To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Social aspects of Privatization.
Journal articles on the topic 'Social aspects of Privatization'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Social aspects of Privatization.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Papadopoulos, Thomas. "Building the Legal Framework of Privatizations in Cyprus: The Missing Link with Sustainable Development." European Business Law Review 29, Issue 6 (December 1, 2018): 997–1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2018039.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents and scrutinizes the Privatizations Law of the Republic of Cyprus, in the context of sustainable development. Cyprus was another victim of the Eurozone crisis. A bailout agreement was reached between Cyprus and its creditors. This bailout agreement was accompanied by a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on specific Economic Policy Conditionality requiring certain reforms. The Cyprus MoU required, among others, privatizations of certain State-owned enterprises. In 2014, Cyprus adopt ed the Privatizations Law stipulating the details of the privatization process. This article presents and discusses the most important aspects of this Law. A critical overview of the legal framework of privatizations is provided in the context of sustainable development. The contribution of this privatization procedure to sustainable development is examined. More specifically, the absence of sustainable development from the Privatizations Law is criticized. This article sheds light on the relationship between the privatized enterprises and sustainable development. Certain proposals in the light of the golden shares case law of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) are made. It is argued that sustainable development could be pursued through golden shares in privatized enterprises. Proposals for the inclusion of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in privatized enterprises are brought forward. This article also considers various challenges to the privatization programme of Cyprus.
2
ZOLOTAREV, Evgenii V. "To possible negative aspects of privatization of the Russian banks." National Interests: Priorities and Security 17, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.17.1.26.
Full textAbstract:
Subject. As Russia integrates into the world economy, it needs foreign investment, including the large-scale privatization of public property, especially in the banking sector. In the mean time, the process is coupled with positive effects, posing threats to the national security. Objectives. The study identifies and evaluates possible challenges and threats to the economic and food security, military capabilities and social tensions at the micro- and macrolevels, since the challenges and threats are associated with adverse effects of the privatization of the Russian credit institutions. Methods. The study is based on the dialectical method, systems approach, interpretation of empirical data and facts through charts and graphic representation. Results. I describe credit institutions with the prevalence of the State ownership, point out and analyze their economic and social role in the Russian economy. I reviewed foreign privatization practices in banking, including adverse effects on the economy. The article enlists potential threats to the national security that includes the sensitive data leakage, external governance of national processes, criminalization of administrative agencies, destructive activities of non-residents and failure to achieve economic results desired for the federal budget. I prepared and substantiate proposals on the privatization of banks, including the limit of stock portfolio, which can be sold without a detriment to the national security. Conclusions and Relevance. The prevailing shareholding of the State in the capital of some banks is importance for the stewardship of economic and social processes nationwide. The privatization should not entail the loss of the national sovereignty.
3
Musabelli, Erisa. "Public Enterprises Privatization,The Costs and Benefits (Albania Case)." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v1i1.p118-125.
Full textAbstract:
Privatization is the process that transfers the ownership of an enterprise ,service agency or public asset to the private sector,from which ,essentisal positive.effects in the capital markets, financial assets and working groups, are expected. It affects the interests of different groups of the population and includes 80% of all the economic activities including the fields of energy, oil and gas, telecommunications, forests and waterways, roads and railways, ports and airports, rail and inland waterway. Over the past ten years a large amount of privatizations has been accomplished in Albania, indeed, many companies, institutions, societies, mines, which previously had been owned by the state, have now become private property.But does it affect the national economy in a positive or a negative way? Had the privatizations in our country been done in the right extent? in the process of economy's transformation, the emphasis is found in the structural reform, where one of the pillars that support these reforms is the process of privatization. This article will provide a detailed and an accurate situation of the development of this process in Albania, based on the assumption that "the privatization affects positively the state economy", what went right and what did not work properly, how can we take action in order to achieve an improvement? What are the costs and the benefits of the process of privatization in terms of macroeconomic, microeconomic and social aspects in Albania?
4
VASCHUK, ANGELINA S. "Social aspects of Russian privatization of the 1990s in modern historiography." Гуманитарные исследования в Восточной Сибири и на Дальнем Востоке, no. 4 (2017): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/1997-2857/2017-4/46-52.
Full text
5
Armstrong, Hugh. "Social Cohesion and Privatization in Canadian Health Care." Canadian journal of law and society 16, no. 2 (August 2001): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100006797.
Full textAbstract:
RésuméCet article traite de certains aspects du système de santé canadien qui secouent la cohésion sociale. Le plus populaire de tous les programmes sociaux, le système de santé, est régi par cinq principes définis dans laLoi canadienne de la santé. Chacun en soi et comme ensemble, ces principes contribuent à la cohésion sociale. Le système universel est cependant sous attaque de la part de différentes élites qui souhaitent privatiser certains éléments et dont la stratégie principale est appelée ici privatisation à la dérobée. Le texte aborde la rupture de la cohésion sociale par la privatisation de manière générale mais aussi en analysant le cas des centres communautaires ontariens d'accès aux soins qui sous-traitent, à travers la province, des fonds publics à des agences de soins à domicile qu'ils soient à buts lucratifs ou non.
6
Scherling, Johannes. "(Neo)liberalizing the state – Privatization of core government competencies." Pragmatics and Society 12, no. 4 (October 29, 2021): 612–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.18078.sch.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract For a few decades now and most prominently promoted by the US, neoliberal economics have been on the rise, epitomized in recent austerity policies with regard to countries that have met financial trouble. In particular the drive for privatization of core public services relating to basic human needs, such as water, social services or pensions, has been increasingly criticized because of a perceived incompatibility between the profit motive and social solidarity. This article uses a corpus-based analysis of the discourse on privatization in the US of proponents supporting, respectively opposing it, with an overall corpus size of about 230,000 tokens. It examines how the two groups conceptualize privatization differently and which strategies are applied to fore- or background particular aspects of it.
7
Fuse Brown, Erin C., Matthew B. Lawrence, Elizabeth Y. McCuskey, and Lindsay F. Wiley. "Social Solidarity in Health Care, American-Style." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 48, no. 3 (2020): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110520958864.
Full textAbstract:
The ACA shifted U.S. health policy from centering on principles of actuarial fairness toward social solidarity. Yet four legal fixtures of the health care system have prevented the achievement of social solidarity: federalism, fiscal pluralism, privatization, and individualism. Future reforms must confront these fixtures to realize social solidarity in health care, American-style.
8
Zimonjić, Stefan. "Some aspects of privatization effects on the labor market in the Republic of Serb." Trendovi u poslovanju 10, no. 1 (2022): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/trendpos2201089z.
