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Carmel, Emma. "Demanding the possible : social politics, policy and discourse in the German Social Democratic Party, 1986-98." Thesis, University of York, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246980.
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Thompson, Peter. "Social authoritarianism and the left : monumentalism, antiquarianism and critical history in the German workers' movement from Marx to the PDS." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340135.
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Probert, Paul Duncan. "The German Social Democratic Party and Wilhelmine foreign policy, 1897-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395780.
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Wolff, Annabelle. "The British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party : changing attitudes towards the welfare state." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/10100.
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Placing politics in time can greatly enrich our understanding of complex social dynamics. The question this thesis tries to answer is which mechanism led to the change in attitudes of the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party towards the welfare state during the period from 1990 to 2010 and which effects in consequence these changes had on the existing welfare states. This thesis builds on the welfare state categorization work done by the Danish sociologist Gosta Esping-Andersen ("Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism"). However, the thesis focuses its in- depth analysis on Germany and the United Kingdom as prototypical conservative and liberal states. The heuristic text analysis, as well as the discourse analysis of party leader speeches, party manifestos and programmes, as well as the conducted expert interviews reveal that social, political, technological and economic changes during the given time period radically challenged and changed the norms and values of the welfare providers and with it the given welfare state, as well as the meaning, function and value of work. While many may argue that it was mainly the neo-liberal political and economic style that changed the attitude towards the welfare state, it was in fact just the trigger for a radical change in the interpretation of the basic social democratic values of freedom, justice and solidarity. This change made significant welfare state reforms inevitable and only with further changes can a balance and satisfaction within the welfare state system and within all welfare providing sectors (the state, the market, households and the third sector) be achieved. A new balanced social democratic approach for the 21st century is a ‘symmetrical welfare state’ that stands for mirror-image equality.
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Kulessa, Karl. "Postwar American government attitudes towards the German Social Democratic Party, 1945-1948." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5930.
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Moeller, Richard R. "Shadow foreign policy : the relationship of the Social Democratic Party of West Germany and the Socialist Unity Party of East Germany and the negotiations surrounding the 'common dialogue', 1984-1987." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20693.
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Foreign policy formulation and implementation is, for the most part, associated within the parameters of an executive centred examination. Moreover, foreign policy when it deals with a political party, is nearly always explored within the confines of a party in government. There are, however, circumstances that challenge both of these premises. The German political system allows for a substantial influence of political parties in foreign affairs as well as the leverage of opposition parties in influencing foreign policy of the government. Given the particular character of the German political system, political parties there have been able to influence foreign policy much more than those of other Western European nation-states. This thesis examines the influence of the Social Democratic Party of West Germany (SPD) on foreign policy and the party's attempt to practice foreign policy while in opposition. During the mid-1980s, the West German Social Democratic Party conducted negotiations and produced three joint proposals with the East German Socialist Unity Part (SED). This thesis specifically examines these three joint proposals, known as the "Common Dialogue," produced by the two parties from the years 1984 to 1987. The first two SPD-SED proposals relate to security affairs and attempt to create a chemical and a nuclear weapons free zone in Central Europe. The third proposal formulated a set of ideological norms in order to establish a political "culture of dispute" in which opposing Eastern and Western viewpoints could be argued without the threat of conflict. The SPD's intention was to put pressure on its own government as well to pressure the military blocs with the aim of replacing the established practice of deterrence with the new concept of "common security".
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Hertner, Isabelle. "Don't mention Europe : a study of the Europeanisation of party organisation in the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democratic Party." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/475dfca8-c859-35f1-f6cc-cc8bfbfb1f15/7/.
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This thesis examines how the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS) and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) have ‘Europeanised' their organisations in three different arenas: (1) in the electorate and party system; (2) in central government and parliament; and (3) in their internal procedures and activities. ‘Europeanisation' is defined as ‘a shorthand term for a complex process whereby national actors (in this case, parties) adapt to, and also seek to shape, the trajectory of European integration in general, and EU policies and processes in particular' (Bomberg: 2002, 32). The underlying argument is that social democratic parties have to respond to challenges created by the European Single Market, which demands the reduction of state subsidies, and by the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), which sets limits to public spending. Social democratic parties are expected to react to these challenges by Europeanising their organisations. This thesis draws on the academic literature, party documents and contemporary newspaper articles, together with insights gained from 70 semi-structured interviews with EU experts at the European and national levels. The central claim is that Labour, the PS and SPD have not become as Europeanised as might have been supposed for three ostensibly pro-European parties. Whilst successive party leaderships have paid lip service to the increasing importance of European integration, their party organisations have barely been involved in the formulation of European policy. The findings have serious implications for the three parties and domestic politics in Britain, France and Germany, since the memberships lack the enthusiasm and expertise to lead well-informed, critical, Europeanised debates and election campaigns.
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Dubslaff, Étienne. "« Oser plus de social-démocratie ». La recréation et l’établissement du Parti social-démocrate en RDA (1989-1990)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040151.
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Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’éclairer les parcours personnels et collectifs de la quarantaine de membres fondateurs du Parti social-démocrate en RDA (SDP puis SPD), au-delà de sa création le 7 octobre 1989, afin de retracer leurs efforts de structuration mais aussi d’élaboration d’un programme social-démocrate proprement est-allemand, tout ce travail partisan qui dépasse la charge révolutionnaire à l’encontre du régime socialiste quarantenaire du SED. Après la chute du Mur, ce parti résolument est-allemand doit s’ouvrir à la question allemande et se confronter au Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne ouest-allemand qui l’aide tout autant qu’il tente de le récupérer, notamment lorsque le parti est-allemand accède au gouvernement de la RDA en mars 1990. Alors que les deux gouvernements de Berlin et de Bonn préparent l’unification selon la volonté majoritaire, les sociaux-démocrates est-allemands, patriotes, s’affairent à empêcher que leur identité et leur pays ne soient happés par la RFA au niveau national ou par le parti frère de Bonn au niveau partisan. Au-delà de la politique effectivement menée, ce travail s’intéresse donc aux aspirations véhiculées par le parti est-allemand durant son l’année d’existence autonome jusqu’à sa fusion avec le SPD de RFA, le 26 septembre 1990, quelques jours avant la Réunification nationaleThis dissertation analyses the personal and collective background and development of the approximately 40 founding members of the Social democratic Party in the GDR (SDP, then SPD) from October 7th 1989 until the fusion of both German Social democratic parties on September 26th 1990, 8 days before the national Reunification. Beyond the revolutionary act against the East German regime and the SED, this thesis tries to retace the structural and programmatic development of the party and insists on the East-German basis of its ideology. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the SDP has to position itself vis-à-vis the national question and its relations to the West German SPD. The latter helps its new partner but tries to dominate the East German party, especially after it has become part of the East German government after the free national elections on March 18th 1990. Although the majority of the East German population hopes for a prompt reunification as it is promised by the conservative parties in Bonn and Berlin, the SPD tries to avoid a complete rendition of East-German identity and succeeds in maintaining some of its aspects beyond the German Reunification. Nevertheless, the East German social democrats fight for the ratification of the three Treaties by the West German SPD part of which seems reluctant. Throughout their political actions, the East German social democrats seek to maintain their identity which they consider no less valuable than the one that is impersonated by the Federal Republic and the West German SPD. This dissertation tries not only to depict the social democratic policies but to analyze the evolution of objectives within the year of its autonomous existence
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Bihet, Karine. "De la social-démocratie au social-libéralisme. Les débats au sein de la social-démocratie européenne : 1990-2010." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020006.
