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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social Democratic Party

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Academic literature on the topic 'Social Democratic Party'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Social Democratic Party"

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Kitschelt, Herbert. "Class Structure and Social Democratic Party Strategy." British Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 299–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006633.

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Arguments that infer the inevitable decline of European socialist and social democratic parties from the changing class structures of advanced capitalist societies have two major flaws. Firstly, they do not adequately reconstruct the link between citizens' experiences in markets, work organizations and the sphere of social reproduction, on the one hand, and the formation of political consciousness, on the other. Secondly, such propositions do not model the strategic terrain of party competition and intra-party decision making on which socialist politicians devise voter appeals. This article will first present a sketch of an alternative theory of preference formation that does not rely on conventional class categories and then analyse party competition as faced by social democrats under advanced capitalism. It will then test ‘naive’ and ‘sophisticated’ theories of class politics and account for their shortcomings in terms of the alternative theoretical framework.

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Hickson, Kevin, and Jasper Miles. "Social democratic Euroscepticism: Labour’s neglected tradition." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 4 (July 20, 2018): 864–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118787148.

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The referendum result of 2016 creates a timely opportunity to reappraise Euroscepticism in British politics. This article examines the Eurosceptic tradition within the Labour Party, specifically its moderate wing. During the referendum campaign, Euroscepticism within the Labour Party was presented as a temporary phenomenon limited to the ‘hard left’ of the Party in the early 1980s. However, this view neglects a much longer tradition of Euroscepticism on the moderate wing of the Labour Party dating back to the earliest post–Second World War attempts to foster European unity. This article seeks to restore that tradition and concludes that it is built on a clear conceptualisation of social democratic ideology.

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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.

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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.

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Schleiter, Petra, Tobias Böhmelt, Lawrence Ezrow, and Roni Lehrer. "Social Democratic Party Exceptionalism and Transnational Policy Linkages." World Politics 73, no. 3 (June 7, 2021): 512–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000022.

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ABSTRACTPolitical parties learn from foreign incumbents, that is, parties abroad that won office. But does the scope of this cross-national policy diffusion vary with the party family that generates those incumbents? The authors argue that party family conditions transnational policy learning when it makes information on the positions of sister parties more readily available and relevant. Both conditions apply to social democratic parties. Unlike other party families, social democrats have faced major competitive challenges since the 1970s and they exhibit exceptionally strong transnational organizations—factors, the authors contend, that uniquely facilitate cross-national policy learning from successful parties within the family. The authors analyze parties’ policy positions using spatial methods and find that social democratic parties are indeed exceptional because they emulate one another across borders more than do Christian democratic and conservative parties. These findings have important implications for our understanding of political representation and of social democratic parties’ election strategies over the past forty years.

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McKee, Vincent. "FACTIONALISM IN THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY, 1981–1987." Parliamentary Affairs 42, no. 2 (April 1989): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052188.

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O’Connor, Emmet. "Neither democratic nor a programme: the Democratic Programme of 1919." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.4.

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AbstractOn 21 January 1919, the first Dáil adopted four constitutional documents, the best known of which is the Democratic Programme, a statement of social values, based on proposals from the Labour Party. The Programme is usually regarded as a cynical reward to Labour for its abstention from the 1918 general election, and nationalist elites have frequently been criticised for reneging on it. This paper will argue that the Programme was written to advance the Irish cause at the International Socialist Conference at Berne in February 1919, that parts of the Programme were implemented, and that it is very likely that the Labour Party did not write it to be implemented.

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Nothomb, Charle-Ferdinand. "La première décènnie du Parti Social Chrétien autonome." Res Publica 30, no. 4 (December 31, 1988): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v30i4.18894.

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The first ten years of the autonomous francophone Christian Democratic Party (PSC) in Belgium has pro and cons.Positive elements are the accession to power of a new generation of leaders, the reorganisation through more participation, clearer relations towards the flemish Christian Democratic Party (CVP), an open mind towards an acceptable regionalization, an active role in creating the European Christian Democratic Party and the restructuring of municipal government.Negative elements are the absence of a federal party-structure between PSC and CVP and of a satisfactory state reform, and the missing of a centrist project of handling the economic crisis and of a decentralization in favour of the local powers.

