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Ostertag, Robert H. "People's movements, people's press the journalism of social justice movements in the United States /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Sharma, Shalini. "New social movements and media : the case of the Justice for Bhopal Movement in India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18259/.
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Jackson, Nicole Maelyn. "Remembering Soweto American college students and international social justice, 1976-1988 /." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1238010978.
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Yu, Kyoung-Hee Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Between bureaucracy and social movements : careers in the justice for janitors." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/42420.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 2008.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 182-189).<br>Industrial relations scholars and organizational sociologists have long argued that American trade unions adopted bureaucratic structures and practices in order to survive in the economic and political environment of the United States. Scholars drew a sharp dichotomy between bureaucratic unionism, which they viewed as the dominant institutional form of American unions, and social movement unionism. But more recently, scholars have argued that the environment has shifted, leading American unions to move away from traditional policies and practices toward social movement unionism. This research examines the organizational change process and current practices of the largest and most successful of such unions, the Service Employees International Union (SEIU). The dissertation starts with a puzzle: while the union is ideologically progressive and strategically innovative, it is also extremely centralized and bureaucratic; furthermore, bureaucratization and centralization have both increased during the period in which the union adopted social movement elements in its practice. Earlier theories on institutional change in the labor movement have not adequately captured the dynamic coexistence of opposing elements. This study develops a theory of institutional change based on the political process. The thesis introduces the concept of movement careers and identifies these careers as a mechanism that mitigates the tension between bureaucracy and idealism in the union. Part I of the thesis examines historical change in the union during the period 1950s - mid-1990s. It shows that the adoption of social movement elements by the union was the product of a contentious political process. Political battles and the urgency of reform felt by ideologically progressive staff further centralized control in the national union.<br>(cont.) These findings contrast with previous research that has depicted institutional change in the labor movement as rational organizational responses to environmental change. Part II introduces and develops the concept of movement careers. It defines these careers as careers motivated by ongoing personal transformations triggered by an initial politicizing experience. It identifies the structural and ideological features that set movement careers apart from conventional organizational careers. Movement career builders think of their work in the union primarily in terms of changing the existing social order. Thus, they choose not to ascend the hierarchy of the organization. Part III uses observational data from four local sites of the union and shows that sustaining idealism in a bureaucratic structure has posed a dilemma in three out of the four sites. This part of the thesis develops a theory of the organizational and environmental contexts that can foster movement careers in formal organizations.<br>by Kyoung-Hee Yu.<br>Ph.D.
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Morena, Edouard. "The Confederation Paysanne as 'peasant' movement : re-appropriating 'peasantness' for the advancement of organisational interests." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2011. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-confederation-paysanne-as-peasant-movement(0c81f776-ea63-4fd8-8139-d49d5caaaaf8).html.
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As a founding member of the Via Campesina (1993) and active participant in the Global Justice Movement (the altermondialiste movement in France), the Confederation paysanne (CP) - which literally stands for 'peasant confederation' - has been presented in academic and activist circles as a key player in the struggle against neoliberal globalisation, and as a contributor to the emergence of new transnational activist networks and a 'global civil society'. As a trade union representing the interests of 'peasants', the CP has been praised as an innovative form of professional organisation whose originality lies in its ability to defend farmers' interests while at the same time responding to a broader set of challenges for the planet and those who populate it (environmental degradation, cultural homogeneity, social injustice). As a result, the CP - and in particular its emblematic leader Jose Bove - was rapidly propelled to the forefront of a new progressive avant-garde whose discourse on the cultural and economic threats of neoliberalism found a positive echo in farming and non-farming circles alike. -- Yet, as I shall argue throughout the following pages, the CP's success was not only related to its successful response to the new challenges for the 'peasantry' and society but also to its re-appropriation of popular and essentialist representations of 'peasantness' as a timeless and intrinsically egalitarian condition. From the moment that we recognise this, our understanding of the union's evolving popularity changes. Many observers and activists, for example, explained the CP's disappointing result in the 2007 professional elections by arguing that the CP was ahead of its time.
