but analysis of variations in the frequency and context of odour deposition suggests that the deposition of scent fulfills a variety of functions.

A culture of accommodation and tolerance is a necessary part of establishing and preserving a functional multi-national and multi-ethnic European Union. Civil society organizations and their associated social capital have been shown to foster civic capacity and achievement of public policy goals. However, social capital that is based on group identity can also contribute to a sense of intolerance towards out-groups, undermining the stated tolerance objectives of the social pillar of the European Union. States with a strong presence alongside civil society are expected to be curb the development of the exclusionary bonding form of social capital in favor of bridging social capital which will improve progress toward policy goals. This study tests the link between government capacity, social capital and tolerance using data from the 1990-2009 waves of the World Values Survey and European Values Study. Using path analysis and multi-level models of the relationships between political capacity, social capital and intolerance, the model establishes that government capacity enhances bridging social capital and which increases social tolerance. The study fills a gap in understanding how government capacity and policy can result in improved social capital even with greater diversity. A proposed relationship between political capacity and bonding forms of social capital was not supported.

Global biodiversity is currently being lost at an unprecedented rate, posing a threat to vital ecosystems and hence the generation of ecosystem services that human society is entirely reliant upon. Within the European Community, the EU has set a target of halting biodiversity loss within the territory by 2010. This goal is intended to be operationalized by the implementation of the Habitats Directive and the Birds Directive. These directives constitute the framework for the establishment of a coherent ecological network, referred to as the Natura 2000 network.

This study examines and analyses the socio-ecological complexities surrounding the designation of Natura 2000 sites in Östhammar municipality, Sweden. The use of a case study-approach to focus on this area is applied in pursuit of identifying and explaining the inherent intricacies in the designation processes and linking them to the broader global context. Throughout Europe, biodiversity exists in a rich variety of grasslands, but only a few studies have been performed to establish appropriate conservation management strategiesrequired for each habitat. This study makes a significant contribution towards shedding light on the Natura 2000 designation process, a phenomenon which has previously been only modestly documented, especially in Sweden. Ecosystem management is discussed and utilized as the theoretical basis for managing ecosystems sustainably, and an important aspect of note is the recognition that the distinction between man and nature needs to be understood as artificial and arbitrary.

The study explains how social-ecological factors have had a prominent effect on the designation process of Natura 2000 sites. The main determining factor behind the designation process has been the time-constraints, which have affected the designation of SCIs as well as the interaction between the Uppsala CAD and local stakeholders. The lack of adequate participatory approaches used during this process has heightened the risk of compromising the aim of the network: to achieve Favourable Conservation Status (FCS) for natural habitat types as well as species.

Biodiversiteten världen över minskar i en tidigare aldrig skådad hastighet vilket resulterar i ett hot mot fundamentala ekosystem, samt dess produktion av de ekosystemtjänster som det mänskliga samhället är beroende av. På grund av detta har EU satt upp målet att stoppa förlusten av biodiversitet inom unionens gränser tills 2010. Detta mål skall uppnås genom implementeringen av Habitat- och Fågeldirektivet. Dessa direktiv utgör ramen för etableringen av ett sammanhängande ekologiskt nätverk, det så kallade Natura 2000 nätverket.

Denna studie utreder samt analyserar de socio-ekologiska aspekter som omger utpekandet av Natura 2000 områden i Östhammars kommun, i Uppsala län i Sverige. Genom appliceringen av en fallstudie av området söker denna uppsats att identifiera samt förklara inneboende svårigheter i processen av dessa utpekanden, samt att sätta dem i ett globalt sammanhang. Inom Europa existerar biodiversitet bland annat i olika typer av ängar, dock har endast ett fåtal studier tagit sig an uppgiften att formulera anpassade förvaltningsstrategier för dessa habitat. Denna studie bidrar till att sprida ljus över implementeringen av Natura 2000, ett fenomen som tidigare endast studerats i blygsam utsträckning, speciellt i Sverige. Den teoretiska grunden utgörs ekosystemansatsen, som appliceras för att utvärdera ett uthålligtförvaltande av ekosystem. Vidare understryks vikten av att betrakta ekosystem och mänsklig aktivitet som ett och samma system, och att synen på dem som skilda system bör anses artificiell och motsägelsefull.

Denna uppsats förklarar hur socio-ekologiska aspekter har påverkat utpekandeprocessen av Natura 2000-områden i Östhammars kommun. De avgörande faktorerna bakom detta är en identifierad tidsbrist, vilket har influerat utpekandet av områden av gemenskapsintresse samt interaktionen mellan Länsstyrelsen i Uppsala och lokala markägare. Bristen på samverkan och information har resulterat i en förhöjd risk av att målet med nätverket inte kommer att nås: att åstadkomma gynnsam bevarandestatus för arter och habitat.