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Aikman, Calum. "The Birth of the Social Democratic Party in Scotland." Contemporary British History 27, no. 3 (September 2013): 324–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2013.794696.

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Semetko, Holli A. "A Study Guide to the Social Democratic Party (SDP)." Politics 7, no. 1 (April 1987): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1987.tb00267.x.

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Sloam, James. "Book Review: Social Democratic Party Policies in Contemporary Europe." Party Politics 12, no. 2 (March 2006): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135406880601200208.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social Democratic Party"

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Seelbach, Stefan. "The modernisation of party organisation : the impact of the Social Democratic Party." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249137.

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Young, David Murray. "People, place and party : the Social Democratic Federation, 1884-1911." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3081/.

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This study presents a social and political history of the Social Democratic Federation from the early 1880s to the end of the Edwardian era with a focus on the London area. The SDF has often been portrayed as an intransigent and alien organisation by the existing historiography but this study outlines the relationship between the political journey of individual members, the constraints and potential of the local area and the resultant politics of the SDF as an organisation. With the aid of under-utilised sources such as branch minutes and publications this thesis builds a profile of SDF membership in London and the factors affecting membership in the metropolis. There then follows sections on branch culture and propaganda followed by chapters on the cultural/political questions of gender, religion and education. The second half of the thesis deals with the more political questions of strategy, ideology, internationalism (and racism), trade unionism and relations with the Labour Party. The title 'People, Place and Party' is meant to indicate the tension between those elements that affect the development of an organisation. With an awareness of these elements and by using a breadth of source material it is possible to overcome the obstacle of the 'dogmatic' stereotype of the SDF.

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Probert, Paul Duncan. "The German Social Democratic Party and Wilhelmine foreign policy, 1897-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395780.

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Wolff, Annabelle. "The British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party : changing attitudes towards the welfare state." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/10100.

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Placing politics in time can greatly enrich our understanding of complex social dynamics. The question this thesis tries to answer is which mechanism led to the change in attitudes of the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party towards the welfare state during the period from 1990 to 2010 and which effects in consequence these changes had on the existing welfare states. This thesis builds on the welfare state categorization work done by the Danish sociologist Gosta Esping-Andersen ("Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism"). However, the thesis focuses its in- depth analysis on Germany and the United Kingdom as prototypical conservative and liberal states. The heuristic text analysis, as well as the discourse analysis of party leader speeches, party manifestos and programmes, as well as the conducted expert interviews reveal that social, political, technological and economic changes during the given time period radically challenged and changed the norms and values of the welfare providers and with it the given welfare state, as well as the meaning, function and value of work. While many may argue that it was mainly the neo-liberal political and economic style that changed the attitude towards the welfare state, it was in fact just the trigger for a radical change in the interpretation of the basic social democratic values of freedom, justice and solidarity. This change made significant welfare state reforms inevitable and only with further changes can a balance and satisfaction within the welfare state system and within all welfare providing sectors (the state, the market, households and the third sector) be achieved. A new balanced social democratic approach for the 21st century is a ‘symmetrical welfare state’ that stands for mirror-image equality.

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Halcli, Abigail Lee. "Gender relations and social democratic party transformation : the case of women in The British Labour Party /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487941504295481.

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Kulessa, Karl. "Postwar American government attitudes towards the German Social Democratic Party, 1945-1948." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5930.

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Apel, Erik. "Guns n' roses : The Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Saudi agreement." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5427.

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In this study I examine the decisions to sign and later terminate the so called Saudi agreement, a military memorandum of understanding (MoU) between Sweden and Saudi Arabia, understood as a gateway agreement for future arms deals as well as exchange of defense technology knowledge. Comparing statements from the Social Democratic Party (SAP), who held government both in 2005 when the agreement was signed as well as in 2015 when it was terminated unilaterally by Sweden, I examine the ideological preferences of Swedish foreign policy. Could the shift in policy be explained by ideology?