Full textAbstract:
In the last more than 30 years transformation of numerous state-owned companies has been privatized in countries that started the transition process from socialism to free trade and capitalism including Serbia. Many economic studies prior to the transition process have started pointing out the importance of these changes for economic development and efficient growth of economies. After these processes were established, many praised privatization and its positive impact on economies on the whole as well as on micro levels of the firms. Regardless of studies and their findings, the interesting part is the public opinion of those processes which is generally very suspicious in terms of their benefits. It is not hard to understand the reasons, privatization is hard to sell in political and social terms, it leads to many unpopular decisions and impacts on the working class, it brings changes that are sometimes hard to understand and accept, as positive, people that are perceived as unproductive, lose their jobs and stay without income in very volatile external conditions. Privatization result is positively perceived in transition countries but in Serbia dominant perception is that it has been badly realized and has had a big and negative impact on labor and layoffs. The conclusion is that privatization has led to a worse set of selected models, as well as problems in the implementation and problems of annulment of one of their important parts.
9
Gottau, Veronica, and Mauro Carlos Moschetti. "Between open and internal privatization: the Argentine educational system from 1940 through 2010." Social and Education History 5, no. 2 (June 21, 2016): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2016.2010.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The educational system of Argentina has undergone a process of decentralization along with a steady growth in private schools enrolment. This complex process is usually subsumed under the general concept of ‘privatization’. We have considered it necessary to provide a deeper understanding of the multiple dimensions this process of privatization encompasses. In this article we intend to analyze and reflect upon the transformations of the Argentine educational system and to understand the specific levels and aspects where privatization has taken place. We note that the public and the private sectors seem to have experienced divergent trajectories with compromising effects in terms of equity and social cohesion. We argue that the uneasy coexistence of a deregulated independent private sector and a hyperregulated public sector is the result of a partial and inadequate implementation of a public-private partnership scheme.
10
Williamson, John B., and Catherine Deitelbaum. "Social security reform: Does partial privatization make sense for China?" Journal of Aging Studies 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaging.2004.06.009.
Full text
11
Shichor, David, and Dale K. Sechrest. "Privatization and Flexibility: Legal and Practical Aspects of Interjurisdictional Transfer of Prisoners." Prison Journal 82, no. 3 (September 2002): 386–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003288550208200305.
Full text
12
Estes, Carroll L. "Social Security privatization and older women: A feminist political economy perspective." Journal of Aging Studies 18, no. 1 (February 2004): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaging.2003.09.003.
Full text
13
Albin, Ramona C. "Patents, Innovation, and Privatization." Science and Engineering Ethics 16, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 777–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11948-010-9234-2.
Full text
14
Angın, Merih, and Pınar Bedirhanoğlu. "Privatization processes as ideological moments: The block sales of large-scale state enterprises in Turkey in the 2000s." New Perspectives on Turkey 47 (2012): 139–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001734.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the process of neoliberal transformation in Turkey, what differentiated the 2000s from the previous two decades were the block sale privatizations of large-scale state enterprises such as PETKİM, Türk Telekom, TÜPRAŞ, and ERDEMİR. These block sales, the conditions of which were shaped by political struggles at different levels, were also constitutive political and ideological moments per se, helping to reproduce a particular perception of social reality at the expense of others. This paper will overview and critically problematize the privatization processes of these four enterprises, all completed under the successive AKP governments in power since 2002. By focusing on the apparently technical and economic aspects of the block-sale processes, such as valuation, efficiency enhancement and marketing, the paper calls into question the increased concerns over their transparency, and wonders whether such concerns can be understood as attempts to mask the substantially corrupt nature of capitalist relations of production, which inescapably makes itself felt during these processes.
15
Farkas, Xénia, and Márton Bene. "Images, Politicians, and Social Media: Patterns and Effects of Politicians’ Image-Based Political Communication Strategies on Social Media." International Journal of Press/Politics 26, no. 1 (September 21, 2020): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220959553.
Full textAbstract:
Although images have always been part of politics, research on the visual aspects of political communication recently gained momentum, especially with the spread of social media–based political communication. However, there are still several significant research gaps in this field. The aim of this article is to identify and compare the patterns and effects of Hungarian politicians’ ( n = 51) image-based communication on Facebook ( n = 2,992) and Instagram ( n = 868) during the Hungarian parliamentary election campaign in 2018. By doing so, we shed light on two important dimensions of personalization: individualization and privatization. This work is designed to fill three gaps in the literature. We argue that existing research of visual political communication (1) treats images predominantly as illustrations, (2) is limited to single-platform studies, and (3) does not investigate the engagement effects of images. To move beyond these limitations, this study investigates images as objects of interest on their own; it adopts a cross-platform comparative approach and examines the engagement effects of visual cues by applying a combination of inductive and deductive qualitative content analysis. Our results show that images are often used to personalize communication. While on Facebook the individualization dimension of personalization is more common and popular, on Instagram its privatization dimension prevails. Furthermore, on Facebook, users like more politics-related candidate-centered images, but on Instagram we could not find similar effects for more informal visuals.
16
Packard, Noel. "The ARPANET Into the Internet: A Tale of Two Networks." Studies in Media and Communication 8, no. 1 (April 24, 2020): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v8i1.4783.
Full textAbstract:
The Internet is a split civilian and military entity in physical and social construction. Investigating this split entity in all its manifestations is an important venture, but this study explores the split social construction of the ARPANET’s reported history. ARPANET/Internet literature shows a division between literature that does and does not include the history of the intelligence communities (IC) working relationship with the pre-privatized ARPANET. Two different genres of literature are discussed, charted in a Table and compared to aspects of the ARPANET’s known and reported developmental and privatization history. Different origin stories are discussed in a general way; then a pattern in the literature is explored, namely, how illegally and libelous spy data gathered in 1960s intelligence community (IC) operations and processed through the pre-privatized ARPANET, is acknowledged in indirect or secondhand ways, when ARPA demonstrated feasibility of the ARPANET ; while after pyritization the literature acknowledges IC spying through the commercialized Internet in firsthand and direct ways. The study examines how earlier and contemporary literature continues contesting the role that 1960s IC spy data played in demonstrating the feasibility of the ARPANET; a prerequisite test for the privatization of the ARPANET. Findings indicate ARPANET histories have excluded direct reporting about how ARPA and the IC demonstrated ARPANET’s feasibility prior to privatization. The conclusion is that understanding history about how ARPA and the IC demonstrated ARPANET’s feasibility, makes it easier to comprehend reports about how the Internet serves counterinsurgency purposes. The study confirms ongoing debates about the social construction of Internet history.
17
Duarte, Janaína Lopes do Nascimento. "ENTRE O PÚBLICO E O PRIVADO: o significado das entidades beneficentes no contexto do SUAS no Distrito Federal." Revista Políticas Públicas 17, no. 2 (July 7, 2014): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v17n2p424-435.