This DPhil thesis discusses how two divergent risk conceptions, a 'social view' and an 'economic view' of risk, are constructed through inter-expert risk communication. Different and sometimes contradictory concepts of risk are mobilised in regulatory practice, but the origins of these divergent risk conceptions are not extensively studied. This thesis seeks to unpack this divergence. Empirically, I analyse risk communication among experts in the European Union (EU) during the creation of two risk regulation standards. The two case studies, one related to the development of the two-degree target of EU climate policies (the climate case) and the other about the negotiation of the excessive deficit criteria of the Maastricht Treaty (the euro case), can shed light on the relations between risk conceptions and inter-expert risk communication. I argue that through risk communication, an initial 'view' of risk can be entrenched and developed into a paradigmatic 'risk conception'. My analysis uses historical and sociological institutionalism, by focusing on path dependence of risk communication and social construction risk conceptions among EU experts. Through the two case studies, I identify four analytical dimensions of inter-expert risk communication: networks (the institutional setting and relationships between different experts), cultures (the mentalities of experts in relation to discussing risks), dynamics (the actual processes of transmitting and receiving risk messages) and strategies (the rationales supporting the decisions of risk regulation standards). My thematic analysis reveals four key distinct 'features' of social/economic views of risk: expertise (the types of knowledge mobilised), normality (characterising risk as either 'special' or 'routine'), probability (considering risk as either uncertain or calculable) and impact (seeing risk as either negative or positive). I argue that these four features can help explain the construction of risk conceptions, and more broadly, provide an analytical framework for studying how views of risk evolve and interact over time.

This study sets out to explore employer response to the EU social dimension, in answer to the question, "How are employers in the UK and Germany responding to the EU social dimension, and why?" Using case study evidence from nine large British and German engineering companies, as well as material from employers' associations at all levels, it is argued that there is little employer support for extending the social dimension. Focusing on micro-economic aspects of the debate, it is also argued that a common feature in both British and German employer opposition is a concern for the impact of EU industrial relations regulation on firm-level flexibility. This stands in direct contradiction of the EU Commission's own contentions about the flexibility-enhancing effects of its social policy measures, and appears paradoxical in light of earlier research findings of a German flexibility advantage over UK rivals on account of the country's well-structured regulatory framework for industrial relations. Evidence from participant companies, however, suggests that, in the global environment of the late 1990s, much of Germany's former flexibility advantage has been eroded, and the regulation-induced limitations on both the pace and scale of change are increasingly onerous to German companies. German managers perceive a need for targeted deregulatory reform of their industrial relations system; by strengthening (and often extending) existing industrial relations regulation, EU social policy measures meet with firm disapproval. In the UK, by contrast, the changed context has contributed to a significant increase in firm-level flexibility. British companies now operate to levels of flexibility often in advance of their German counterparts, at far lower 'cost' in terms of the time taken, and the extent to which change measures are compromised, to reach agreement. For British managers, EU social policy measures are perceived as a threat to these beneficial arrangements, and vigorously opposed. The thesis concludes by suggesting that such fixed opposition, in the face of Commission determination to extend the EU social dimension, points to an escalation of the controversy surrounding the social dimension.

The subject of this study is the historical development of a vehicle for a form of western art (the orchestra) in China from 1840 to the present. The writer was primarily concerned with how the orchestra developed in broad socio-economical, political-cultural, and historical contexts with an emphasis on elaborating certain conditions responsible for the specific features of this development. The following major aspects of the development of the orchestra in China are discussed:1)The uniqueness of China's culture before accepting western culture;2)Reason and procedures by which China accepted western music and its orchestra;3)The social change in the 1950s which affected the function of the orchestra in China;4)The influence of political movements and individual roles on the development of the orchestras in China;5)The emergence of the orchestra as a cultural symbol during China's modernization;6)The fact in which the orchestra become a cultural symbol during China's modernization;7)Roles and functions of the orchestra during the cultural merging of China and the West;8)The future of the orchestra in China.The purpose of this study is to confirm the cultural assimilation of the western orchestra as a world-wide trend, one in which East and West enrich one another.
School of Music

This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial.

This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP.

The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.

Les fusions transfrontalières de sociétés de capitaux n’intéressent pas uniquement le droit des sociétés mais revêtent aussi d’importants aspects de droit social. Si la directive du 26 octobre 2005 facilite ces opérations, le renvoi aux législations nationales opéré soulève de nombreuses difficultés en l’absence de traitement harmonisé de leurs conséquences sociales. Les interrogations suscitées par la mise en oeuvre de la participation des travailleurs aux organes de gestion de la société issue de l’opération n’en sont qu’une illustration. D’autres questions relatives notamment au devenir des instances de représentation du personnel existant au sein des sociétés parties à la fusion, aux normes collectives ou aux contrats de travail, restent en suspens. A celles-ci et à d’autres, cette étude tente d’apporter des réponses. Les enjeux dont les fusions transfrontalières sont porteuses l’exigent
Cross-border mergers of incorporated companies do not only interest Company Law but also comprise important aspects of Labour & Employment Law. If the European Directive dated 26 October 2005 facilitates these transactions, the reference made to national legislation raises many difficulties in the absence of harmonized treatment of the social consequences of transactions. The questions raised by the implementation of workers' participation in management bodies of the company resulting from the transaction are an illustration. Other issues include the fate of employees’ representative bodies of existing staff within the merging companies, collective norms and employment contracts, remain unresolved. To these and others, this study attempts to provide answers. The consequences of the cross-border transactions require that answers be given to the unresolved issues

The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.