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Carmel, Emma. "Demanding the possible : social politics, policy and discourse in the German Social Democratic Party, 1986-98." Thesis, University of York, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246980.

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Hertner, Isabelle. "Don't mention Europe : a study of the Europeanisation of party organisation in the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democratic Party." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/475dfca8-c859-35f1-f6cc-cc8bfbfb1f15/7/.

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This thesis examines how the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS) and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) have ‘Europeanised' their organisations in three different arenas: (1) in the electorate and party system; (2) in central government and parliament; and (3) in their internal procedures and activities. ‘Europeanisation' is defined as ‘a shorthand term for a complex process whereby national actors (in this case, parties) adapt to, and also seek to shape, the trajectory of European integration in general, and EU policies and processes in particular' (Bomberg: 2002, 32). The underlying argument is that social democratic parties have to respond to challenges created by the European Single Market, which demands the reduction of state subsidies, and by the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), which sets limits to public spending. Social democratic parties are expected to react to these challenges by Europeanising their organisations. This thesis draws on the academic literature, party documents and contemporary newspaper articles, together with insights gained from 70 semi-structured interviews with EU experts at the European and national levels. The central claim is that Labour, the PS and SPD have not become as Europeanised as might have been supposed for three ostensibly pro-European parties. Whilst successive party leaderships have paid lip service to the increasing importance of European integration, their party organisations have barely been involved in the formulation of European policy. The findings have serious implications for the three parties and domestic politics in Britain, France and Germany, since the memberships lack the enthusiasm and expertise to lead well-informed, critical, Europeanised debates and election campaigns.

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Bozorgi, Ronak. "Attitudes and Adaptation Towards the EU : A Case Study of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-5930.

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This study focuses upon the adaptation of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and Moderate Party towards the European Union. Adaptation is explored by examining attitudes the political parties have on different issues related to the EU. In other words it is assumed that adaptation is dependent on attitudes, amongst other things, and the attitudes are examined by studying officially expressed opinions by the parties in party programmes and in parliamentary protocols. By expanding the study to three years possible alterations in the attitudes can be detected and something can be said on the level of adaptation the parties show towards the EU in each research question. The questions are (1) Should Sweden take an active part in developing the European integration process?, (2) Is it believed that participation in international collaboration provides output benefits that the nation state no longer can provide?, (3) Is pooling of sovereignty problematic?, (4) Is military non-alignment important for Sweden? and (5) Is it important that Sweden participates in a common European security policy? The three years of research are 1995, 2006 and the first half of 2010. Two of the questions are developed by utilising the fusion perspective, that is a part of the fusion approach, which is also the theoretical framework of this study.

The findings of this study show that both the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party experience attitudinal alterations in almost all the questions investigated. This causes some shifts in their level of adaption towards the European Union. Furthermore the results show that the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are adapted towards the Union in most of the years researched.

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Books on the topic "Social Democratic Party"

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(Nigeria), Social Democratic Party. Manufofin jamʼiyyar "Social Democratic Party" (SDP). [Nigeria]: SDP, 1989.

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Die Social Democratic Party im politischen System Grossbritanniens. Münster: Lit, 1993.

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The Social Democratic Party of Germany, 1848-2005. Bonn: Dietz, 2006.

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Hess, Hartmut. Party work in social-democratic parties: A practical handbook. Bonn: Division of International Cooperation of Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 1994.

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(Nigeria), Social Democratic Party. Constitution and manifesto of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). [kabuja, Nigeria]: The Party, 1989.

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Party, Social Democratic. In Europe for good: SDP programme for the European elections 1989. [London]: Social Democratic Party, 1989.

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Johnston, Peter. Speaking up for the voiceless: The SDP and animal protection. London: Tawney Society, 1985.

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David, Owen. Sticking with it. London: Social Democratic Publications for the Campaign for Social Democracy, 1987.

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Owen, David. What price Victorian values? London: Social Democratic Publications for the Campaign for Social Democracy, 1987.