Full textAbstract:
Na dinâmica contemporânea de crise e reestruturação do capital, ganha fôlego, no atendimento às necessidades sociais, a partilha de responsabilidades entre Estado, Mercado e “TerceiroSetor”. Na Política de Assistência no Brasil, mesmo com o SUAS, a ênfase na participação da sociedade civil se intensifica com a prestação de serviços por meio das entidades beneficentese de assistência social. O objetivo principal deste ensaio é problematizar o significado atual das entidades beneficentes, no contexto do SUAS, em tempos de privatização e ssistencialização de políticas sociais. Sem esgotar o tema, o texto desenvolve alguns aspectos: conjuntura e proteçãosocial no Brasil, sob o comando do pluralismo de bem-estar e do manejo do risco social; Política de Assistência Social, a partir do SUAS, e a tendência de privatização e assistencialização; tensão entre o público e o privado no âmbito da PNAS, considerando o significado das entidades beneficentes da assistência social.Palavras-chave: Proteção Social; Assistência Social; Entidades BeneficentesBETWEEN THE PUBLIC AND THE PRIVATE: Reflections about the meaning of the Beneficent Entities in the SUAS context Distrito Federal Abstract: In the contemporaneous dynamic of the capital’s crisis and restructuration, the process of division of responsibilities between State, Market and “Third Sector” take breath in order to attend the social necessities”. In the Social Assistance Politics in Brazil, even with the SUAS, the emphasisin the civil society participation it intensifies with the services made by beneficent entities and the social assistance. The main objective of this article is to show the problem of the current meaning of the beneficent entities, in the SUAS context, in times of privatization and assistencialization of the social policies. Without finalizing the subject, the text develop some aspects: conjuncture and social protection in Brazil, under the command of the pluralism of welfare and of the social risk manage;Social Assistance Politic, from the SUAS, and the tendency of privatization and assistencialization; tension between the public and the private under PNAS scope, considering the meaning of the beneficent entities of social assistance.Keywords: Social Protection, Social Assistance, Beneficent Entities.
18
Lewandowski, Cathleen A., and Linnea F. GlenMaye. "Teams in Child Welfare Settings: Interprofessional and Collaborative Processes." Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 83, no. 3 (June 2002): 245–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1606/1044-3894.25.
Full textAbstract:
This study explored the dynamics of collaborative, team-based efforts to provide child welfare services in the context of a public/private partnership model of service delivery. The major areas of exploration included interprofessional team processes, factors that contribute to team effectiveness, perceptions of family participation, and attitudes toward privatization in child welfare. The study used a survey design with a self-administered questionnaire delivered to a purposive sample of 165 child welfare and community professionals who were members of interprofessional child welfare teams in a Midwest, urban county. The findings indicate that respect and unity of purpose predict team satisfaction, and that agency type predicts attitudes toward public/private partnership and some aspects of family participation.
19
Lee, Sang-Dong. "Hungary’s Cultural Sector According to the Political Changes: Focusing on the Trends and Aspects of Hungarian Literature." Korea Association of World History and Culture 63 (June 30, 2022): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.06.63.81.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims to find the basis for claiming cultural homogeneity with Western Europe from a historical point of view. Additionally, by studying Hungarian literature, the article reveals characteristics of European culture during the transition to a post-socialist system such as political democratization, privatization and the establishment of the ownership system. The formation of civil society is also discussed. Social thoughts vividly shown in literature is a significant feature of Hungarian literature in the 20th century. For example, realism in the 19th century only exposed inequality and corruption in society but had no idea about initiating a revolution. However, in the 20th century, the direction of this revolution became apparent, and literature based on the socialism-based revolution emerged. Simultaneously, refusal and resistance to tradition were features of literature in the 20th century, and literature applying scientific analysis also appeared. However these tendencies captured the ideological viewpoint, and in terms of the form and style, it was more confusing and divisive than earlier days.
20
Mijatovic, Bosko. "Economic and financial aspects of Serbia's regionalization." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 112-113 (2002): 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0213069m.
Full textAbstract:
The paper has two parts: in the first one, economic aspect of regionalization is considered, in the second a financial one. Regionalization, like every type of decentralization, represents a serious reform of a state and brings upon several expected as well as unexpected although significant effects on political, social, and economic life. Its goal is an improvement of political, social, and economic functions of a state, not their deterioration. Unfortunately, experience of other countries does not support overwhelming optimism. Most frequently, regionalization is done due to political considerations; economic considerations are of secondary importance or even neglected. Such a dominance of political reasoning neglects fundamental principles and arguments of the economic science, standards of rational approach to decentralization, and even economic efficiency and equality between citizens. Because of that, the emphasis in this paper is on economic and financial aspects of regionalization in Serbia. In the first part the author explores economic aspects of regionalization; four state functions (regulation, stabilization, redistribution, and allocation) in decentralized setting; relations between regionalization, deregulation, and privatization; vertical distribution of functions (exclusive functions by the state, exclusive functions by regions, shared functions). After that he explores advantages of the selected model of creating regions and distribution of authorities in Serbia, particularly economic authorities of regions (1. land planning, urban land use, housing; 2. development and maintenance of infrastructure of regional importance and coordination of public utilities in municipalities; 3. agriculture; 4. tourism; 5. forestry 6. hunting and fishing; 7. vocational training and employment; 8. ecology; 9. public works). Separate section is devoted to social protection (financial transfers and institutions). In the second part of the paper (Financing the Regions) the author first examines certain issues in principle (fiscal revenues, vertical and horizontal balance, debts and moral hazard) and then considers topics of financing regions in Serbia, such as revenues subsidies, and debts.
21
Lacouture, Matthew. "Privatizing the Commons: Protest and the Moral Economy of National Resources in Jordan." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (March 12, 2021): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085902100016x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article interrogates the social impact of one aspect of structural adjustment in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: privatization. In the mid-2000s, King Abdullah II privatized Jordan's minerals industry as part of the regime's accelerated neoliberal project. While many of these privatizations elicited responses ranging from general approval to ambivalence, the opaque and seemingly corrupt sale of the Jordan Phosphate Mines Company (JPMC) in 2006 was understood differently, as an illegitimate appropriation of Jordan's national resources and, by extension, an abrogation of the state's (re-) distributive obligations. Based on interviews with activists, I argue that a diverse cross-section of social movement constituencies – spanning labour and non-labour movements (and factions within and across those movements) – perceived such illegitimate privatizations as a moral violation, which, in turn, informed transgressive activist practices and discourses targeting the neoliberal state. This moral violation shaped the rise and interaction of labour and non-labour social movements in Jordan's “Arab uprisings”, peaking in 2011–2013. While Jordan's uprisings were largely demobilized after 2013, protests in 2018 and 2019 demonstrate the continued relevance of this discourse. In this way, the 2011–2013 wave of protests – and their current reverberations – differ qualitatively from Jordan's earlier wave of “food riots” in 1989 (and throughout the 1990s), which I characterize as primarily restorative in nature.
22
Ignatyev, Vladimir. "Melnikov M.V. Privatization of Public Space: Social and Managerial Aspects. Novosibirsk: NGTU, 2019. 256 p. Revieved by V.I. Ignatyev." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 12 (December 2019): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250007737-3.