L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Abstract (version française suit)

Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.

In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.

From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.

The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.

DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.

Résumé

Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.

La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.

En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.

Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.

Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.

DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne.

Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Ethnic differences in etiological factors linked to body image dissatisfaction and eating disorders were examined. In addition, the interaction of acculturation and body image dissatisfaction in influencing minority women's relationships with their parents was investigated. Participants consisted of 302 undergraduates from three ethnic groups: Caucasian, Hispanic American, and African American women who were administered self-report measures. Differences were not found between the groups in body image dissatisfaction. Low self-esteem, internalization of the thin ideal, and family emphasis on weight and appearance were all related to more body image dissatisfaction for each of these groups; however, differences in degree of endorsement were also noted between the ethnic groups on these factors. Based on the interaction findings (body image x acculturation) separation from one's mother was found in the area of attitudes and emotions for the Hispanic sample but not for the African American sample on any of the parent scales. Areas for future research and implications for diagnosis and treatment of minority populations are also discussed.

With e-governance steadily growing, citizen-to-state communication via Web sites is as well, placing enormous trust in the protocols designed to handle this communication in a secure manner. Since breaching any of the protocols enabling Web site communication could yield benefits to a malicious attacker and bring harm to end-users, the battle between hackers and information security professionals is ongoing and never-ending. This phenomenon is the main reason why it is of importance to adhere to the latest best practices established by specialized independent organizations. Best practice compliance is important for any organization, but maybe most of all for our governing authorities, which we should hold to the highest standard possible due to the nature of their societal responsibility to protect the public. This report aims to, by conducting a quantitative survey, study the Web sites of the governments and government agencies of the member states of the European Union, as well as Web sites controlled by the European Union to assess to what degree their domains comply with the current best practices of DNSSEC, HSTS, HTTPS, SSL/TLS, and certificate validation types. The findings presented in this paper show that there are significant differences in compliance level between the different parameters measured, where HTTPS best practice deployment was the highest (96%) and HSTS best practice deployment was the lowest (3%). Further, when comparing the average best practice compliance by country, Denmark and the Netherlands performed the best, while Cyprus had the lowest average.

This work addresses to what extent businesses in the United States and the European Union have a moral obligation to participate in social integration processes in areas where they operate with the use of migrant laborers. It begins with the presupposition that a common framework as to what constitutes ethical behavior in business is needed and beneficial. It argues that the very industry that creates a need for migrant labor ought to also be involved in merging this labor successfully into the existing community and specifies that a discourse on business ethics and migration is gravely needed. This must be one that considers how businesses can become more engaged in resolving the social issues that arise both for the migrants and for the local community in which the businesses operate. The purpose would be to fill a social and humanitarian need that government alone cannot. More importantly, it will be to exercise beneficence and display responsible and sincere corporate citizenship. It is claimed that businesses that fail to encourage and participate in integration processes display a moral flaw. Cosmopolitan business ethics are proposed as a way to look at ethical business conduct and it is claimed that businesses that act as cosmopolitan citizens are morally praiseworthy.