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La thèse vise à appréhender la situation de la social-démocratie européenne et son évolution au cours des deux dernières décennies. Adoptant une approche comparatiste, elle repose sur l’étude du Parti socialiste français, du Parti social-démocrate allemand et du Parti travailliste britannique. En partant du projet de Troisième voie proposé par Tony Blair et les modernisateurs du New Labour, il s’agit de montrer la mutation doctrinale et programmatique de ces partis. Ceux-ci, avec des divergences et des spécificités nationales, ont, dans les programmes adoptés et les politiques gouvernementales menées, convergé vers une même orientation d’ensemble, marquée par un accueil beaucoup plus favorable aux thèses libérales. Cette prise de distance par rapport au modèle traditionnel pour tendre vers un paradigme social-libéral ne signifie pas pour autant l’abandon des valeurs propres à la social-démocratie. Les partis concernés ont essayé de s’adapter au nouveau contexte économique et social tout en préservant les principes et les idéaux sociaux sur lesquels ils se sont construits. Le socle identitaire de cette famille politique demeure ainsi largement préservé. Cette évolution idéologique s’accompagne d’une mutation des organisations partisanes qui l’accomplissent. Celles-ci ont connu à la fois une modification de leur sociologie, électorale et militante(caractérisée par une désaffection des soutiens traditionnels), et une diminution de leur ancrage dans la société liée à la baisse du nombre d’adhérents et à l’éloignement par rapport aux syndicats. Leur place au sein des systèmes partisans nationaux est également remise en cause : dans la recherche du bon positionnement sur l’échiquier politique, la question des alliances avec les autres partis constitue alors un enjeu essentiel. Le mode de fonctionnement de ces organisations a enfin lui aussi connu des modifications significatives. Les réformes internes menées par les dirigeants tendent à valoriser l’adhérent et accroître son rôle ; de nouvelles pratiques militantes, plus individualistes, apparaissent. La fonction et la spécificité de ces partis s’en trouvent diminuéesThe thesis aims to understand the situation of european social democracy and its evolution over the last two decades. Taking a comparative approach, it is based on the study of French Socialist Party, the German Social Democratic Party and the British Labour Party. Beginning from the Third Way project proposed by Tony Blair and New Labour modernizers, the matter is to show the doctrinal and programmatic transformation of these parties. These, with some differences and national characteristics, in the programs and policies undertaken, have converged towards the same overall direction, marked by a much more favorable reception to liberal theories. This distancing from the traditional model to move towards a social-liberal paradigm does not necessary mean the abandonment of values belonging to the Social Democrats. The parties involved have tried to adapt to new economic and social context while preserving the principles and social ideals on which they are built. The base of this political family’s identity remains largely well preserved. The ideological evolution goes with a mutation of partisan organizations who realize it. These have experienced both a change in their sociology, electoral and activist (characterized by a dis like of traditional supporters), and a decrease from their roots in society related to the decline in membership and distance against unions. Their position within the party systems is also questionned : in search of good positioning on the political spectrum, the question of alliances with other parties is then a key issue. The modus operandi of these organizations has finally also experienced significant changes. Internal reforms undertaken by the leaders tend to enhance the member and increase its role and new militant practices, more individualistic, appear. The function and specificity of these parties have diminished
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Bouiller, Sophie. "Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la justice sociale dans les années 1980. Une identité social-démocrate à l'épreuve de l'unification (1989-1990)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL024.
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Cette thèse propose une analyse des notions de justice sociale et d'État-providence au prisme de la politique sociale du SPD dans les années 1980. À la fois parti d'opposition au Bundestag à Bonn et parti au pouvoir dans certains Länder en RFA, le SPD se trouvait dans une position ambiguë, propre au fédéralisme allemand. Afin de peser sur les réformes sociales initiées par le ministre du Travail Norbert Blüm (CDU) pour résoudre la crise de l'État-providence, les sociaux-démocrates adoptèrent une stratégie alternant opposition et coopération avec le gouvernement Kohl. Dans le même temps, ils engagèrent un travail de refondation programmatique en vue de reconquérir le pouvoir en 1990. Aux divisions générationnelles communément admises par la recherche se substitua une fracture entre une « aile sociale » adepte d'une politique traditionnelle et une « aile réformatrice » sensible aux valeurs post-matérialistes et « écosocialistes ». Du fait de son immédiateté, le processus d'unification de l'Allemagne (1989-1990) constitua un révélateur permettant de juger, à l'épreuve des faits, la validité des programmes et des discours sociaux-démocrates. Malgré les propositions concrètes de Rudolf Dreßler pour améliorer l'union sociale entre la RFA et la RDA, le SPD ne parvint ni à se faire entendre sur la question de l'unité allemande ni à imposer sa volonté de refonder l'État-providence. Les réserves d'Oskar Lafontaine sur l'emballement des coûts économiques et sociaux contribuèrent à entretenir la confusion concernant la position du SPD sur l'unité allemandeThis doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification.This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification
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Barrière, Anne-Lise. "Concilier identité de gauche et intégration économique européenne : étude comparée du PS et du SPD face au défi du marché commun entre la conférence de la Haye (1969) et l'Acte unique (1986)." Thesis, Lille 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL30031/document.