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Suchland, Colin E. "The sacred and the urban the case for social-justice gentrifiers /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5673.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 17, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Stapp, April Marie. "'Occupying' Anarchism and Discovering the Means for Social Justice: Interrogating the Anarchist Turn in 21st Century Social Movements." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51116.
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The purpose of this thesis is to take the individual on a journey about what it is like to be engaged in radical anti-systemic activism in the 21st Century. Along this journey the reader will learn about the experiences of what it was like to join the Occupy movement"an anti-systemic movement that began in 2011"through an empirical analysis of learning about and practicing the anarchist(ic) characteristics of the movement"horizontal, non-hegemonic, affinity and consensus-based ways-of-being as a part of your everyday lifeworld. This journey is not only informed by my own personal experience joining the Occupy movement, but it is also informed by my simultaneous experience of maintaining the role of a radical activist-scholar throughout the process. Accordingly, I will explore how this impacted my lifeworld both within and outside of academia, which informed the very framework, analysis, and outcomes produced in this thesis. This project was thus also designed to inform social science research"particularly that on social movements"by reflecting on both social roles experienced in this journey in order to cohesively make sense of the paradoxes created by engaging in discourses about, within, and for the Occupy movement. Of most importance, from an empirical and ontological experience as an Occupier and activist-scholar, this project will help to raise key questions about the frameworks to seek social justice utilized by contemporary anti-systemic social movements in the 21st Century"social movements that are now spreading around the globe.<br>Master of Science
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Camargo, Palomino Ana Maria. "Exploring Environmental Justice Issues in Latino communities in the Treasure Valley in Idaho." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/90284.
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This thesis explores environmental justice issues in Latino communities in the Treasure Valley in Idaho. Given the little work focused on environmental justice issues of Latino communities, specifically in the Treasure Valley in Idaho. This thesis aims to, firstly determine whether environmental justice issues of Latino communities are relevant to environmental and social organizations in the Treasure Valley. As part of this, I also aim to unpack why environmental issues in Latino communities are or are not relevant to local social and environmental organizations. I suspected this may be connected to the complex immigration status of Latino groups, however, I discovered that the lack of funding and research, and community awareness challenged these organizations to attend to environmental justice issues. Second, this thesis aims to bring visibility to the Latino community that is often neglected in policy and research regarding environmental justice, which has mostly focused on African-American communities. Finally, a third and related aim is to contribute to the development of a wider vision of environmental justice issues of minority groups by expanding this framework to Hispanic-Latino communities in the Treasure Valley, Idaho.<br>Master of Arts<br>Disproportionate exposure to toxic waste, proximity to highways and industry facilities, and lack of access to clean water and food, are some of the environmental justice issues that minority groups in the United States daily face daily. The term environmental justice has evolved with different approaches and lines of thought that built on of vulnerable communities’ mobilizations for social justice issues present in vulnerable communities. This study explores to what extent environmental justice issues in Latino communities are relevant to environmental and social organizations in the Treasure Valley in Idaho. Building on the existing literature on environmental justice and based on semi-structured interviews, this study finds that environmental justice issues are relevant to these organizations, but that social injustices, -a lack of political attention to this issue and a related absence of strategic funding and research hinder these organizations’ ability to address environmental justice issues.
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Atkinson, Joshua. "Building a resistance performance paradigm : an analysis of the roles of alternative media in the social construction of reality in social justice movements /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3137677.
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Chesters, Graeme S., and I. Welsh. "The death of collective identity? Global movement as a parallelogram of forces." International Centre for Participation Studies, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3799.
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yes<br>This paper brings together a number of theoretical and political interests we have
with the concept of global movements and the alter-globalisation, anticapitalist, and
social justice movements in particular (Chesters & Welsh, 2004, 2005, 2006). The
argument contained in this paper is that these movements are the emergent outcome
of complex processes of interaction, encounter and exchange facilitated and
mediated by new technologies of mobility and communication and they suggest the
emergence of a post-representational cultural politics qualitatively different from the
identity based social movements of the past.