La question de la mobilité des sociétés met principalement en cause deux ensembles normatifs étatiques. Tout d’abord, la société mobile rencontre en permanence la question des conflits de lois. Ainsi, la mobilité implique le passage par la question fondamentale de la reconnaissance, la mise en jeu des règles de conflit sur la loi applicable aux sociétés ainsi que, plus généralement, la nécessité de consulter en permanence toutes les règles délimitant la compétence normative de l’Etat en matière sociétaire, telles les règles de conflit (jurisprudentielles ou du droit positif) ou les lois de police susceptibles d’être mises en œuvre dans une opération de restructuration transfrontalière d’un groupe de sociétés ou dans une opération transfrontalière d’acquisition ou de prise de contrôle. Dans un second lieu, la mobilité met inéluctablement en jeu les règles formant les systèmes nationaux de fiscalité internationale des sociétés, à savoir les règles fiscales nationales ou internationales (émanant du droit fiscal interne ou des traités d’évitement de double imposition) applicables à des situations relevant des activités internationales des sociétés. Ces deux aspects de la question de la mobilité intra-communautaire des sociétés ne peuvent pas être traités indépendamment l'une de l'autre, puisque les deux corps de règles (règles de conflit et règles de compétence fiscale) obéissent plus ou moins aux mêmes impératifs hiérarchiquement supérieurs de nature politique, économique et sociale et, par conséquent, ils sont interdépendants. En outre, l’étude de leur évolution historique durant la période qui s’étend du début du XIXe siècle jusqu’à nos jours au sein des ordres juridiques analysés (français, anglais, allemand, belge) démontre qu'ils se sont réciproquement influencées pour atteindre leur état actuel. Au travers d’une analyse interdisciplinaire, nous mettons l'accent, dans une première partie, sur les points d'intersection des deux corps de règles afin d'exposer la mécanique complexe de la mobilité internationale des sociétés et afin de mettre en exergue les considérations juridiques et fiscales qui dominent la matière. Cela dit, les systèmes nationaux de fiscalité internationale et les systèmes nationaux de droit international des sociétés sont aujourd’hui en pleine transformation sous l’emprise du droit communautaire qui se veut un méta-ordre d’organisation des comportements des gouvernements nationaux et des agents économiques selon et vers un modèle nouveau de régulation du marché de nature à rendre la création d’un Marché unique au sein de l’UE possible. Dans la seconde partie de notre étude, nous explorons l’impact du droit dérivé et de la jurisprudence de la CJUE -qui agissent conjointement afin d’atteindre cet objectif- sur ces deux ensembles normatifs nationaux, afin de conclure que toutes les évolutions récentes et anticipées en matière de mobilité des sociétés, tant au niveau national qu’au niveau communautaire, s’inscrivent dans le contexte de l’évolution globale du processus de transition des ordres juridiques nationaux d’un modèle capitaliste traditionnel de régulation du marché inspiré par les travaux de M. Keynes à un modèle néo-libéral, accélérée par la pression de la vague contemporaine de la mondialisation économique. En se situant dans une perspective historique et interdisciplinaire de la question de la mobilité intra-communautaire des sociétés, nous nous efforçons d’en cerner les tendances et les configurations ainsi que d’en faire l’état des lieux des progrès effectués depuis le XIXe siècle
Cross-border company mobility principally involves two main sets of State norms. Firstly, mobile companies continuously encounter conflict of laws questions. Therefore, mobility implies a necessary passage from the fundamental question of recognition of foreign companies, the application of conflict of laws rules determining the lex societatis and, more generally, the consultation of all the rules delineating the normative jurisdiction of the State in corporate matters, namely the conflict of laws rules (whether they stem from positive law or from judicial precedents) or the mandatory rules (lois de police) likely to be implemented in cross-border M&As, reorganizations and take-overs. Secondly, company mobility brings inevitably into play the national or international tax rules which constitute the national systems of international taxation of companies, namely tax rules emanating either from national tax legislation or from international treaties on avoidance of double taxation. These two aspects of the matter of company cross-border mobility shall not be examined separately, given that the formation of conflict of laws rules and tax jurisdiction rules that delineate a state’s tax jurisdiction depends on each State’s hierarchically superior imperatives of a political, economic and social nature, these two body of rules being, therefore, interdependent. The study of their historical evolution within the legal systems examined in our thesis (French, English, German and Belgian) from the early 19th century to date, demonstrates that their current state constitutes the result of their mutual influence. Through an interdisciplinary analysis, we emphasize, in the first part of our thesis, on the crossing points of these two sets of rules in order to explain the complex mechanics of cross-border mobility of companies and point out the legal and tax considerations that dominate the matter. We further explore their transformation by EU law which is intended as a meta-order aimed at orchestrating national government and economic agents’ behaviors according to and towards a new model of market regulation susceptible to the creation of a European single market. The second part of our thesis is dedicated to the study of the impact of secondary EU legislation and European Court of Justice jurisprudence –that act jointly to achieve the European single market objective- on the aforementioned bodies of national rules, that leads to the conclusion that the recent and anticipated developments on the mobility of companies within the EU both on national and European level, fall within the broader framework of the overall development of the transition process of national legal orders from a traditional capitalist model of market regulation inspired by the theories of M. Keynes towards a neo-liberal model which is accelerated by the pressure of the contemporary trend of economic globalization. Addressing the subject of cross-border mobility of companies within the EU both from a historical and an interdisciplinary perspective, we endeavor to identify trends and patterns and to assess the progress achieved since the early 19th century

« Résistances à l’Europe. La représentation sociale de l’Union européenne et les compétences politiques étudiées dans le milieu des entreprises tchèques » analyses political attitudes, social representations of Europe and European Union as well as a level of political competency among persons working in Czech entreprises (from workers to the top management). The first volume emphasizes a theoretical discussion about a concept of « Resistances to European Union » as it has been discussed since the late nineties of the twentieth century up to the 2010. We set a link between individual perceptions of political and social change as well as the importance of cultural differences to apparition of phenomena of resistance. A political competency plays a major role in an individual capacity to deal with cultural difference in changing political environment.

The second volume describes principal results of analysis of interviews issued from qualitative research between 90 individuals. We focus on explication of cultural and individual context that contributes to the formulation of Czech political attitudes toward Europe. A very detailed individual analysis helps to understand the reason of Czech reticences toward a process of the European integration at the beginning of the twenty-first century. We show four groups of tensions (antinomies) in social representations that actually constitute dynamic elements for political attitudes.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l'Union européenne sur l'espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l'analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l'expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L'objectif est de définir comment s'élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l'identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l'espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d'analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu'il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») : les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d'un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives : celle d'un discours sécuritaire et celle d'un discours sur l'État de droit et la démocratie.