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La construction européenne fut entre la conférence de La Haye en 1969 et la signature de l’Acte unique européen en 1986, une entreprise d’intégration des sociétés européennes principalement économique, notamment fondée sur la libre circulation des marchandises, des hommes mais aussi des services et des capitaux. Ce projet de marché unique transnational fut un défi inouï lancé aux Etats et aux partis politiques qui organisent l’expression politique au sein de chaque nation. Deux partis, profondément enracinés par leur identité socialiste et démocratique dans la vie de leur nation et également mus par l’idéal européen, le parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD) et le Parti socialiste français (PS), furent, par l’action de leurs dirigeants au pouvoir, étroitement associés à la réalisation du projet européen.Ces partis furent-ils des acteurs qui imprimèrent la marque du socialisme démocratique à la construction européenne ou l’accompagnèrent-ils sans en corriger les traits originaux ? Ont-ils façonné le modèle économique de l’intégration européenne ou s’est-il imposé à eux ? Partant, cette expérience européenne les conduisit-elle à préserver ou à modifier leur identité ? Notre recherche nous conduit ainsi à étudier la rencontre entre deux utopies, l’utopie européenne et l’utopie du socialisme démocratique et à mesurer l’extrême difficulté pour ces deux partis de créer un modèle qui fasse converger ces deux caractéristiques du PS et du SPD et leur permette de rester des forces politiques d’avenir, riches de propositions partagées à l’échelle européenneBetween the conference of The Hague (1965) and the signing of the Single European Act (1986), the European Construction was foremost an economic endeavour aiming at integrating the European societies and based on the free movement of goods, people, services and money. The creation of the common market was an extraordinary challenge for the nation states and for the political parties which are responsible for the expression of the political life of their nation. Two parties, the French socialist party (PS) and the social-democratic party of Germany (SPD), both deeply rooted in the political life of their own nation, with a socialist and democratic identity, but also moved by European ideals, were greatly involved in the realisation of the European project, mainly through the action of their leaders when these were exercising their national responsibilities and ruling their nation.Thus the questioning: did these parties leave the mark of democratic socialism on the European construction or did they only accompany it without correcting the original features? Did they participate in the definition of the European economic model or not? And in turn, did the European construction lead them to preserve or to modify their identity?Our inquiry leads us to study how two utopian ideas, the path towards democratic socialism and the path towards European unity, interfere. The extreme difficulty for both parties to create a convergence between these two paths could prevent them from remaining political strengths with great future at national and European scale
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Seelbach, Stefan. "The modernisation of party organisation : the impact of the Social Democratic Party." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249137.
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Alouko, Ange Thierry. "La politique étrangère de Willy Brandt." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030008.
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Willy Brandt, chancelier de la RFA de 1969 à 1974, a, certes, marqué l’histoire de l’Allemagne d’après-guerre par son Ostpolitik, la politique de détente entre l’Est et l’Ouest et de normalisation des relations entre la République fédérale d’Allemagne (RFA) et le bloc soviétique. Mais, sa carrière politique a connu de nombreuses expériences et des engagements très divers sur le plan international. Willy Brandt, l’Européen convaincu de l’ancrage de la RFA à l’Ouest, est aussi le protagoniste de l’ouverture à l’Est et l’avocat du développement dans le tiers-mondeWilly Brandt, chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), from 1969 to 1974, has certainly marked Germany’s history post-war period by his Ostpolitik, the Détente’s policy between East and West and the policy of relations’ normalization between the FRG and the Soviet bloc. But his political career has had many experiences and a variety of commitments at international level. Willy Brandt, as an European, who believes in the FRG’s integration into the West, is also the protagonist of the opening to the East and the advocate of the Third World’s development
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Young, David Murray. "People, place and party : the Social Democratic Federation, 1884-1911." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3081/.
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This study presents a social and political history of the Social Democratic Federation from the early 1880s to the end of the Edwardian era with a focus on the London area. The SDF has often been portrayed as an intransigent and alien organisation by the existing historiography but this study outlines the relationship between the political journey of individual members, the constraints and potential of the local area and the resultant politics of the SDF as an organisation. With the aid of under-utilised sources such as branch minutes and publications this thesis builds a profile of SDF membership in London and the factors affecting membership in the metropolis. There then follows sections on branch culture and propaganda followed by chapters on the cultural/political questions of gender, religion and education. The second half of the thesis deals with the more political questions of strategy, ideology, internationalism (and racism), trade unionism and relations with the Labour Party. The title 'People, Place and Party' is meant to indicate the tension between those elements that affect the development of an organisation. With an awareness of these elements and by using a breadth of source material it is possible to overcome the obstacle of the 'dogmatic' stereotype of the SDF.
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Halcli, Abigail Lee. "Gender relations and social democratic party transformation : the case of women in The British Labour Party /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487941504295481.
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Apel, Erik. "Guns n' roses : The Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Saudi agreement." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5427.
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In this study I examine the decisions to sign and later terminate the so called Saudi agreement, a military memorandum of understanding (MoU) between Sweden and Saudi Arabia, understood as a gateway agreement for future arms deals as well as exchange of defense technology knowledge. Comparing statements from the Social Democratic Party (SAP), who held government both in 2005 when the agreement was signed as well as in 2015 when it was terminated unilaterally by Sweden, I examine the ideological preferences of Swedish foreign policy. Could the shift in policy be explained by ideology?
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Bozorgi, Ronak. "Attitudes and Adaptation Towards the EU : A Case Study of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party." Thesis, Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-5930.
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This study focuses upon the adaptation of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and Moderate Party towards the European Union. Adaptation is explored by examining attitudes the political parties have on different issues related to the EU. In other words it is assumed that adaptation is dependent on attitudes, amongst other things, and the attitudes are examined by studying officially expressed opinions by the parties in party programmes and in parliamentary protocols. By expanding the study to three years possible alterations in the attitudes can be detected and something can be said on the level of adaptation the parties show towards the EU in each research question. The questions are (1) Should Sweden take an active part in developing the European integration process?, (2) Is it believed that participation in international collaboration provides output benefits that the nation state no longer can provide?, (3) Is pooling of sovereignty problematic?, (4) Is military non-alignment important for Sweden? and (5) Is it important that Sweden participates in a common European security policy? The three years of research are 1995, 2006 and the first half of 2010. Two of the questions are developed by utilising the fusion perspective, that is a part of the fusion approach, which is also the theoretical framework of this study.
The findings of this study show that both the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party experience attitudinal alterations in almost all the questions investigated. This causes some shifts in their level of adaption towards the European Union. Furthermore the results show that the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are adapted towards the Union in most of the years researched.
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Trönnberg, Frida. "State Regulation of Anti-Democratic Parties : A Comparative Study of Germany, Spain and Sweden." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-98267.