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Hinnfors, Jonas. Reinterpreting social democracy: A history of stability in the British Labour Party and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social Democratic Party"

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Aylott, Nicholas. "The Swedish Social Democratic Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 189–203. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_16.

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Bille, Lars. "The Danish Social Democratic Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 43–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_4.

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Sundberg, Jan. "The Finnish Social Democratic Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 56–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_5.

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De Deken, Johan Jeroen. "The German Social Democratic Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 79–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_7.

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Luther, Kurt Richard. "The Social Democratic Party of Austria." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 16–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_2.

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Strom, Kaare, and Torbjorn Bergman. "Sweden: Social Democratic Dominance in One Dimension." In Party Policy and Government Coalitions, 109–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22368-8_5.

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Holmes, Michael. "The Irish Labour Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 123–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_10.

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van Kersbergen, Kees. "The Dutch Labour Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 155–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_13.

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Magone, José. "The Portuguese Socialist Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 166–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_14.

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Delwit, Pascal. "The Belgian Socialist Party." In Social Democratic Parties in the European Union, 30–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374140_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Social Democratic Party"

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Moento, Paul Adryani, Hubertus Oja, and Welem Levi Betaubun. "Political Power of the Democratic National Party in the Electoral Election." In 3rd International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201014.084.

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Kazarian, T. M. "The modern Social Democratic Party of Germany and the problem of genocide." In ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-05-2018-19.

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Wu, Yifei. "Explaining COVID-19 Outcome in the USA: Trump’s Policy, the Republican Party, the Democratic Party, 2020 Presidential Elections." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.232.

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Priyowidodo, Gatut, Yustisia D. Sari, Inri Inggrit I, and Samuel Gunawan. "COMMUNICATION PATTERNS BASED ON SOCIAL MEDIA AS A POLITICAL MARKETING STRATEGY IN INDONESIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF STRUGGLE." In International Conference on Social Sciences. The International Institute of Knowledge Management - TIIKM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/2357268x.2018.5104.

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Husni Thamrin, Muhammad, Elita Dewi, Hatta Ridho, and Rudi Sinaga Salam. "Model Legislative Candidate Recruitment In Province (Case Study in Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle on North Sumatera Province and Central Java, 2014)." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.5.

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Jacintho, Lucas Henrique Mantovani, Tiago Pinho Da Silva, Antonio Rafael Sabino Parmezan, and Gustavo Enrique de Almeida Prado Alves Batista. "Brazilian Presidential Elections: Analysing Voting Patterns in Time and Space Using a Simple Data Science Pipeline." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11979.

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Since 1989, the first year of the democratic presidential election after a long period of a dictatorship regime, Brazil conducted eight presidential elections. This period was marked by short and long-term shifts of power and two impeachment processes. Such instability is a case of study in electoral studies, e.g., the study of the population voting behavior. Understanding patterns in the population behavior can give us insight into factors and influences that affect the quality of democratic political decisions. In light of this, our paper focuses on analyzing the Brazilian presidential election voting behavior across the years and the Brazilian territory. Following a data science pipeline, we divided the analysis process into five steps: (i) data selection; (ii) data preprocessing; (iii) identification of spatial patterns, in which we seek to understand the role of space in the election results using spatial autocorrelation techniques; (iv) identification of temporal patterns, where we investigate similar trends of votes over the years using a hierarchical clustering method; and (v) evaluation of the results. It is noteworthy that the data in this work represents the election results at the municipal level, from 1994 to 2018, of the two most relevant parties of this period: the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) and the Workers’ Party (PT). Through the results obtained, we found the existence of spatial dependence in every electoral year investigated. Moreover, despite the changes in the political-economic context over the years, neighboring cities seem to present similar voting behavior trends.

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Adnani, Ikram. "Political change and the crisis of the nation state in the Arab world." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp26-33.