Full text
23
Murillo, Roberth Steven Gutiérrez. "Aging in Central America and the Caribbean." Cadernos Ibero-Americanos de Direito Sanitário 10, no. 1 (March 18, 2021): 248–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17566/ciads.v10i1.747.
Full textAbstract:
The book Aging in Central America and the Caribbean, object of this review, was published in 2018 by Centro de Investigaciones sobre América Latina y el Caribe (CIALC), from the Universidad Autónoma de México, and organized by Aída Díaz-Tendero Bollain. The work addresses aging in Latin America and the Caribbean from a multidisciplinary perspective of the phenomenon under the prism of human rights, socio-economic aspects and demographic elements in the region. An important analysis is the privatization of health and social assistance services, which triggered the rupture of ties of intergenerational solidarity and challenged the continuity of economic solidarity for the elderly.
24
Timor, Uri. "Privatization of Prisons in Israel: Gains and Risks." Israel Law Review 39, no. 1 (2006): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700012929.
Full textAbstract:
The Knesset recently authorized privatized prisons in Israel. The rationale is primarily economic, based on claims of savings as high as 25%. However various studies contradict each other with regard both to cutting costs and to the efficacy of privatization. Not all agree that quality of life, daily functioning, and the quality of educational and rehabilitative activities are better in privatized than public prisons. The Ministries of Finance and Internal Security decided on privatization for financial reasons without holding a meaningful public debate on the social, value-based and moral aspects. One such question is whether it is appropriate for the state to transfer coercive power over prisoners lacking autonomy to private parties motivated by economic interests who could possibly exploit their power to profit at the expense of the prisoners' living conditions, treatment, training and rehabilitation upon return to the community. The notion of justice will likely suffer when subordinated to private profit motives. The Privatization of Prisons Law in Israel partially discusses these problems by means of various clauses that restrict the possibility of harming prisoners rights and require care, education and rehabilitative activities, in addition to requiring strict supervision over activities in privatized prisons. However, in Israel, public supervision of privatized entities is inadequate. The rigor of the law is seldom invoked with private parties who violate laws or the terms of contracts they themselves have signed. Hence, the effectiveness of supervision is also somewhat suspect. The disadvantages of privatization render its merits questionable when compared with Israel's current public prisons system. Despite extreme overcrowding and substandard facilities in some Israeli prisons, these function reasonably well. There is relatively little violence, and prisoners enjoy care, education, and vocational training. We may conclude that it is preferable to improve facilities in public prisons, expanding them and strengthening their rehabilitative orientation. This can be done by partially privatizing the care, education and rehabilitation components as well as the services and maintenance, while leaving the security and administration in the hands of the Prison Service.
25
Srivastava, Shobhit, and Altamash Khan. "Globalization and Development in Contemporary India: Cultural Perspective." International Journal of Social Science Studies 4, no. 3 (February 11, 2016): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v4i3.1375.
Full textAbstract:
It is fair to say that the impact of globalization in the cultural sphere has most generally been viewed in a pessimistic light. Typically, it has been associated with the destruction of cultural identities, victims of the accelerating encroachment of a homogenized, westernized, consumer culture. The contemporary phase of globalization which began in the post-cold war era i.e.in 90’s, when in 1991 govt. of India followed the policy of LPG (Liberalization, privatization and globalization). Ever since then there have been numerous changes in various areas i.e. political, social and economical. Here in we will focus on social arena which largely includes the following: (i) Culture which can be in present scenario be termed as global cultural diversity, (ii) Education and health sector affected by SAP (Structural adjustment programme), (iii) Social institution i.e. family, marriage and kinship, (iii) Bazaar culture. Here in, we will be critically analyzing the above mentioned aspects and will examine how globalization is transforming the Indian society.
26
Kouba, Tomáš. "ONLINE RADICALIZATION: TWITTER PRIVATIZATION AS A THREAT TO THE MODERN SOCIETY." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti, Special issue 2022 (November 25, 2022): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.specijal2022.9.
Full textAbstract:
Social media plays a key role in the contemporary world, having indefinite power to influence people by just a single post and click of a button, reaching millions of people in a few seconds. In April 2022, Elon Musk announced his step into the world-famous‘wall of opinions’ – Twitter– with words of creating a better, free-speech-based platform with no limitations. Since online radicalization became the easiest and most powerful recruiting tool for terrorist and extremist organizations, this raised concerns about whether this action is beneficial or not. The aim of the paper was to describe the principle of online radicalization and present it via evidence-based examples, as well as transpose the known aspects of Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter. A comparison study was made between these known examples of radicalization on the Internet, currently used preventive policy principles and possible future steps based on the announcements of Elon Musk himself. Results confirmed that online radicalization is the most effective method for extremists, and that the society and authorities should keep an eye on the development of the platform regarding the real threat of losing control over the content that can be harmful to Twitter users. Free speech is a strong argument for freeing the rules of sharing content, but the ‘dark side’ of this move has to be considered as well.
27
López Arévalo, Jorge Alberto. "The economic policy of the self-proclaimed 4th transformation in Mexico." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 7 (2021): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015305-4.
Full textAbstract:
The government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador set off many expectations in Mexico and in Latin America about a change of course for Mexico, it was thought that the ne-oliberal economic policy that had characterized Mexico since 1983 would be left be-hind. In 1983 Mexico undertook a structural change in its economy, characterized by three basic aspects: the consolidation of public finances; privatization of public compa-nies; trade liberalization. This economic policy remains on its basic foundations and the results are being aggravated by the Covid-19 pandemic. Currently a roadmap that leads to dismantling the neoliberal model in Mexico is nowhere to be seen, even though it is lashed out and held responsible for the country's economic, political and social problems almost every day.
28
Lapyrenok, Roman. "The Political and Economic Origins of the Roman Revolution." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 22, no. 2 (June 7, 2021): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2021.22(2).222-245.
Full textAbstract:
The paper considers some economic and legal aspects of the struggle for the public land in Late Republican Rome. This period is one of the most controversial in ancient history; it brought many significant changes to the socio-economic and political life of Rome and contributed much to its transformation from Republic to Principate. Nevertheless, there is no special paper examining the competition between the Romans and Italians for the ager publicus populi Romani which started with the agrarian reform of Tiberius Gracchus in modern historiography. The first episode ended after the enactment in 111 B.C. of the lex agraria, when a large amount of public land was brought into private hands by its Roman possessors. A further part of the ager publicus populi Romani was still public and remained in hands of the socii. The logic of historical process, the economic changes of the second century B.C. which led Rome from Republic to Principate, demanded the formation of a new class of landowners. The latter would be the basis of the political system of the Roman Empire instead of the nobilitas; its political power would be based on private ownership of land. This was impossible without the full privatization of public land, and it is logical that the struggle for the ager publicus populi Romani was not ended in 111 B.C. Only after privatization of that land, which was possessed by the allies, the agrarian question in Rome could be fully resolved. The latter problem is of crucial importance for the further history of Rome, because it not only caused the Social War but also radically changed both the social structure and the political balance within Roman society during the last decades of the Republic.