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The aim of this thesis is to study state regulation of anti-democratic parties, i.e. party regulation. The term ‘Party regulation’ refers to laws that may regulate the activities and behavior of political parties. This thesis uses a comparative method, conducted on three European countries which regulate anti-democratic parties differently. The cases studied are Germany, Spain and Sweden.The basis for understanding state regulation of anti-democratic parties rests on a historical institutionalist perspective along with theories of democratic tolerance. The analysis reveals that states regulate anti-democratic parties differently as a result of their historical past which has made them adopt different ideas of how political parties should be seen. Further, the analysis shows that there is no connection between the party regulation adopted and the effect it has on the anti-democratic parties.
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York, Owen W. "The withered root of socialism social democratic revisionism and parlamentarismus in Germany, 1917-1919 /." Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2231.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.Title from screen (viewed on July 29, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, Daniella Kostroun, Giles R. Hoyt. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-94).
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Semetko, Holli Annette. "Political communications and party development in Britain : the Social Democratic Party from its origins to the General Election campaign of 1983." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.697431.
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White, Robert Edward. "Renewable Energy: The Roles of States, Social Movements, and Policy in California and Germany." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83422.
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This project examines the development of renewable policy in California and Germany through the theoretical lens provided by John Dryzek's democratic theory of social movement engagement with the liberal democratic nation-state. Specifically, this thesis considers the impact of social movements on what the theory identifies as five core imperatives of state. The argument uses a qualitative, comparative, process tracing methodology, supported by critical discourse analysis, to analyze environmental social movement engagements with the state in relation to the development of renewable energy policymaking in the state of California and in the Federal Republic of Germany between 2000 and 2017. Whereas Dryzek and colleagues argue that environmental movement activism may have prompted a new, sixth, environmental conservation imperative of state, this thesis differs. Rather, the analysis finds that if indeed such a sixth imperative is emergent, it might better be defined as a resource conservation imperative. That is, in California and in Germany, it is not so much the environment but rather access to abundant and economically sustainable natural resources that states aim to conserve.Master of Arts
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Fischer, Lars. "Social democratic responses to antisemitism and the 'Judenfrage' in Imperial Germany : Franz Mehring (a case study)." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407218.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.
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Pushkar. "Centre parties and the social question : the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) and health policies in Chile, 1990-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102153.
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How are Centre parties distinct from Left and Right parties in term of their policy preferences? The scholarship on political parties either ignores Centre parties or treats them as a residual category. In this study, I attempt to rescue Centre parties from obscurity by looking at a quintessential Centre party: the Chilean Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Between 1990--2000, the PDC led two centre-left Concertacion coalition governments under Patricio Aylwin (1990--1994) and Eduardo Frei (1994--2000). It was the PDC's responsibility to negotiate the 'Chilean paradox': a country that had achieved economic success with neoliberalism and become a "model" for Latin America but where the "social debt" increased exponentially during 17 years of military rule under Augusto Pinochet (1973--1990). Health was one of the main concerns for Chileans through the decade but there was little headway made in the policy arena. My study seeks to explain why this was so.I make a distinction between (1) the "defensive" Centre which aspires to be neither left nor right; and (2) the "encompassing" Centre parties that are both left and right. Christian Democratic parties are "encompassing" Centre parties par excellence since they incorporate elements of both left and right ideologies in a manner consistent with their social Catholic beliefs. They are known to combine a conservative position on social and moral issues with a pro-poor orientation on welfare issues. The main policy dilemmas of the PDC emerged from its status as an "encompassing" Centre Party as it sought to reconcile left and right. During the 1990s, the PDC shifted allegiance from state-led development policies to neoliberalism. As a result, the scope of the party's commitment to welfare issues was defined within the range of options available within the neoliberal model. However, while neoliberals dominated key policy positions, statists retained influence in the Congress and within the party organization. The uneven nature of adaptation to neoliberalism became one of the main obstacles in reaching a consensus for reform. My study also gives due emphasis to the constraints introduced by the country's institutional framework, notably the 1980 Constitution inherited from the military regime.
26
Bolger, Brian. "The Impact of Social Movements on Political Parties : Examining whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic political parties in Ireland and Spain, 2011-2016." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-280758.
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Research on social movements has traditionally addressed issues of movement emergence and mobilisation, paying little attention to their outcomes and consequences. Moreover, despite research on the political consequences of social movements accelerating in recent years, much has been left under researched, no more so than the impact social movements have on one of the most important actors in liberal democracies: political parties. This paper extends social movement research by examining whether social movements have an impact on political parties and under what conditions impact is more likely to take place. The empirical analysis, investigating whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic parties in Ireland and Spain during the years 2011 to 2016, suggests that the relationship between social movements and political parties is both under-theorised and under-researched, and mistakenly so. The paper finds that while parties are more likely to be influenced by social movements when certain conditions are present, social movements can also have unintended impacts on parties. Ultimately, this paper encourages research on political parties, and particularly research on party change, to pay greater attention to social movements and for social movement research to pay greater attention to political parties.
27
Ates, Gulbin Aysi. "Representing Centre-right Or Conservative Right? The Case Of The Democratic Party In Turkey, 1970-1980." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614459/index.pdf.
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The Democratic Party which was established in 1970, splitting from the Justice Party will be analyzed within this thesis in terms of its ideological components. In this sense, centre right wing and conservative political parties are taken into account to understand the ideology of the party. The period of the Democratic Party is so sufficient to compare and contrast the ideologies of different parties. The Democratic Party is also critical as the party did not participate into any governments, different from the all parties at that period. So, it will show a centre right wing party&rsquos reactions in the absence of patronage routes which is a difference from other members of the centre right wing tradition of the DP and the JP. The absence of the concrete ideological explanations, doctrines which can be observed as an handicap of the centre right wing will be analyzed whether the Democratic Party can overcome or not.
28
Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.
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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
29
Gardner, Mark J. "Restructuring social bargains : the politics of trade and labor policy in the US Democrats and British Labour /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10770.
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Bergsten, Klara. "Socialdemokrater, liberalkonservativa eller bara EU-vänner? : En studie av ideologi och konflikt iriksdagsdebatter om EU." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184917.