Cette recherche a pour ambition de contribuer aux études sur l’histoire sociale de la construction européenne. En prenant pour point d’appui le cas de l’industrie charbonnière, il a été possible de mettre en évidence une tentative de préservation et de prolongement des politiques sociales d’après-guerre à l’intérieur de la Communauté. Les débats sur le logement ouvrier, les discussions paritaires et la tentative d’instauration d’un statut européen du mineur reflètent cette continuité entre les niveaux nationaux et européens. L’échec de politiques sociales d’envergure sonnait le glas d’un élan initié par quelques syndicalistes et militants européens pour un approfondissement de l’Europe sociale dont l’expression commençait à prendre consistance. La crise charbonnière de 1958 allait transformer les politiques de la Haute Autorité où la réponse aux crises régionales prenait une place majeure. En ce sens, la reconversion du Borinage était le premier test social d’envergure pour le maintien du consensus politique d’après-guerre. Malgré les mesures nationales et européennes pour la relance économique du bassin borain, aucune industrie n’est parvenue à remplacer les fosses tant du point de vue économique qu’identitaire. Les conflits sociaux apparus dans les années 1970 ont alors mis en lumière les transformations sociales et culturelles du Borinage en reconversion.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
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La problématique de recherche étudiée dans le cadre de cette thèse, émerge de diverses réflexions, données empiriques et observations, toutes liées à un constat qui a des implications importantes pour l’enseignement des sciences :le rejet partiel ou total de la théorie de l’évolution aux cours de sciences dispensés à l’école, au nom de croyances créationnistes, dans des sociétés modernes européennes où la science fait autorité.

La littérature scientifique qui traite de cette problématique dans le cadre de l’enseignement scolaire en Europe ,analyse les conceptions d’acteurs de l’enseignement scolaire – enseignants et/ou élèves – sur ce sujet, en étudiant notamment le lien qu’entretiennent ces conceptions avec les représentations que ces mêmes acteurs ont de la science, avec leurs parcours personnels, avec leur formation, etc. Un point aveugle observé dans cette littérature est la rareté des recherches portant sur les directives officiellement adressées aux enseignants. C’est pourquoi nous avons choisi de nous pencher sur le contenu de ces directives.

Cette recherche a, en premier lieu, une visée exploratoire. Elle consiste à construire et utiliser un instrument théorique et méthodologique qui permet, d’une part, d’identifier des représentations du savoir scientifique, de la croyance religieuse et/ou de leurs rapports (ou non rapports) véhiculées par les curriculums prescrits européens et, d’autre part, de déterminer des mécanismes à travers lesquels ces représentations pourraient influencer, d’une façon ou d’une autre, le rejet ou l’acceptation de la théorie de l’évolution au nom de croyances créationnistes ou encore, inversement, le rejet ou l’acceptation de croyances créationnistes au nom de la théorie de l’évolution. Pour repérer les représentations recherchées, nous utilisons la méthode de l’analyse de contenu thématique.

Une autre visée de cette étude est confirmatoire. Il s’agit de confirmer le postulat suivant lequel la nature des éventuelles représentations repérées au sein des curriculums prescrits au moyen de l’instrument susmentionné peut être mise en lien – lien dont la nature sera définie dans le corps de notre dissertation, sur la base de l’analyse de données sociohistoriques rapportées dans la littérature – avec les modalités de gestion de la laïcité mises en place par les politiques éducatives de différents pays européens :la France, la Grèce et la Belgique francophone. Ces pays ont justement été sélectionnés pour leur profil divergent en matière de politiques de gestion de la diversité culturelle. Pour démontrer ce lien, nous nous livrons à une analyse comparative sociétale.
Doctorat en Sciences Psychologiques et de l'éducation
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Although epidemiological data show that Asians are less often diagnosed with social phobia than are North Americans, North American studies show that Asians self-report higher levels of social anxiety than their European heritage counterparts. The present study examined this apparent discrepancy in an undergraduate sample of: a) students of Chinese heritage born in Hong Kong or Taiwan (N= 65), b) Canadian-born students of Chinese heritage (N= 51), and c) Canadianborn students of European heritage (N= 62). Participants completed a questionnaire battery as well as a face-to-face interview that assessed levels of social anxiety and impairment. Results showed that foreign-born Chinese participants reported significantly greater social anxiety and impairment than students of European heritage in both the questionnaire and interview format. The same general pattern was found among participants who had clinically severe levels of social anxiety.