29
Forster, Tim. "Contesting class, gender and national identity: The visual art practice of Test Dept." Punk & Post-Punk 00, no. 00 (April 1, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00130_1.
Full textAbstract:
The 1980s was a time of discontinuity in the United Kingdom as the country was restructured through an extensive reconfiguration of economic, social and political relations. This shift towards what would subsequently be termed neo-liberalism included the deliberate dismantling of organized labour as a political force, privatization, deregulation, cuts to the welfare state and a belief in the pre-eminence of the market as the most effective processor of information. Test Dept formed in 1981 and evolved politically in the socio-economic context of the early imposition of neo-liberalism. Test Dept’s visual art practice contested neo-liberal representation and discourse, opening up space and providing resources for alternative identities and the perpetuation of models of identity based around collectivism and solidarity. This article explores Test Dept’s practice, focusing on three aspects of identity that neo-liberalism attempted to restructure: class, gender and national identity.
30
Paul, Susanne S., and James A. Paul. "The World Bank, Pensions, and Income (In)Security in the Global South." International Journal of Health Services 25, no. 4 (October 1995): 697–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/w99v-7jbj-ep4b-53x2.
Full textAbstract:
The authors describe and analyze recent reductions and reorganizations of public pension programs in Latin America, as well as trends in pensions in the global South more broadly. They consider the role of the World Bank in the current pension “reform” process and situate the Bank's policies in the context of privatization, reduction of social budgets, and other aspects of structural adjustment. Chilean pension changes are analyzed in particular, showing that even by the Bank's criteria, the reforms have not been successful. The authors then discuss pension changes in China, where the World Bank is also deeply involved. The article concludes with the consideration of a number of arguments about pensions and support mechanisms in later life—including family support and means-tested welfarism—and argues in favor of global policy approaches, such as globally funded pensions and full access by older persons to productive and remunerated labor.
31
Nasreen, Shagufta, and Nasreen Aslam Shah. "Economic Globalization And Women’s Employment: Study Of Industrial Sector Of Karachi." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 5, no. 1 (December 8, 2011): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v5i1.392.
Full textAbstract:
Globalization is a term which has different meanings for different people and the reason is its multidimensional connection with economic, political, social, cultural, environmental and many other aspects shaping the lives of people around the world. Although it has vast meaning but one of its important aspects is economic this has appeared to be the major factor of influence for its other dimensions as well. This study explores the impacts of these policies on women working in industrial sector of Karachi. The impacts are not on employment but their health, safety, working conditions and decision making. It shows that formal jobs for women was already low and informal, contract based jobs are increasing. In some sectors more women are hired because of their perceived docile, tolerant and satisfied with substandard wages. Majority of women are hired in garments. Analysis of secondary data from the year 1990-2009 shows that the perceived idea of growth, increase in employment and development was not successful. Economic globalization in the form of economic policies of trade liberalization, privatization and fiscal austerity could not improve the macroeconomic indicators of Pakistan thereby increasing burden on poor, salaried class and women.
32
Demiri, Shemsije, and Rudina Kaja. "OWNERSHIP IN THE REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA AND THE STATE AS THE HOLDER OF THE PROPERTY RIGHT UNDER THE CONSTITUTION IN 1991." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1993–2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061993s.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with the right to property in general terms from its source in Roman law, which is the starting point for all subsequent legal systems. As a result of this, the acquisition of property rights is handled from the historical point of view, with the inclusion of various local and international literature and studies, as well as the legal aspect devoted to the respective civil codes of the states cited in the paper.Due to such socio-economic developments, state ownership and its ownership function have changed. The state function as owner of property also changed in Macedonia's property law.The new constitutional sequence of the Republic of Macedonia since 1991 became privately owned as a dominant form of ownership, however, state ownership also exists.This process of transforming social property into state or private (dissolves), in Macedonia starts from Yugoslavia through privatization, return and denationalization measures, on which basis laws on privatization have been adopted. Because of this, there will be particularly intensive negotiations regaring the remaining state assets.
33
Lee, Dalgon. "Public and Private Partnership in the Seoul Olympic Games: A New Era of Cooperation in Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 3 (December 31, 1988): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps03004.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is concerned with the public and private partnership in and the privatization of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, The Seoul Olympiad turned out a big success in almost all aspects of preparation and operation. In particular, the close cooperation among the related governmental agencies, private firms, various social organizations, and families and citizens was a driving force behind the success of the Olympiad. The voluntary citizen participation in hosting the Olympics contributed to the efficient operation and will leave long-term effects on approaching urban problems. Although the motivation and incentive in participating in the event were different for each participant, it is true the cooperation was wide and deep. This seems to be a good paragon and experience for Seoulite as well as all Koreans in realizing the efficacy of voluntary participation in public affairs. The only problem we still worry about is the authoritative nature of the administrative guidance partly used in inducing the private firms to contribute to the Olympics.
34
Šljukić, S., and M. Šljukić. "Sociological aspects of the transformation of agrarian structure of Serbia in 1990-2018." RUDN Journal of Sociology 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2019-19-2-235-243.
Full textAbstract:
One of the constitutive elements of former socialist societies that suffered radical transformations in recent decades of ‘the transition’ is certainly the agrarian structure. The authors focus on the sociological aspects of the Serbian agrarian structure transformation from the breakdown of the socialist system to the present day. The first phase of changes (1990-2000) created an environment and prerequisites for the differentiation of peasantry that continues until the present day. The second phase (2001-2012) is characterized by the appearance of large agricultural enterprises that emerged primarily as a result of privatization. During the third phase (2013-) Serbia has been drawn into the global process of ‘land grabbing’. The authors argue that in agriculture, instead of the middle class consisting of farmers, the country got a very differentiated peasantry opposing the large enterprises; and this situation is typical for post-socialist states due to three interrelated reasons: the new social-economic order was not built on the ruins of socialism but rather from the ruins; different actors within the Serbian society pursued their particular interests in the process of changes and followed demagogical declarative instructions from external experts, especially from the West; new political elites did not strive to build ex-socialist states according to their own model but rather met the needs and carried out the plans of their governments and companies, i.e. the term ‘periferization’ should be used instead of the term ‘transition’. In the final part of the paper, the authors try to answer the question why the transitional expectations regarding agrarian structural transformation did not come true, and the institutional framework for the majority of farmers working on the medium-size lands was not created. The authors also try to predict the upcoming possible alterations within the agrarian structure of the Republic of Serbia.