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The Political Change” is one of the concepts which are rooted in the Arab Intellectual Farbric.Recently, it was related to The National State crisis in the Arabic World,especially it had various manifestations such as the weaknesses of the Institutes and the Organs of the the State and its deficit to assert its authority in the all the State( Syria, Lybia, Somalia), its tripping to the State building and conscrate its legimitacy (Egypt) as well as cristallizing a common identity in order to attract higher Loyalty (Liban). The situation in the Arab world, after years of movement, threatens the existence of certain States and also the regimes that have led them to achieve this deteriorating situation, as well as the future of a democratic and unitary State in the context of the current political violence. This study therefore attempts to approach the national state crisis in the Arab world by using anumber of sociological data and some concepts of political anthropology to understand the political and social changes that have affected the Arab world, assuming that the Arab State is experiencing a real crisis and that various political changes, primarily democratic mobility, have not been possible. ""The Arab Spring"" from being transferred to the status of the modern State, the State of institutions based on full citizenship and the guarantee of rights and freedoms. The national State is supposed to be a neutral State, and it must not belong to a particular organ or to the control of a specific party. It is a State for all citizens with different religious, racial and ethnic views. Any change in this equation would be a prelude to an internal explosion among the various components of society, particularly by the most affected groups.

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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. "Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.

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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.

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Polcicova, Maria. "POLITICAL EDUCATION AS A NECESSARY PART OF AN EDUCATIONAL PROCESS IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b2/v4/27.

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"There is currently a noticeable increase in extremism, populism, hatred and intolerance in all EU countries, which are evoked by several political conflicts, social events (critical situation in Afghanistan, response to the COVID pandemic, conflict in Ukraine, migration from third countries etc.). Political education as an integral part of the educational process in schools, not only at the national level, we therefore naturally consider it one of the tools for promoting democratic tools in society. We also consider foreign language teaching to be one of the tools of political education. Within it, on the example of learning about important political events, which at the same time shaped the moral democratic values of the bearers of a given language, we can mediate a critical analysis of the way of life in a given developmental stage of society. The aim of our paper is to present the idea of the educational process as a driving force for the spread of democratic values on the example of foreign language teaching at our faculty. From the point of view of theoretical backgrounds, we define the very concept of political education on the example of several experts in the field of sociology, politics and education. In order to find out the current state of the concept of political education in the educational process at national and transnational level, we analyze the individual documents of the European Union. Throughout the post, we mainly use qualitative data, such as thematic analysis, to interpret patterns and meanings in the data and descriptive data."

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Kuzelj, Valentino, and Domeniko Kvartuč. "PLURALISM OF CONSTITUTIONAL VALUES: CONSTITUTING SOCIAL MARKET ECONOMY IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA." In 5th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2021 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2021.499.

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Departing from the fact that the welfare state concept, principles of social justice and equality, and entrepreneurial and market freedoms make an integral part of the Croatian constitutional identity, the paper emphasizes the importance of the development for the institution of a social market economy (as the only acceptable form of market relations in Croatia). The central thesis of the paper is that the content of the constitutional principles of taxation, although not yet explicitly confirmed as part of the constitutional identity, stands implicit in the eternal principles of the Croatian Constitution via requirements that arise from the concept of welfare state and the principles of social justice and equality. Additionally, the authors point out a need to reaffirm the Croatian citizens’ commitment to the social values of the Constitution by choosing social (redistributive) policies through the democratic electoral process.

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Reports on the topic "Social Democratic Party"

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Krasinsky, Vladislav V. European social-democratic party: history and prospects of development. Ljournal, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/g-2017-983.

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Girdap, Hafza. Book Review: The Turkish Malaise – A Critical Essay. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0012.

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Author Cengiz Aktar argues that Turkey is witnessed a victory of a non-democratic system—and the majority of society supports this transition. The regime consolidates its discriminatory, oppressive, autocratic politics by gaining the support of non-AKP constituents through the discourse of “native and national.” Thus, the situation in Turkey is not a simple deviation from the norm; it is a more complex socio-political conundrum. In other words, the regime represented by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is not the reason for but the result of society’s mindset which is a reasonable part of the “Turkish malaise.”

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

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