Who supports social policy in the developing world? Most of what we know about micro-level preferences for social policy comes from well-developed, wealthy countries of the OECD, where governments can credibly commit to policy enforcement and implementation. This dissertation explores preferences for social policy in post-communist countries, where weak constraints on the state challenge the welfare state. In doing so, it provides novel insights both into social policy debates in these countries and the coalitions which support (or oppose) social policy. I argue that support for social policy depends on how institutions shape the expectations of actors about the costs they pay into social policy programs versus future benefits. I draw on existing theories of political economy to propose four mechanisms -- misappropriation, contract enforcement, free-riding, and macro-economic risk -- that alter the distribution of winners and losers from social policy. Misappropriation stems from officials' ability to divert funding away from intended uses. While for most this imposes dead-weight costs on social policy, where institutions are poor. the politically well-connected can benefit from diverted funds to decrease social policy costs. The contract enforcement mechanism emerges due to the inability of weakly constrained states to enforce contracts. Predictions are similar to misappropriation, but actors also cannot trust other private actors with control of social policy. Free-riding emerges when bureaucrats are unwilling to expend effort to ensure tax compliance. Again, this imposes dead-weight costs on most, but garners support from tax evaders, who can free-ride. Finally, the macro-economic risk mechanism suggests that macro-economic volatility is heightened in settings with weak institutions, which increases both individual risk and support for social policy. The empirical portion of the dissertation tests the observable implications of each of these mechanisms. Chapter 2 provides a first-cut, cross-national test of part of the argument using micro-level data from a cross-national survey of 28 post-communist countries. I draw on work on informality in the post-communist world to identify individual characteristics associated with tax evasion to test the free-rider mechanism. Consistent with it, I show that those associated with evasion support social policy more where institutions are weaker. Chapter 3 posits that if the mechanisms I propose matter, actors will appeal to the logic of my theory during concrete reform debates. I test this using evidence from the 2001 pension reforms in Russia. I combine analysis of the legislative debates surrounding reform with in-depth content analysis of the Russian media, which draws on an original dataset of all mentions of reform in 352 Russian newspapers, journals, and trade magazines. I show that all four mechanisms were indeed major concerns. Chapter 4 tests the theory at the firm level, using a survey of 666 Russian firms to look at preferences where institutional quality is weak. I test whether firms that I predict support the welfare state in such settings -- those with political connections and a comparative advantage in hiding from the authorities -- actually do so. In addition to providing some support for the misappropriation and free-riding mechanisms, this chapter is a contribution in its own right: it is among the first to use surveys to study firms' preferences for social policy. Finally, chapter 5 uses a survey experiment conducted on 1600 respondents to attempt to understand the ceteris paribus effect of institutions on the average individual. Using a simple framing experiment, I provide three different treatment groups with information about bribery, tax evasion, and the extent to which private pension funds commit fraud to test the misappropriation, free-riding, and contract enforcement mechanisms, respectively. The chapter offers mixed evidence. The dissertation makes contributions to both the study of the welfare state and the political economy of institutions and investment. First, the dissertation explores preferences for social policy in the developing world and introduces institutional quality concerns to this literature. My work particularly focuses attention on the ways certain groups can abuse social policy to pass costs onto others, adding nuance to existing understandings of who benefits from social policy. Second, it advances our understanding of how institutional quality shapes economic decision making and provides evidence as to how different pathologies of poor institutions shape economic decisions.

This study argues that the slow progress of Turkey in the accession to the European Union is not simlpy due to a failure to comply with the "official" membership criteria. It is argued that European attitude towards these official requirements represents a double standard, which can be searched in the context of unspoken cultural and religious fears, that do not exist in the official criteria. It is argued that there are many positive reasons to Turkey's accession to the EU. There is the aspect of energy- security, demography, acting as a bridge between the West and the East, and keeping the European Union away from being Eurocentric. However, seen the recent developments in Turkey's accession negotiations with the EU, the current political climate in Europe suggests that cultural homogeneity of the European Union remains a strong desire. Turkey, being the "Other", suffers the consequences of this. And while Turkey can make changes to its economy and political system to fulfil the EU's accession criteria, there are two 'givens' that cannot be changed-namely, religion/culture and geography/physical location. Thus, understanding these fixed characteristics of Turkey, and their perception by the European Union is crucially important in understanding the European Union - Turkey process overall.