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National debates on European Union politics have long been viewed as a consensus-oriented activity. This applies especially to big mainstream parties, both to the center-left and the center-right. The perceived lack of ideological conflict over European issues is connected to the problem of the democratic deficit, and has led scholars to call for deeper politicization. Consequently, the aim of this study is to describe the presence of classical ideologies and ideological conflict in Swedish EU debate. This is done by analyzing statements from two major parties, the Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokraterna) and the Moderate Party (Moderaterna), in chamber debates in the Swedish parliament during the parliamentary year 2018/19. A qualitative ideational analysis is performed by systematically categorizing the ideological content based on ideal types. The results show that although ideological arguments and left-right conflict did occur, they were not common in the debates as a whole. Ideological conflict was most pronounced in debates on the EU’s social dimension and migration policy, while the economic issue area was characterized by liberal consensus. It is also argued that the Social Democratic Party faces greater challenges in transferring their ideology to the EU level. Moreover, I discuss how the results relate to previous research and the issue of the democratic deficit.
31
Bloomfield, Paul. "Reaction and renewal : Labour's 'Broad Church' in the context of the breakaway of the Social Democratic Party, 1979-1988." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2017. http://arro.anglia.ac.uk/704086/.
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This thesis examines how a moment in the Labour Party's history was to lead to a protracted, yet inevitable, political transformation. It is a history of the events which led to up to the eventual breakaway of moderate members to form the Social Democratic Party in 1981, the reaction to its formation within Labour and its context in the party's post-war Labour History. The aim is to demonstrate that the formation of the SDP was to influence the development of the Labour Party's political thought in the 1980s and how consequently this shaped its development up until the present day. The thesis also argues that Labour's transformation in the 1980s was undertaken despite, not because of, the founding of the SDP and that the continued electoral success of the Conservatives and the implementation of Thatcherism was to ensure Labour had to reassess what its purpose was. The culmination of the breakaway of the SDP and the aftermath of a third consecutive general election defeat was to eventually lead to the Labour Party's Policy Review that commenced in 1987. Labour was to go from an existential crisis at the beginning of the 1980s and finish it with a restated confirmation of its purpose that was essentially an assertion of a modified revisionism. Repeated and humiliating defeat was to accelerate Labour's gravitation to the political centre and an affirmation of a commitment to an economic model less wedded to the philosophy of nationalisation, acceptance of membership of the European Economic Community after years of hostility and the decision to adopt a defence policy that encompassed multilateralism. Labour was to survive the defections of the SDP and to evolve into a party that was to encompass the ideals of an updated revisionism. The defections may have sparked the catalyst for change within Labour but the transformation was undertaken despite of not because of the SDP'S creation. Repeated defeat to an increasingly strident and dominant Conservative Party was to ensure Labour assessed what its purpose was. It also examines the social liberalism of the Labour Party during this period, provides an examination of the background of the Labour's social democrats, their ideals and what differences there were between them and the so-called traditional right. It also provides analysis of the reactions to the defeat in 1979 and reaction of the remaining members of the Labour right and similarly those on the left and the impact the formation of this new political entity influenced its political ideas and practices in the early 1980s and throughout the decade and beyond. This thesis examines how Labour undertook the forward march from crisis in 1981 to renewal in 1988 and how the broad church of those social democrats who remained, soft leftists and eventually disillusioned far leftists coalesced and guided the party to a reformist, revisionist path. This thesis is relevant to Labour today as it again attempts to provide a sense of its aims and values in a time of political flux and a Labour Party that has a left-wing leader, buttressed by a growing and energised membership but faced with a centrist parliamentary party. What lessons could the travails of the 1980s offer to the current Labour Party in the age of populism and Brexit?
32
Bloomfield, Paul. "Reaction and renewal - Labour's 'Broad Church' in the context of the breakaway of the Social Democratic Party 1979-1988." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2017. https://arro.anglia.ac.uk/id/eprint/704086/1/Bloomfield_2017.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how a moment in the Labour Party’s history was to lead to a protracted, yet inevitable, political transformation. It is a history of the events which led to up to the eventual breakaway of moderate members to form the Social Democratic Party in 1981, the reaction to its formation within Labour and its context in the party’s post-war Labour History. The aim is to demonstrate that the formation of the SDP was to influence the development of the Labour Party’s political thought in the 1980s and how consequently this shaped its development up until the present day. The thesis also argues that Labour’s transformation in the 1980s was undertaken despite, not because of, the founding of the SDP and that the continued electoral success of the Conservatives and the implementation of Thatcherism was to ensure Labour had to reassess what its purpose was.
The culmination of the breakaway of the SDP and the aftermath of a third consecutive general election defeat was to eventually lead to the Labour Party’s Policy Review that commenced in 1987. Labour was to go from an existential crisis at the beginning of the 1980s and finish it with a restated confirmation of its purpose that was essentially an assertion of a modified revisionism. Repeated and humiliating defeat was to accelerate Labour’s gravitation to the political centre and an affirmation of a commitment to an economic model less wedded to the philosophy of nationalisation, acceptance of membership of the European Economic Community after years of hostility and the decision to adopt a defence policy that encompassed multilateralism. Labour was to survive the defections of the SDP and to evolve into a party that was to encompass the ideals of an updated revisionism. The defections may have sparked the catalyst for change within Labour but the transformation was undertaken despite of not because of the SDP’S creation. Repeated defeat to an increasingly strident and dominant Conservative Party was to ensure Labour assessed what its purpose was. It also examines the social liberalism of the Labour Party during this period, provides an examination of the background of the Labour’s social democrats, their ideals and what differences there were between them and the so-called traditional right. It also provides analysis of the reactions to the defeat in 1979 and reaction of the remaining members of the Labour right and similarly those on the left and the impact the formation of this new political entity influenced its political ideas and practices in the early 1980s and throughout the decade and beyond. This thesis examines how Labour undertook the forward march from crisis in 1981 to renewal in 1988 and how the broad church of those social democrats who remained, soft leftists and eventually disillusioned far leftists coalesced and guided the party to a reformist, revisionist path.
This thesis is relevant to Labour today as it again attempts to provide a sense of its aims and values in a time of political flux and a Labour Party that has a left-wing leader, buttressed by a growing and energised membership but faced with a centrist parliamentary party. What lessons could the travails of the 1980s offer to the current Labour Party in the age of populism and Brexit?
33
Glatte, Sarah. "Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.
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This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.
34
Gravagna, Max Massimiliano. "Vietnamn: Tre svenska tidningars syn på vietnmanfrågan 1969-1973." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-108607.