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Hardnack, Christopher. "Framing Neoliberalism: The Counter-Hegemonic Framing of the Global Justice, Antiwar, and Immigrant Rights Movements." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19667.
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This dissertation explores how three social movements deployed an anti-neoliberal master frame during the course of a multi-movement protest wave. Using ethnographic content analysis. I examine the Global Justice (GJM), Antiwar (AWM), and Immigrant Rights movements (IRM) of the 2000s to offer a theoretical synthesis of the framing perspective in social movements and Gramscian hegemony, which I call the counter-hegemonic framing approach. This approach links the contested discursive practices of social movements to historically specific political-economic contexts to offer a macro framework to make sense of this meso-level activity that illuminates the development of a counter-hegemonic master frame. I apply this approach in case studies of each movement and a culminating incorporated comparison. In the GJM chapter, I found that the GJM frames neoliberal institutions such as the World Trade Organization, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund as influenced by corporate power. Second, the GJM amplifies the symptoms of neoliberal globalization such as global inequality and environmental degradation. Third, there is a master frame specific to neoliberalism which defines neoliberal globalization as a corporate project that seeks to reduce environmental, human rights, and labor regulations by eroding sovereignty in order to open markets and increase profits. For the AWM, I found that the movement integrated the context of both rollback and rollout neoliberalism into their framing to build opposition to the Afghan and Iraq War. In addition, following the corporate power frame of the GJM, the AWM problematizes the involvement of corporations in foreign policy discussions. For the IRM, I found that one of the central goals of their framing was to deflect blame away from undocumented immigrants. There are two ways the IRM accomplished this. First, the IRM emphasized the economic contributions of immigrants. Second, the IRM emphasized the impact of neoliberal globalization as a cause of increased immigration and social problems for which migrants were blamed. Finally, in an incorporated comparison of these case studies I found a distinct anti-neoliberal “repertoire of interpretation,” which forms the basis of an anti-neoliberal master frame that emphasizes US hegemony, corporate power, economic inequality, and neoliberal rollout.
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Bergstrand, Kelly. "Mobilizing for the cause| Grievance evaluations in social movements." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3702713.
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<p> The role of grievances in drawing public concern and activist support is a surprisingly understudied topic in modern social movement literature. This research is the first to parse grievances into core components to understand whether some grievances are more successful than others in evoking mobilizing, affective and cognitive reactions that can ultimately benefit social movements. I find that not all grievances are created equal when it comes to concern, support and interest in activism, and that the content of grievances can be studied in systematic ways to identify the types of grievances likely to be more powerful injustice events. </p><p> This dissertation bridges social psychology and social movements by applying concepts from Affect Control Theory (such as evaluation ratings and deflection) to grievance evaluations. To understand the differential effects of grievances, I break grievances into three basic building blocks—a Perpetrator (Actor), the act itself (Behavior), and the victim (Object). I then use measures of cultural perceptions of the goodness or badness of behaviors and identities to investigate how people react to different configurations of good or bad perpetrators, behavior and victims in injustice events. I posit that two mechanisms—concern about the wellbeing of others and desire for consistency in meanings about the world—drive reactions to the goodness or badness of elements in a grievance. I test hypotheses using an experimental design, specifically a vignette study. </p><p> I find strong support, across outcomes, that bad behavior, particularly when directed toward good victims, constitutes a form of grievance that promotes strong mobilizing, affective and cognitive reactions. I also find that the perpetrator matters for many outcomes, but that the effect of perpetrator is weaker than the effect of behavior and its target, tends to be insignificant for measures specific to behavioral activism, and largely disappears in cases of bad behavior toward good victims. In general, bad perpetrators produce higher levels of concern and emotion than do good perpetrators. The results also show that while concerns about the wellbeing of others dominate grievance evaluations, expectations about how the world should be (and deflection from those expectations) are useful for understanding reactions to perpetrators and to injustice events involving good behavior. </p><p> The conclusions from this dissertation contribute to a number of social movement arenas, including participation, movement outcomes, framing and emotions. Further, it has the real world implications of suggesting how well particular social issues might fare in attracting public concern and activist attention. This provides insights into both the types of movements more likely to be successful as well as the types of social problems less likely to draw public attention, increasing the chances that such problems persist.</p>
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Harter, John-Henry. "Social justice for whom?, class, new social movements and the environment : a case study of Greenpeace Canada, 1971-2000." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61564.pdf.