35
Gupta, Aman, and Sushil Kumar. "Comparing the performance of public and private enterprises: case for a reappraisal – evidence from India." International Journal of Public Sector Management 34, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-04-2020-0117.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeState-owned enterprises (SOEs) are essential tools to further policy objectives across the world. However, in the past few decades, heated debates on the performance of SOEs vis-à-vis private sector enterprises have surfaced. In India, SOEs have long played an important role in the economy and only recently have undergone the trend of privatization. The purpose of this paper is to analyze existing research and to conclude whether private enterprises perform better than SOEs.Design/methodology/approachA review of available literature on performance comparisons of public and private sector enterprises is carried out, and differences between public and private enterprises are studied. Finally, theoretical propositions on the differences in objectives of public and private enterprises in the Indian context are enumerated. Three propositions are tested using data on Indian SOEs available in the public domain.FindingsPerformance comparisons of public and private enterprises have focused merely on technical productivity or financial aspects and have thus left out the wide scope of social, economic and political objectives of SOEs. Literature on the nature of SOEs indicates that there are certain fundamental differences in the objectives of public and private sector enterprises. Further, the basic theoretical assumptions tested have been found to be, prima facie, valid in the Indian context. The paper thus establishes a case for further research to develop a comprehensive technique for the comparison of public and private sector enterprises in the Indian context.Originality/valueExtant research on the subject of comparing public and private entries has limited itself to technoeconomic considerations and has not taken into account the different objectives/nature of these enterprises. The study established a case for diverging from the present discourse privatization and private sector supremacy. The same could have far-reaching consequences for policymakers, especially in developing countries.
36
Isaacman, Allen, and Muchaparara Musemwa. "Water Security in Africa in the Age of Global Climate Change." Daedalus 150, no. 4 (2021): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_e_01870.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This essay explores the multiple ways in which the nexuses between water scarcity and climate change are socially and historically grounded in ordinary people's lived experiences and are embedded in specific fields of power. Here we specifically delineate four critical dimensions in which the water crises confronting the African continent in an age of climate change are clearly expressed: the increasing scarcity, privatization, and commodification of water in urban centers; the impact of large dams on the countryside; the health consequences of water shortages and how they, in turn, affect other aspects of people's experiences, sociopolitical dynamics, and well-being, broadly conceived; and water governance and the politics of water at the local, national, and transnational levels. These overarching themes form the collective basis for the host of essays in this volume that provide rich accounts of conflicts and struggles over water use and how these tensions have been mitigated.
37
Taskarina, Leebarty, and Widiastuti Veronika Nuri. "Dreaming of The Peaceful Ways: An Evaluation of The Indonesian Deradicalisation Program." Technium Social Sciences Journal 25 (November 9, 2021): 687–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v25i1.5092.
Full textAbstract:
The Indonesian deradicalization program conducted by Indonesian National Counterterrorism Agency (BNPT) comes under public scrutiny due the number of terrorist recidivism with a total of 47 individuals during 2018 until 2020. This indicates that the ongoing deradicalization program has not been successful and effective and it requires a massive change across all levels. This article aims to analyse the Indonesian deradicalization programs which has been adopting the peacemaking criminology approach and how it is implemented. Employing a qualitative study through desk research and informal interviews as the data collection techniques, this article examines various problems and challenges that are hampering the peacemaking-based deradicalization programs in Indonesia, including the problem of database on the ex-convicts, methods of approach and assessment, reliance on the top-down approach conducted by government institutions, pandemic challenges, and inconsistencies with the legal or judicial aspects. Adapting to the social change approach by including the involvement of the non-government stakeholders is important for deradicalization program to work. This article recommends that the evaluation of deradicalization policies in Indonesia should consider the re-focusing of deradicalization goals by aiming at behavioural changes rather than mindset and ideological changes, incorporating gender aspects in deradicalization programs, research-based programs formulation based on intersecting multidiscipline research fields and the possibility for the deradicalization as well as disengagement privatization programs to increase the effectiveness and reduce inefficiency.
38
Cronin, Karen. "The privatization of public talk: a New Zealand case study on the use of dialogue for civic engagement in biotechnology governance." New Genetics and Society 27, no. 3 (September 2008): 285–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636770802326950.
Full text
39
Kamosiński, Sławomir. "To Regulate or to Liberate? Business Development and the Dilemmas of the Authorities Regarding the Shape of Economic Policy in the Years 1989–1995." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 35, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2017-0008.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the history of Poland, it is very clear that the year 1989 is one of the most distinctive turning points - a final break with the political, social, and economic system built in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, and reinstatement of democracy and free market economy upon the will of the nation. The world had never witnessed a transformation process as large as the one that occurred in Poland after the year 1989. Importantly, this transformation could not be programmed. Therefore, economic policy implemented by governments of the time was constantly amended as problems arose. The course of ownership transformation was monitored. It was observed that the so-called Privatization Act of July 13, 1990 lacked regulations concerning environment protection. Freedom to establish truck transport companies resulted with many anomalies, as it enabled, for instance, the use of trucks in poor technical condition. New regulations in insurance law, which lifted mandatory insurance of production assets against damage from natural disasters, meant that many entrepreneurs decided not to have this insurance. Such was the shape of the economic reality in the first years of the transition, between 1989 and 1995. The state did not want to regulate all aspects of economic life. However, as time went by, politicians and MPs received information from the free market, indicating a need for solutions regulating some sectors of the economy. This article discusses the three aspects of economic life mentioned above, and points out how the governmental and parliamentary strategies towards these aspects of economic life changed in the first years of transformation (1989-1995).
40
Simatupang, Parhimpunan, and Abdul Razak Chik. "FDI in Tourism Sector and Economic Growth in Sumatra Utara." Winners 15, no. 2 (September 30, 2014): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/tw.v15i2.628.
Full textAbstract:
Globalization and neo liberal policies such as liberalization and privatization have generated a significant growth for FDI and considered an important source for capital and foreign currency, capable of spurring economic growth in developing countries. One sector that received particular attention, due to its significant contributions towards economic development, especially in Indonesia, is tourism. Tourism investments in Indonesia are mainly focused on the development of fully-integrated resort sites that help boost the construction of tourist facilities such as hotels and the development of the surrounding environment through social and cultural aspects. The total contribution of travel and tourism to GDP was IDR736.3 billion or 8.9% of GDP in 2012. Foreign direct tourism investments grew by 210% between 2011 and 2012, or at an annual compound average growth rate of 38% between 2006 and 2012. While the implications are at national level, not much could be gathered on the local perspectives. This paper intends to explore the implication of FDI in tourism sector towards economic growth in one of tourism attraction provinces in Indonesia—Sumatra Utara. Specifically, which economic factors contributed towards FDI inflows and their impacts on economic growth in Sumatra Utara.
41
Barnett, Pauline, and Laurence Malcolm. "Beyond Ideology: The Emerging Roles of New Zealand's Crown Health Enterprises." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 1 (January 1997): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/l0rn-r2mt-0pl6-utjg.