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The aim of this study is to investigate and analyze the views that the three metropolitan Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet had on the Vietnam issue between 1969 and 1973. The source material consists of clips from Swedish newspapers from press archives at the Department of Government at Uppsala University, which is in the form of microfilm at Umeå University Library. The source material has been studied using quantitative content analysis with qualitative elements.The results shows that there is a difference in the perception of Vietnam issue between, on the one hand, social-democrat Aftonbladet and liberal Dagens Nyheter and conservative Swedish Dagbladet on the other hand, during the whole investigation period. Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter denounced the American war and presence in Vietnam and took a stand for North Vietnam; The United States was regarded as a great power which had goat on a small and poor country. From this perspective, small Nations had the right to independence from the great powers, regardless of social system. The two newspapers regarded the United States as the party to the conflict who did not want to negotiate and instead wanted to continue the war. Svenska Dagbladet regarded the United States instead as the guarantor of freedom and democracy in South-East Asia. The United States would defend South Vietnamese people from Communist North Vietnam, which was regarded as the offending party in the conflict: from this perspective United States deserved thus support. Svenska Dagbladet's view of the conflict was thus marked by the cold war. The newspaper regarded the United States as the party of the conflict who wanted peace and wanted to negotiate, in contrast to North Vietnam.The investigation also shows that Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter supported the Swedish Government, who supported North Vietnam and condemned the American presence in Vietnam; the Government's policy on the other hand, got a harsh criticism from Svenska Dagbladet, that considered that the Government's stance towards the United States would be harmful to the Swedish neutrality policy. Keywords: Vietnam War, Cold War, Swedish press, Social-democratic Party, Liberal Party, Conservative Party, negotiations, Swedish Government, Unites States, Communism
35
Ozcetin, Burak. "Democracy And Opposition In Turkey: Locating The Freedom Party." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605371/index.pdf.
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The main objective of this thesis is to examine the specific place of the Freedom Party (Hürriyet Partisi) in Turkish political history. Founded by a group of Democratic Party (Demokrat Parti) members who were expelled from the party in December 1956, the Freedom Party (1956-1958) is crucial for a proper understanding of evolution of the idea and practice of democracy in Turkey. Although mostly neglected by students of Turkish politics and labeled as an insignificant political party, this thesis argues that the Freedom Party is critical for understanding the 1950s and socioeconomic and legal-constitutional developments of the following decade. The thesis also pays a considerable attention to the Forum journal, which began to be published in 1954 by a group of liberal intellectuals and which guided the Freedom Party in ideological and political terms. It is the main argument of this thesis that the Freedom Party and Forum journal introduced a new understanding of politics and this understanding had profound effects in the following decades. The ideological transformation of the Republican People&rsquo
s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) after the second half of the 1950s and the role of HP in this process is another topic of the thesis.
36
Harris, Christopher C. "British Columbia 1972-75 : the genesis of a two-party system." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26829.
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The purpose of this thesis is to posit an explanation for the rather spectacular reversal of Social Credit fortunes in British Columbia during the 1972-75 period and the concomitant creation of the province's present two-party system.
A detailed examination of the political events of the period was undertaken in an attempt to determine what had taken place and in what order. The research involved analysis of electoral statistics and press clippings, personal interviews and the traditional review of available academic literature.
The thesis rejected a monocausal explanation of Social Credit's 1975 electoral victory. Research indicates that Socred leader Bill Bennett was able to capitalize on "the widespread -and largely self-created - disenchantment with the NDP government and position his party to be seen by the public as the only credible alternative. Contrary to popular perception, the post-1972 version of Social Credit was not a "coalition" in the political sense. Rather, Liberal and Conservative elites recognized Bennett's success in projecting Social Credit as the only realistic alternative to the NDP and joined him to protect their legislative seats and further their respective political careers.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
37
Enck-Wanzer, Darrel. "The intersectional rhetoric of the Young Lords social movement, ideographs, demand, and the radical democratic imaginary /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3264325.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Communication and Culture, 2007.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-05, Section: A, page: 1918. Adviser: John L. Lucaites. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Jan. 14, 2008)."
38
McDermott, K. F. "Debates and schisms in the Czech Social Democratic and Red trade unions and their relations with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, 1918-1929." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355556.
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Evtusjenko, Alexander. "Socialdemokratins idéutveckling : Har det skett en förskjutning mot liberalism i partiets ideologi?" Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-71100.
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The purpose pf this thesis is to explore the occurence of an ideological changen of Swedish social democratic party towards liberalism. the Swedish social democratic party ha during recent decades been experiencing political setebacks and it may be a reason that caused an ideological shift in favour for liberal values. To answer this question this paper conducts ideal type analysis pf the party programmes from 1990s an onwards. The analysis is based on an ideal types framework that includes najor tenets from liberalism and reformistic socialism and typical traits of both ideologies.
40
Bazin, Bernard. "Genèse d'un parti : le parti social-démocrate en Grande-Bretagne des origines à l'élection générale de 1983." Paris 3, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA030049.
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Ne d'une scission dans le parti travailliste en mars 1981, le sdp se presentait comme l'heritier d'une longue tradition socialdemocrate et se voulair porteur des espoirs de renouvellement de la vie politique en grande-bretagne. L'accueil tres favorable qu'il recut aupres des classes moyennes en particulier semblait promet-teur. Le sdp, cependant, echoua en 1983 sous les effets conjugues de la guerre des malouines et du systeme electoral mais aussi de divergences apparues entre les membres de l'equipe dirigeante au sujet du positionnement du nouveau parti sur l'echiquier politique britannique ainsi que des relations tendues avec l'allie liberal. S'est-il battu en vain? il n'a certes pas reussi a imposer la re-forme institutionnelle souhaitee mais grace au vent de moderation qu'il fit souffler a une epoque de radicalisme des deux grands par-tis; grace, surtout, a ses idees novatrices qui enrichissent en-core le debat politique d'aujourd'hui, le sdp a contribue, a sa maniere, a faire progresser la democratie britanniqueBorn after a split in the labour party in 1981, the sdp presented itself as the inherito of a long social democratic tradition and wished to carry the hopes of renewal of the british political life. The very favourable welcome from the middle classes in particular was promising. Yet, the sdp failed in 1983 under the mixed effects of the falklands war and the electoral system as well as of the diverging opinions of the leaders on the positioning of the new party on the british political scene and the conflicting relations with the liberal ally. Did it fight in vain? it, indeed, did not succeed in imposing the long-awaited institutional reform but, owing to its moderation at a time of radicalism in the two big parties and, above all, to the innovating ideas that it put for-ward and that are still enriching the present-day political debate, the sdp contributed in its own way to the progress of the british democracy
41
Hall, Bruce W. "Gemeindegeschichte Als Vergleichende Geschichte: the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints in East Germany." BYU ScholarsArchive, 1998. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4743.