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Osborne, Carilee. "Speaking for the poor and oppressed: questioning the role of intellectuals in South African social movements." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22881.
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This thesis is concerned with debates around the role of intellectuals in South Africa and particularly in the question of intellectuals "speaking on behalf of the oppressed." Although such a question is foremost a response to recent debates about intellectuals in post-apartheid social movements and particularly the social movement Abahlali baseMjondolo, I anchor the discourse of "speaking on behalf of the oppressed" and its subsequent contestations in a longer historical trajectory going back to missionary ideals around civilisation, progress and trusteeship. Using a range of primary and secondary documents I trace the development of this discourse through the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid era and into post-apartheid discussions highlighting the important points of contestation. This is done by providing an initial problematization of the practice of 'speaking on behalf of others' which is subsequently linked to conceptions of the role of 'the intellectual'. Of particular importance are firstly Zygmunt Bauman's distinction between the intellectual as legislator or as interpreter related to the different between modern and post-modern conceptions of intellectual life; and secondly, Andrew Jamison and Ron Eyerman's distinction between 'intellectual in social movement' (which I translate into the idea of the allied intellectual) and movement intellectual. This thesis argues that current contestations around the role of allied intellectuals speaking for the oppressed in post-apartheid social movements show both continuities and discontinuities to earlier discourses as articulated by a range of social and liberation movements since early colonial times. It also argues that at the heart of the dilemma of intellectuals speaking for the oppressed is a contradiction between their role as legislator and as interpreter.
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Coombs, Sarah Elizabeth. "The genesis of the International Labour Organization and international regime theory, labour and social justice, social movements and ideas." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq21040.pdf.
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Platt, Daniel. ""A Strangely Organic Vision": Postmodernism, Environmental Justice, and the New Urbanist Novel." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18750.
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My dissertation examines critical engagements with the "new urbanist" movement in late 20th and early 21st century U.S. novels, including Karen Tei Yamashita's Tropic of Orange, Helena María Viramontes's Their Dogs Came with Them, and Colson Whitehead's Zone One. I argue that these novels reflect new urbanism's valorization of neighborhoods that are walkable, green, and diverse, even as they critique the movement's inattention to environmental injustice and the long history of urban rights movements. Moreover, I argue that contemporary fiction's engagement with new urbanism has driven formal and stylistic innovation in the novel. The "new urbanist novel," I argue, blends elements of the postmodern literary mode, such as metafiction and narrative fragmentation, with elements that are arguably anti-postmodern, such as representations of stable collective identity and utopian visions of organic urban community.
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Crumpton, Amy Cara. "Toward a Democratic Science? Environmental Justice Activists, Multiple Epidemiologies, and Toxic Waste Controversies." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/39336.
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Environmental justice activists defined an environmental justice, or community-led, research practice as an alternative conception of science to guide epidemiological investigations of the human health effects of hazardous wastes. Activists inserted their position into an ongoing scientific controversy where multiple epidemiologies existed--environmental, dumpsite, and popular--reflecting various understandings and interests of federal and academic epidemiologists, state public health officials, and anti-toxics activists. A 1991 national symposium on health research needs and the National Environmental Justice Advisory Council, established in 1993 to advise the Environmental Protection Agency, provided important locations through which activists advocated an environmental justice research approach and pressed for its adoption by relevant governmental public health institutions. The shaping of environmental justice research by activists raises intriguing issues about the role of science and expertise in political protest and the importance of democratic participation in the making of environmental policy.<br>Ph. D.