Immigrants from Western Europe to the United States are commonly assumed to be racially white. Almost no attention has been paid, however, to recent changes occurring within the composition of the Western European immigrant population: individuals who were born in Western Europe but whose families have origins outside of Western Europe have been migrating to and settling in the US in growing numbers. This study examines the growing diversity of this migratory stream, investigating seven groups of immigrants from Western Europe to the US. I analyze data from the European Social Survey, the US census, the American Community Surveys, the Migrant Integration Policy Index, the UN database, and the World Bank database. First, this study analyzes these origin groups' economic and social characteristics' within Western Europe. I show that while immigrants within Western Europe present an improvement in economic indicators over time and generations, they show no improvement in social indicators. Furthermore, immigrants from less developed regions report on higher rates of being socially excluded, which, in turn, correlate with lower economic achievements. Furthermore, I disentangle the economic `ethnic penalty' of minorities in Western Europe by dividing it into four components: individual characteristics, country characteristics, the social environment in host country, and the policy environment in host country. Then, I analyzed the 'educational penalty' of minority youths in Western Europe and its nature. I show that only intercultural policies help in advancing minorities in Western Europe, due to the poor social acceptance they experience. Given this background on the condition of minorities within Western Europe, I turn to investigate the move that some of them make to the US. I show that immigrants from Western Europe of non-European descents carry a higher `ethnic penalty' when they come to the US, but most of them advance faster economically than the majority of Western Europeans who migrate to the US. I test three plausible explanations for this phenomenon, finding that the level of discrimination experienced by a given ethnic group is the most determinant factor. Minorities who experience a higher discrimination level in Western Europe integrate faster in the US. Social differences between Western Europe and the US, therefore, appear to affect immigrants and their integration patterns. This phenomenon represents a new type of migration: `social migration'. While immigration has been understood overwhelmingly in terms of the two fundamental categories of economic and political (refugee) immigration, the new category of social migration is now emerging between them. I end with examining the far-reaching implications of this new development.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Russian demographic statistics reflect the persistence of a dramatically wide gender gap in life expectancy and mortality over the last decades - about twice that found in the developed world. On average, men in Russia live 12 years less than Russian women, and 14.5 years less than men in Western Europe. This thesis provides an overview and synthesis of the most recently available literature that addresses the persistent gender gap in mortality and life expectancy in Russia. I reviewed the prevalent behavioral and social-structural drivers that explain the causes of higher male mortality in contemporary Russia. Especially, I looked at how the conceptualization of the male social role and related norms that shape masculine behavior contribute to high male mortality in Russia. The study reveals that men’s unhealthy, risky behavior and their higher vulnerability to stress are considered to be linked to their gendered social identity which is created and reproduced by the social-structural context of the Russia’s society.

The present work examines the crossroads of social transformation from the contextual standpoint of the "Second World" - a political and socioeconomic term descriptively pointing to the unique location of the Former Eastern-European Block countries - in between worlds. The work involves in a dialogue some of the major trends within the contemporary Eastern-European philosophical environment: dichotomized between Neo-Marxism and Neo-Freudianism on the one hand, and Postmodernism on the other. While examining the most significant elements between the dialectical paradigms for social change of the above theories (and their ethical foundations), the text strives towards a theological paradigmatic formulation for an authentic social transformation that draws its dialectical content and passion from the hopeful eschatological vision of Christ and the Kingdom as an embodiment of the Christian alternative for human emancipation and liberation. In light of this, the work attempts to establish the following thesis: the radical Christian praxis of the eschatological reality of the Kingdom in light of the Cross is the Church’s alternative to contemporary philosophies and initiatives for social transformation. This praxis affirms the revolutionary, history-shaping force which makes Christianity relevant to the problems of Modernity and Postmodernity through its self-identification with the Crucified God. It marks the moment of conception of an authentic, liberating, life giving, transforming hope as a source of humanization and redemption of social order. Christianity is concerned with the birth and formation of a new socio-political reality - the Kingdom of God, and its embodiment on earth (through the Holy Spirit) in a new ethnos: the Church, the Body of Christ, the communion of the saints. Therefore, it is the Church's calling and obligation to exemplify the reality of the Kingdom, being a living extension of the living Christ and thus, the incarnation of the eschatological future of the world and its hopeful horizon in the midst of the present. Recognizing the vital need for a relevant Christian response to the spiritual demands of the Post-modern human being and his/her desacralized, pluralistic socio­ political context, the work concludes with a conceptual outline offering a strategy for the Church in the Postmodern setting.
Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

Partial dissertation in compliance with the requirements for the Master's Degree in Technology: Fine Art, Durban University of Technology, 2004.
This dissertation investigates how death as a subject matter in the work of contemporary artists living in European, American, and South African societies, relates to attitudes towards death in those societies. It examines how attitudes towards death have changed over the centuries, and how death is perceived in these societies today. It examines how the treatment of death in art today. differs from other periods because of these attitudes. Chapter One, Section One examines three major shifts in attitudes towards death In Western history, as outlined by Philippe Aries, a leading writer in the field. Chapter One, Section Two looks at death as a subject matter in Western art history, from ancient Greece to the mid-twentieth century. Categories discussed include funerary art, religious art, art and medicine, death personified, historical and analytical, personal, political art, and death and consumerism. Chapter Two, Section One examines attitudes towards death in contemporary Westernized societies, focusing on the medicalization of death, funeral rituals and disposal practices, and attitudes towards death in South Africa, specifically within the cultural framework of white, English-speaking South Africans. Chapter Two, Section Two examines death as a subject matter in the work of selected contemporary artists in America, Europe, and South Africa, and how it relates to attitudes towards death in those societies. Artists examined are Damien Hirst, Christian Boltanski, Joel-Peter Witkin, Andres Serrano, Donna Sharrett, Gerhard Richter, and Jo Ractliffe. The paper concludes by outlining the main arguments of the research and conclusions reached.
M