Full textAbstract:
From 1945 until the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) in the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) endured the hardships of existing as a religious organization under a Communist regime. An evaluation of the LDS Church within the category of general and minority religions, which serves as a microcosmic evaluation of religion in the GDR, constitutes one part of this study. The uniqueness of the LDS Church and its experience - especially its American ties, ironically earlier a liability and later an asset - make it a candidate for a more independent evaluation, and the second part of this study. The social aspect of religion in the GDR, as it related to those of faith - including the lives of LDS members, constitutes the final aspect of this study. The Leipzig branch of the LDS Church, upon which most of this reserach is based, serves as an example of religious conformity, while proving itself socially, politically, and culturally unique. By placing the LDS Church in the context of religion in general, as well as examinng the atypical experience of the Leipzig branch, a greater understanding can be had of the religious, political and social life within the former German Democratic Republic.
42
Karlsson, Dennie. "Styr partiledaren? : En Interaktionistisk Studie i Mona Sahlins Partiordförandeskap." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1719.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this paper is to study and outline the factors governing political leadership at the party leader level, and to conclude to what extent a party leader rules and to what extent the party leadership is contextually determined. The theories used are based on Elgie's interactionistic study of political leadership and Stewart's organisational model of leadership as well as political culture.
Thus, the questions raised are if the leader leads or if the leader follows; if the leadership environment is formed by the leader or if it is, merely, implemented on the leader; and what a model of the political leadership consist of? To answer these questions a text analysis comparing Sahlin’s speeches to the party’s political programme is used as well as in-depth interviews with members of the Board of Party.
The conclusion shows that the leadership is contextually framed, but the leader is free to implement his or her ambitions within that frame as long as it is coherent to the party line.
43
Ekström, Olsson marie. "Barnfattigdom i Sverige, finns den? : En studie om Socialdemokraternas och Moderaternas välfärdspolitik mot den svenska fattigdomen sedan 1960-talet." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-20161.
Full textAbstract:
This essay is regarding the problematic facts about child poverty in Sweden. Since the beginning of the new millennium child poverty has increased, in Sweden. The last report which came out in the spring this year (2012) opened up for a lively political debate as well as big headlines in news papers and other media. The attention it got in Society became hard for the politicians to avoid. The Swedish section of Save the Children, demanded in their report concerning child poverty in Sweden that the Swedish Government need to do an inquiry about the increasing child poverty. Today in Sweden, there are two big parties, and they have been the biggest for a long time now. The two are Socialdemokraterna and Moderata Samlingspartiet. The first mentioned one is representing a socialist policy whilst the second one is representing a right-wing party. This study will deal with whether the parties have changed over time or not. The big question will be whether they have changed their opinions and positions since the beginning of 1960. This year is chosen in particular because it was during this period the largest development of the welfare state of Sweden started. It will be about if the parties changed according to, in particular poverty in Sweden. There are two main questions that I intend to answer throughout the text, to finally analyze the questions in the last part of this essay.
44
Lawson-Last, Valerie. "Understanding the performance of the Left Party (die Linke) in Western Germany : a comparative evaluation of cartel and social cleavage theories as explanatory frameworks." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2015. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1289/.
Full textAbstract:
In 2007 Germany’s Left Party (DIE LINKE) won its first seats in the regional parliament of a western federal state, Bremen. This success contrasted with the failure of its predecessor, the PDS, to establish an electoral base beyond the eastern states. Today the Left Party is represented in eastern and western legislatures and challenges established coalition constellations both at federal and regional level. How can we understand the Left Party’s significant breakthrough in the West? The existing literature has sought to analyse and interpret the Left Party’s origins, success and challenges, and has also emphasised the importance of the western states, both for the PDS and the Left Party. This thesis offers new insights by evaluating the respective strengths of two distinct theories, Cartel Theory and Social Cleavage Theory, as explanatory frameworks for the Left Party’s breakthrough. The theories are also appraised in a detailed case study of Bremen. The study examines whether the party displayed the organisational traits, parliamentary focus and electoral strategy identified in Cartel Theory. The investigation of Social Cleavage Theory explores the mobilisation and framing of class-based protest in the anti-Hartz demonstrations, and analyses election results for evidence of a realignment of class-based support. The existing empirical data is supplemented by qualitative evidence obtained through questionnaire responses from Left Party members and sympathisers in Bremen. The final chapter considers the evidence as to whether Bremen is representative of other western states or an exceptional case. The overall findings suggest that indications of organisational features and the parliamentary focus associated with Cartel Theory did not explain the increase in Left Party support. Also, the redistributive character of the party’s programme countered, rather than converged with, the prevailing policy offer. However, WASG ties to organised labour and the SPD helped establish the Left Party in the tradition of social democracy and the political mainstream. Protest and the demand for social justice were indeed mobilised and framed in class terms and the Left Party attracted the votes of the unemployed and workers, as well as organised labour, with a partial realignment towards the Left Party, notably in SPD strongholds. The thesis concludes that class cleavage and class-based voting more strongly account for the Left Party’s electoral breakthrough. The originality of the thesis lies in its approach of combining theoretical analysis with an in-depth local case study, supplemented by empirical evidence. The thesis also suggests avenues of future research that may validate or challenge the strength of the two explanatory frameworks over time.
45
Wörlund, Ingemar. "Kampen om det ideologiska rummet : en studie av variationer i SAP:s regionala väljarstöd 1921-1940 mot bakgrund av partiorganisatorisk aktivitet och lokal organisationsmiljö." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1990. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-67844.
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Swedish political parties are characterized by their markedly different support across geographical space. In most cases, the sources of these regional variations date back to the time of the founding of the parties. Moreover, the regional strongholds and the areas of weak support for the parties have survived major societal changes such as the transition from the agrarian to the industrial society, emigration, and urbanization. Why is it that a certain area evolves a political tradition that sets it apart from neighboring areas? This study addresses itself to this and similar topics with empirical emphasis on the Swedish Social Democratic Party (the SAP).The study is based on the conviction that the regional imbalance in the SAP vote originates in the interaction/competition between various social and political movements in the local environment. The initial model used to explain these imbalances comprises three different factors that influence the party's vote: the socio-economic structure, the local organizational environment and the effect of local party organizational efforts.In order to test the importance of these factors three different areas were selected; one strong, one weak, and one unstable in terms of the Social Democratic vote.The findings show that no single factor alone accounts for the variance in the regional support of the SAP. Rather, what is decisive are the interactions within the structural and social properties of a context.By way of conclusion, this study lends support to the following conclusions of the prospects for the SAP to mobilize the electorate: to establish itself in the local setting the party needs an organizational culture, a local party organization and the absence of strong local opinion against the party's activities and organizational efforts. The party also seems to be favored by a high level of political mobilization (participation), whereas there is nothing to suggest that the SAP's prospects of becoming successful are hampered by competition from the left-wing parties.digitalisering@umu
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Künzel, Mathias. "Enthalten die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Plenum des sächsischen Landesparlamentes rechtsextremistische Elemente?" Master's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-27521.