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MacAuley, Lorien Eleanora. "On - Farm Apprenticeships: Labor Identities and Sociocultural Reproduction within Alternative Agrifood Movements." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/80966.
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On-farm apprenticeships are gaining momentum as an important strategy for beginning farmer training. They are also a space for identity work and rehearsal of alternative agrifood movement practice (AAMs; MacAuley and Niewolny, 2016; Pilgeram, 2011). AAMs embody and recursively construct values of biophysical sustainability, food quality, egalitarianism, and agrarianism (Constance, Renard, and Rivera-Ferre; 2014). However, AAMs have been critiqued for disproportionately representing upper- to middle-class white cultural norms (Allen, 2004; Guthman, 2008a; Slocum, 2007), for romanticized agrarian ideology (Carlisle, 2013), and for mechanisms reproductive of neoliberalism, which buttresses the dominant agrifood system (Guthman, 2008b). These AAM discourse elements are expressed in on-farm apprenticeships. On-farm apprenticeships are variably understood as beginning farmer training (Hamilton, 2011), as inexpensive farm labor (MacAuley and Niewolny, 2016; Pilgeram, 2011), and as sites of tension between economic and non-economic attributes (Ekers, Levkoe, Walker, and Dale, 2016). I illuminate these dynamics within on-farm apprenticeships through the complementary theoretical lenses of cultural historical activity theory (Engeström, 1999), cognitive praxis (Eyerman and Jamison, 1991), and cultural identity theory (Hall, 1996). I employ critical ethnographic case study methodology to explore issues of power, social reproduction, and equity. I conducted 53 days of participant observation, worked alongside 19 apprentices on six farms for 37 days, conducted interviews (n=25), and completed a document analysis (n=407). I observed white spaces and class-based work values re/produced, mediated by AAM discourse. Furthermore, I observed three distinct objectives within the activity system: beginning farmer training, inexpensive labor for farms, and an authentic farm lifestyle experience. In contrast to the first two, this third objective, the authentic lifestyle, resists market-based logics. Instead, logics that did govern behavior include membership in a movement; an ascetic bent; the valorization of farmers and the authentic farm lifestyle; alignment with clean, healthy, and dirty parts of the job; and communitarianism. These logics point towards the creation of a third type of nonmarket/quasimarket space (Gibson-Graham, Cameron, and Healy, 2013). I describe several considerations for on-farm apprenticeship to lead to greater equity, reproduction of viable small farm labor models, and stabilized and legitimate nonmarket understandings of what makes on-farm apprenticeship function.<br>Ph. D.
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Jones, Pearl. "Analysing visual representations in the North Korean Refugee Movement for Social Change and Justice." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22987.
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Art has the ability to give voice to the vast number of ordinary citizens suffering undertotalitarian rule in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, both past and present. Thispaper uses a mixed-analysis approach to examine three selected examples of visualrepresentations concerning the North Korean Refugee Movement in order to illustrate howArt functions as a strategic component of C4D, and how it can be effectively used by socialmovements as a way of framing movements’ identities in collective action, promotingawareness and enhancing resource mobilisation through the emotive communication ofknowledge. Art has been found to play an important role in the communication and transferof knowledge by creating powerful emotions and providing a voice to the otherwisevoiceless. Visual texts can be used strategically by social movements in the area of C4D toreinforce/create a collective identity and aid in movement participation by enhancingsolidarity and self-assurance while creating motivation for collective action.
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Bondesson, Sara. "Vulnerability and Power : Social Justice Organizing in Rockaway, New York City, after Hurricane Sandy." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-318177.