Full textAbstract:
New Zealand has experienced radical public sector restructuring over the last decade, including the corporatization and subsequent privatization of state trading units and the reform of social services, including health. In 1991 a new government proposed and then implemented more radical health reforms, which included the corporatization of state-owned provider units (23 crown health enterprises) and the creation of an internal market with purchasers (four regional health authorities) separated from providers. Interviews with chief executives of crown health enterprises suggest that provider units are seeking a wider role than envisaged, with an interest in the health needs of their populations and undertaking some purchasing on their behalf. The purchasers see a narrower role for crown health enterprises. Both purchasers and providers report that competition between providers is not particularly helpful (and with only limited opportunities for this to occur), with collaboration being seen as more useful. Providers are critical of purchasers' ability to adopt a strategic approach. Unlike other aspects of New Zealand's restructuring, there appears to be a retreat from some of the more radical facets of the reforms, reflecting both the resistance of the health sector and a newly uncertain political climate.
42
Cheterian, Vicken. "Georgia's Rose Revolution: Change or Repetition? Tension between State-Building and Modernization Projects." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230530.
Full textAbstract:
The wave of Colour Revolutions, which started in Serbia in the year 2000, and spread to Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan, has changed the existing concepts on how transformation would take form in countries exiting from “really existing socialism.” In the early years following the collapse of the Soviet state, the dominant concepts were that of “transition” or slow, top-down reforms that would transform the existing political systems from ruling-party dictatorships to parliamentary democracies, and planned economies to market-based ones. Yet in the late 1990s there was a growing fatigue and pessimism towards the basic thesis of transition: the transition paradigm was formulated as a reaction to the perceived causes of the Soviet failure: a totalitarian state which monopolized the political space proved itself unable to provide either economic well-being or political legitimacy. The task in the early 1990s was to shrink the state apparatus, to make space for a multi-party political pluralism. Even though some argued that the main objective of transition was to achieve democracy,1 for transition theories and even more so for its translation into actual political choices the economic aspect of transition was perceived to be more immediate than the political one. Democracy needed a certain material context, and here too decreasing the role of the state was thought to liberate the market and provide material stability to the new democracies. It was necessary to create a new middle class by way of mass privatization of the former state properties to create a social demand for democracy. Those ideas reflected not only an ideological victory of the one side of the Cold War over the Eastern camp, but also very practical needs: the huge Soviet state sector was neither sustainable nor necessary after the fall of one-party rule, and it had to be radically transformed. At the time, this transition was thought to be an easy task: to take off the oppressing lid of the party-state and let democracy and market economies emerge naturally. Yet in the conception of transition there was a certain tension between the economic and political sides of the imagined reforms, between mass privatization with its dire social consequences of unemployment and fall in the standard of living, and the political goals of democratization where people who were being “restructured” were simultaneously promised to receive the right to change their rulers by casting their ballots. Would people who are threatened with job loss and lower living standards vote for the reformers? And in the event of a negative answer, how would the reforms proceed? Should economic reforms come before political ones; that is, first privatization and in a second stage freedom of political choice through parliamentary elections? These are some of the dilemma that the new republics of the Soviet Union and the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe were facing in the early 1990s. At the time, the answer was clear: the economy came first; it was more important to reform the economic sector, to privatize massively, and stabilize the economy as soon as possible. The economy came before politics, in the sense that restructuring of the property structure through mass privatization was supposed to create the material means for the creation of democracy. It was believed that once the middle class was created as a result of mass privatization, the democratic institutions, such as free elections, multi-party system, independent media, an active civil society, in a word, all the attributes of democracy, would evolve naturally.
43
Podgorny, Boris. "Female investors in the stock market: a look from Russia." Economic Annals-ХХI 186, no. 11-12 (December 28, 2020): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v186-07.
Full textAbstract:
With the growing impact of the Russian stock market on economic processes in the country, there arises a need for detailed and systematic information on various social aspects, including the existing and projected number of investors, their gender ratio, social characteristics and investment behaviour. The article presents data on the gender ratio of private investors, as well as detailed characteristics of Russian females investors and their investment strategies. It is shown that the Russian stock market is moving towards gender balance. The largest number of females investors belongs to the age of 25-34. Most of them live in cities and work as employees of private companies. One half of female investors have an average monthly income per family member of less than USD 350. Nowadays, 25 years after the Russian privatization, about one third of all females investors have a negative opinion about this process and its results. Russian females investors have gone through the following investment strategies: about 40% have stopped operations, becoming formal investors; about one third have opened individual investment accounts; the others are divided into the following categories: investors, inactive traders, intraday traders and scalper traders. There exist at least two problems, the solution of which will contribute to the development of the market and increase the number of private investors. They include a limited number of issuers whose shares are available on the organized Russian stock market and the lack of offers to invest in real projects.
44
Chita, Eleni, Efi Drimili, Zoe Gareiou, Christina Milioti, Antigoni Vranna, Stavros Poulopoulos, and Efthimios Zervas. "Impact of Economic Crisis on Passenger Transportation – Case of Travelling to the Greek Mainland from Crete." Promet - Traffic&Transportation 32, no. 3 (May 10, 2020): 347–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7307/ptt.v32i3.3255.
Full textAbstract:
The Greek economic crisis of 2009 onwards has affected all aspects of social and economic life of the country, including transportation. The present study focuses on the impact of economic crisis on the long distance transportation between the island of Crete in Greece, the largest Greek island and one of the largest in the Mediterranean Sea, and the Greek mainland. A questionnaire survey was used to investigate the opinions of the Cretans on the way the economic crisis influenced their transportation to the Greek mainland. The results of the survey show that the frequency of the Cretans’ travels was significantly limited, owing to the increased direct or indirect associated cost, due to the economic crisis. Especially for those who struggled to make ends meet, the transportation to the mainland dropped to the bare essentials. Furthermore, the respondents deemed that the deregulation of the Greek maritime and airline markets was also to blame for the high fares, thus they favoured a regulated public transport sector and were against privatization. Inevitably, financially vulnerable individuals were the most preoccupied with these issues. A feeling of isolation and exclusion was revealed by the sample on occasions when the scheduled trips were cancelled by the operators due to exogenous parameters.
45
Ochoa, Francisco Rojas, and Cándido M. López Pardo. "Economy, Politics, and Health Status in Cuba." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 4 (October 1997): 791–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hbxe-6kwm-0h9v-1dcf.
Full textAbstract:
An economic contraction occurred in Cuba at the beginning of the 1990s, of a magnitude greater than in any developed country in the last half century. This resulted primarily from the disappearance of the European socialist bloc and simultaneous tightening of the U.S. government's blockade at a time when Cuba was engaged in correcting its main economic problems. The economic crisis affected a number of areas of Cuban society. The state adopted a series of measures to cope with the socioeconomic situation, which have yielded positive results in the social and economic fields, as well as some undesirable results. In the health sector, the economic crisis has mainly reduced the availability of resources and has adversely affected some health determinants and some aspects of the population's health status. Despite the prevailing economic difficulties, the government is determined to preserve the country's achievements in health, and to develop them still further. The solution is not privatization or the introduction of health insurance systems or similar measures. Rather, Cuba will seek greater rationality and economic efficiency in the health sector. It has ratified the principles that the state should continue to finance the health system and maintain universal coverage and accessibility through free services.