Full textAbstract:
Die Arbeit untersucht die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Sächsischen Landtag auf rechtsextremistische Inhalte. Dafür werden die entsprechenden Abschnitte der Plenarprotokolle aus dem ersten Teil der 4. Legislaturperiode (Oktober 2004 bis Juli 2006) mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse untersucht.
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Moreno, Cabanillas Guadalupe [Verfasser], and Andreas [Akademischer Betreuer] Blätte. "The process of marketization of the European social democratic political discourse. : The case study of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (1998-2013) / Guadalupe Moreno Cabanillas ; Betreuer: Andreas Blätte." Duisburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1166559483/34.
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Jansson, Samuel. "LO:s och Socialdemokraternas målsättningar : En undersökning av LO:s och Socialdemokraternas målsättningar mellan 1994 och 2018 samt den inverkan dessa haft på LO-medlemmarnas partisympatier." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402581.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to investigate whether there has been a divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic Party in Sweden during the period 1994–2018. This study also has the purpose of investigating whether this has affected which party the members of LO will vote for in the Swedish elections. The hypothesis of this study is that there has been a divergence between LO and the Social Democratic Party and that the aims differ more in 2018 than they did back in 1994. This is a qualitative text analysis with the purpose of both being descriptive and explanatory. This study is scientifically relevant as it highlights the role of ideology in Swedish politics and how this can affect voter support. It is also interesting for people who are not researchers since this affects Swedish politics and therefore everyone who lives in Sweden. This study shows that there has been a noticeable divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic party in Sweden during the period of 1994–2018. Back in the 1970:s there was also a divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic Party. During the 1970:s, the members of LO to a lesser extent voted for the Social Democratic Party which supports the hypothesis of this study. The hypothesis was correct but the noticeable divergence was not the divergence that was expected since the study showed that LO more and more had switched focus from broad policy areas to labour policy. The answer to the question whether this divergence probably has affected which party the members of LO will vote for or not, is yes. It is very probable that the divergence between LO and the Social Democratic Party has affected which party the members of LO will vote for.
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Jurado, Ignacio. "The politics of distribution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9da1efe-7b7c-41df-aa5a-96ff380b955b.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation presents a theoretical framework about which voters parties distribute to and with which policies. To develop this full framework of distributive policies, the dissertation proceeds in two stages. First, it analyses which voters parties have more incentives to target distributive policies. Second, it also develops the conditions under which political parties can focus exclusively on these voters or need to combine this strategy with appeals to a broader electorate. The first part of the argument analyses which voters parties have at the centre of their distributive strategies, or, in the words of Cox and McCubbins (1986) to whom parties will give an available extra dollar for distribution. The argument is that core voters provide more efficient conditions for distribution, contradicting Stokes’ (2005) claim that a dollar spent on core voters is a wasted dollar. The explanation is twofold. First, core supporters might not vote for another party, but they can get demobilised. Once we include the effects on turnout, core voters are more responsive. Their party identification makes them especially attentive and reactive to economic benefits provided by their party. Secondly, incumbents cannot individually select who receives a distributive policy, and not all voters are equally reachable with distributive policies. When a party provides a policy, it cannot control if some of those resources go to voters the party is not interested in. Core supporters are more homogenous groups with more definable traits, whereas swing voters are a residual category composed by heterogeneous voters with no shared interests. This makes it easier for incumbents to shape distributive benefits that target core voters more exclusively. These mechanisms define the general distribution hypothesis: parties will focus on core voters, by targeting their distributive strategies to them. The second part of the dissertation develops the conditions under which politicians stick to this distributive strategy or, instead, would provide more universalistic spending to a more undefined set of recipients. The conventional argument explaining this choice relies on the electoral system, arguing that proportional systems give more incentives to provide universalistic policies than majoritarian systems. This dissertation challenges this argument and provides two other contextual conditions that define when parties have a stronger interest in their core supporters or in a more general electorate. First, the geographic distribution of core supporters across districts is a crucial piece of information to know the best distributive strategy. When parties’ core supporters are geographically concentrated, they cannot simply rely on them, as the party will always fall short of districts to win the election. Therefore, parties will have greater incentives to expand their electorate by buying off other voters. This should reduce the predicted differences between electoral systems in the provision of universalistic programmes. Secondly, the policy positions of candidates are a result of strategic considerations that respond to other candidates’ positions. Thus, I argue that parties adapt their distributive strategies to the number of competing parties, independently of the electoral system. In a two-party scenario, parties need broader coalitions of electoral support. In equilibrium, any vote can change the electoral outcome. As more parties compete, the breadth of parties’ electorates is reduced and parties will find narrow distributive policies more profitable. In summary, the main contribution of this dissertation one is to provide a new framework to study distributive politics. This framework makes innovations both on the characterisation of swing and core electoral groups, and the rationale of parties’ distributive strategies, contributing to advance previous theoretical and empirical research.
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Sahin, Turker. "Internal And External Dynamics Of Transition To Democracy In Turkey Between 1945 And 1950." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615158/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this thesis is to examine both external and internal dynamics in terms of their preparation for the ways to democratization in Turkey between 1945 and 1950. It was asserted in many academic and nonacademic works that the main influences for democratization of Turkey in this period came from outside as external dynamics. But in this study, it will be argued that while the external dynamics may stimulate different actors for democratization, survival and consolidation of this democratization process requires internal dynamics more than the external ones. In order to check the validity of this argument, the thesis focuses on Turkish democratization period between 1945 and 1950. This historical interval is importantbecause, although there were some efforts for transition to democratic regime by that time, all those efforts failed due to the unpreparedness of the Turkish rulers, the Turkish people, and also insufficient social, economic and political conditions in the country. Within the five year period between 1945 and 1950, both the internal and the external dynamics which would contribute democratization in Turkey had changed. The new conditions emerging from the WW II and the post war period transformed economic, political, and social structures of the society that changed expectations in the country. All these dynamics playing important roles in the democratization of Turkey will be mentioned in the thesis. The period in the thesis will start with the termination of the WW II and it will end with the general elections held on May 14, 1950.