This thesis formulates and argues for a composite conceptual framework of ethics for strategic and sustainable corporate benevolence as a means of addressing HIV/AIDS in South Africa. The template consists of the following theoretical elements: modern virtue ethics, contemporary Western communitarian ethics, the African philosophy of Ubuntu and a feminist ethic of care. This template is applied to relevant pragmatic ends through the proposition that the King I I Report - as it explicitly advocates a universally communitarian and essentially African code of ethics for a business response to HIV/AIDS - offers a viable and valuable model to both understand and transcend the tensions between profits and caring in the post-apartheid era of the South African experience of the pandemic. Specific features of the thesis include contextual perspectives on the ethical variances of HIV/AIDS stigma and behaviour change, cached as the thought-form of " I and We" as opposed to "Us and Them", and the psycho-social linguistics of re-interpreting "the wounded other" as "the wounded us". This is drawn together conceptually in discussion around the individual in and of, rather than as opposed to, the community, stressing how the impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic is compelling our society to integrate this reverence into our disposition and conduct. In the spirit of this Afro-European communitarian ethic, and to apply this postulated theory for a concrete social morality in the wake of HIV/AIDS, the thesis argues that there is an ethical role for businesses in restoring the balance between nurturing and selfinterest - an equilibrium that is essential for both human expression and human survival. This involves underscoring the elderly and young women, as well as children, who head households and care for orphans of AIDS in circumstances of great vulnerability, (particularly the nation-wide body of informally organised volunteer home-based caregivers), as target beneficiaries for a gravely urgent and massive empowerment effort by the business sector.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

Práce popisuje právní aspekty upravující čerpání finančních prostředků ze Struktrurálních fondů Evropské unie. Dále se zabývá zmapováním úspěšnosti či neúspěšnosti českých fyzických a právnických osob při čerpání ze Strukturální fondů Evropské unie v porovnání s úspěšností či neúspěšností osob (fyzických i právnických) ze srovnatelné země a zjištěním na jaké projekty byly nejčastěji čerpány finanční prostředky ze Strukturálních fondů Evropské unie.

Information has always been strategically relevant for the European Commission, especially during the last thirty years with discussions about a gap in communication and the possible democratic deficit propagating. For that reason, communication was introduced as a policy after 2000. In order to reach specific interests in the Union, the Commission highlighted the importance of the partnership with civil society in 2005 through the “Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate” and its “going local” approach. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the communication strategy of the EU through the lens of one of its regional communication instruments, the Europe Direct relays of information. The relays are a first-hand portal for the citizens to enter into the Union not only by acquiring information but also by transferring their comments and suggestions to Brussels. They form, therefore, a debate platform between citizens and institutions under a European “public sphere.” Nevertheless, research has identified two critical points in their function: the host structure, which intervenes in their administration role, and the European Commission, which provides them with financial support and information services. This thesis seeks to ascertain the success or not of the relays in relation to those two variables. In order to achieve that, the Spanish study case is examined. It will be finally verified if, according to the guidance of the European Commission, the relays fulfill their role in fostering national involvement in supranational activities.

The study is an explication of the representation of traditional and faith healers in Zimbabwean newspapers. This is done through analysing newspaper articles from selected Zimbabwean Newspapers. Kwayedza, Umthunywa, The Herald, NewsDay, Daily News and two tabloids which are Bulawayo Metropolitan (B-Metro) and Harare Metropolitan (H-Metro) are the papers that were used in the study to pursue the purpose of the study. The study is guided by the Afrocentricity and the extended pragma-dialectic theory. The theories allow the study to explore the issue of traditional and faith healers in line with the political, economic and the social context which shape the system in which they find themselves. The study recognises that traditional healing is the father of all healing systems in Africa. Faith healing and Western medicine are both colonial phenomena; they came into limelight following the colonisation of Africa thereby giving African countries a three-tier health system that comprises of traditional healers, faith healers and medical doctors. The research adopts a qualitative research paradigm. Data for the research is extracted from interviews, critical discourse analysis of newspaper articles and questionnaires. The study established that traditional healers are diabolically represented in Zimbabwean newspapers and this is because of Eurocentrism which is still rife in the minds of Zimbabweans. Eurocentrism depicts people of the African race as inferior, uncivilised, barbaric, savages and chaotic and this annihilates and dehumanises Africans. Faith healers on the other hand receive both positive and negative representation. Positive representation is necessitated by the idea that they are aligned to Christianity and negative representation emanates from the idea that their healing systems embrace the African understanding of disease and illness. The study concludes that the stories are a reflection of the idea that both the media and the minds of the people involved in news production are still held in colonialism. It is therefore concluded that media representation of traditional and faith healers is colonised. The study therefore advocates for the centering of the African in newspaper discourse about traditional and faith healers.
African Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

There have been three main sets of trends in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the field of the internal market after 2004. The first set of trends concerned the criteria of legal analysis, i.e. the scope of EU rules on free movement, the concept of the restriction of free movement and the justification of such restrictions. The second set of trends in the case law is related to the fact that the Court completes its legal analysis by considerations linked to its value orientation of the Court, i.e. its liberalism, social tendencies, protection of fundamental rights, pragmatism and proactivity. The third trend in the case law of the internal market consisted in changing the focus of case law in the sense that the Court has begun to deal with more and more cases from sectoral fields, i.e. fields covered by secondary law.