46
Giroux, Henry A. "Fighting for the Future." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 11, no. 4 (July 13, 2011): 328–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708611414658.
Full textAbstract:
This article compares the massive and widespread student protests in Europe and the Middle East with the relatively weak forms of protests emanating from students in the United States. Through consideration of the different formative cultures in Europe and the Middle East and the protesters’ use of the new media technologies, the article argues that the formative culture for dissent and critical education in the United States has been weakened and depoliticized, while neoliberal economic conditions and disciplinary apparatuses have amplified such conditions. Increased privatization, the closing down of critical public spheres, and the endless commodification of all aspects of social life have created a generation of students in the United States reared on the view that politics is irrelevant. In contrast, the message heard by students all over the world, especially in Europe, is that casino capitalism and totalitarian societies can no longer make a claim on the future of young people and increasingly are failing, either through making false promises or using threats and coercion to contain the hopes of young people. Rather than asking why U.S. students do not engage in massive protests, the crucial question raised by this article is when will they look beyond the norms, discourses, and rewards of the neoliberal society they have inherited from their elders?
47
Pradipta, Lengga. "The Shift of Staple Food from Sago to Rice: A Study about Food Security and Indigenous Communities." Society 7, no. 1 (July 22, 2019): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v7i1.76.
Full textAbstract:
Food security is still becoming a crucial issue in developing countries nowadays, either in urban or rural areas. There are many factors triggered this condition, such as the increase in population pressure and conflict, privatization and changing tenure arrangements, poverty, social differentiation and also environmental degradation. It’s undeniable that food security is a multidimensional problem, especially for people who lived in rural or isolated areas. In Mentawai Islands, a district located in the western part of Indonesia, the indigenous people depend on forest product (sago) as their main source of food. However, since 2012, the government has destroyed their food culture by establishing the ‘National Food Security Improvement Program’ and conducting the agricultural intensification as well as establishing 600 hectares of new rice fields in six sub - districts; South Pagai, North Pagai, Sikakap, South Sipora, North Sipora, and South Siberut. This study is conducted comprehensively using the Food Security and Vulnerability Analysis (FSVA) to understand and describe the exact profiles of food-insecurities and vulnerable households. Furthermore, it also identified the risks and vulnerabilities of food consumption in Mentawai communities. Findings depict that shifting or transforming the food culture from sago to rice is a serious issue because socio-cultural aspects influence it and surely the government has to make a parallel policy that can accommodate the people needs, not only prioritize the national development agenda.
48
Stachowiak, Paweł. "Kościół katolicki wobec pamięci zbiorowej Polaków. Ciągłość i zmiana." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.3.10.
Full textAbstract:
The paper attempts to present the leading objectives and motives of the ‘Church’s policy of memory’ before and after 1989. The author states that, like many other institutions of public life, the Catholic Church implements its own policy to shape the collective memory of Poles, both in terms of legitimization and content. At the time of the Polish People’s Republic, the first and foremost objective of the ‘Church’s memory policy’ was to counteract the activities of the communist authorities, which were carrying out a project to restrict the Church’s influence to the narrowly understood field of the priesthood and which ultimately aimed at the atheization of Polish society. The emphasis on the historical symbiosis of Polishness and Catholicism served the purpose of defending the traditional form of Polish religiousness and providing the Church with social support in the struggle to maintain the public dimension of its influence. Despite the change in language, the present objective of the Church’s historical narration appears similar: to oppose these aspects of secularization trends that drive the Church away from public space and so intensifying the phenomenon of the privatization of faith. Whether in the past or present, the Church’s vision of the past is to secure its own stability as an institution and retain the role of a significant factor contributing to the national and state conscience of Poles.
49
Rodukov, Alexey. "Transformation of States in the Era of Globalization: Synergistic Aspect." Logos et Praxis, no. 2 (September 2019): 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lp.jvolsu.2019.2.14.
Full textAbstract:
Social synergy considers the historical process as a movement along a logarithmic (narrowing and going to infinity) spiral that is a "golden spiral", obeying the law of differentiating and integrating of social ideals (V.P. Branskiy). The totalitarian ideal expresses the cult of responsibility (order) and the anarchist ideal expresses the cult of freedom (chaos). The society is committed to an optimal balance of chaos and order, freedom and responsibility. Thus, in the concept of "regimes with exacerbation" by S.P. Kurdyumov the phase transition (from one state to another) is associated with an increasing tendency to speeding up the process. The history shows rather "oscillation" tendencies of strengthening or weakening of the state. Extremes are deconstructive. Thus the processes of establishing the optimal ratio between chaos and order in society are reflected in the law of hierarchical compensation by E.A. Sedov. However, the self-organization of the state as such is carried out as an endless tendency towards the common to all mankind ideal and it is non-linear, contrary to the classics of Marxism. Nowadays, the fateful for the state contradiction between the democratic process of "degovernmentalization", on the one hand, and the "capture" of supranational institutions and functions first by the national and then transnational corporations, on the other, is being actualized. The privatization of property and the non-admission of the "rest" of population to this process leads to the de-socialization of the state. The goal of a corporation-state is to weaken or even eliminate the national identity and sovereignty of a nation-state. The state rejection of social functions and guarantees means its strengthening. On the contrary, the development and functioning of the institutions of the societal state and civil society goes under state patronage and leads to the removal of the state monopoly from the several sides of the life of society.
50
von Beyme, Klaus. "Economics and Politics in a Socialist Country: Gorbachev's New Concepts." Government and Opposition 23, no. 2 (April 1, 1988): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00076.x.
Full textAbstract:
SINCE GORBACHEV'S COMING TO POWER THE RELATIONSHIP between economics and politics in the Soviet Union has been changing rapidly. But even from the outset one could see that there would be limits to change. The primacy of politics which characterizes the relationship between economics and politics under the conditions of socialism in power will be fully maintained in the future, too. All proposals for more decentralization meet with obstacles when they seem to call into question the leading role of the party. The party is only advised to observe a kind of ‘economic restraint’: it should stop mingling every aspect of public administration with the economy. The idea is to free the party from its responsibility for detail in order to allow it to concentrate more on its central political tasks. In this respect socialism has problems similar to those which Western governments face in the welfare state. After the end of the hegemony of social democracy it is, above all, the conservative parties in Western Europe who are ready to reduce the responsibility of the governments of the day for many economic and social tasks: this is why we find deregulation efforts, privatization of public enterprises and the transfer of political functions to non-state social organizations everywhere.