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This is a study about disasters, vulnerability and power. With regards to social justice organizing a particular research problem guides the work, specifically that emancipatory projects are often initiated and steered by privileged actors who do not belong to the marginalized communities they wish to strengthen, yet the work is based on the belief that empowerment requires self-organizing from within. Through an ethnographic field study of social justice organizing in the wake of Hurricane Sandy in Rockaway, New York City, the thesis explores whether and how vulnerable groups were empowered within the Occupy Sandy network. It is a process study that traces outside activists attempts at empowering storm-affected residents over time, from the immediate relief phase to long-term organizing in the recovery phase. The activists aimed to put to practice three organizing ideals: inclusion, flexibility and horizontality, based on a belief that doing so would enhance empowerment. The analysis demonstrates that collaboration functioned better in the relief phase than in the long-term recovery phase. The same organizing ideals that seem to have created an empowering milieu for storm-affected residents in the relief phase became troublesome when relief turned to long-term recovery. The relief phase saw storm-affected people step up and take on leadership roles, whereas empowerment in the recovery phase was conditional on alignment with outside activists’ agendas. Internal tensions, conflicts and resistance from residents toward the outside organizers marked the recovery phase. It seems that length of collaborative projects is not the only factor for developing trust but so is complexity. The more complex the activities over which partners are to collaborate the less easy it is. Based on this we could further theorize that the more complex the work is the more challenging it is for privileged groups to give away control. The internal struggles of the organization partially explain the failures to influence an urban planning process that the organization attempted to impact, which connects the micro-processes with broader change processes toward transformation of vulnerability.
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Gordon, Hava Rachel. "The scapegoat generation fights back : how young people challenge age subordination and find empowerment in movements for social justice /." view abstract or download file of text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3181100.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2005.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 252-262). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Bacon, J. "Producing, Maintaining and Resisting Colonial Ecological Violence: Three Considerations of Settler Colonialism as Eco-Social Structure." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23788.
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Although rarely included in environmental sociology, settler colonialism significantly structures eco-social relations within the United States. This work considers the range of environmental practices and epistemologies influenced by settler colonial impositions in law, culture and discourse. In this dissertation I also introduce the term colonial ecological violence as a framework for considering the outcomes of this structuring in terms of the disproportionate impacts on Indigenous peoples and communities.<br>2020-09-06
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Wolf-Monteiro, Brenna. "Consuming Justice: Exploring Tensions Between Environmental Justice and Technology Consumption Through Media Coverage of Electronic Waste, 2002-2013." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22618.
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The social and environmental impacts of consumer electronics and information communications technologies (CE/ICTs) reflect dynamics of a globalized and interdependent world. During the early 21st century the global consumption of CE/ICTs expanded greatly while the infrastructure behind CE/ICTs, especially the extraction and disassembly phases, became more integrated. This dissertation examines how messages about the social and environmental impacts of CE/ICTs changed during this period and explores the discursive power of actors involved in environmental justice campaigns surrounding the disposal and disassembly of electronic waste (e-waste).
The dissertation reports the results of a mixed methods investigation of twelve years of media coverage of e-waste through quantitative content analysis and qualitative document analysis. The analysis examined almost 800 articles from eleven media outlets between 2002 – 2013 and explored differences between legacy media coverage (e.g. The New York Times, USA Today) and coverage from digital news outlets focused on technology (e.g. Ars Technica, CNET, Gizmodo).
When the story of e-waste began to gain traction in media outlets, the haze of commodity fetishism cleared for a brief moment and the social relations of exploitation behind the wonders of technology were included in media narratives. While the media coverage about e-waste initially examined environmental justice issues of pollution and labor exploitation, the coverage evolved into focusing on the technical and business solutions to managing the environmental problems and the growth of a private sector profiting from mineral reclamation through electronics recycling.
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Vaughan, Michael Kevin. "Mobilisation for international tax justice after the financial crisis in the UK and Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/21292.
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Over the decade following the financial crisis of 2008/2009, the salience of international tax justice issues such as multinational corporate tax avoidance has grown dramatically against a backdrop of financial instability and government austerity. One frequently underexamined factor in understanding international taxation is the involvement of civil society, which spans a diverse range of actors and repertoires, from experts in the Tax Justice Network disseminating policy proposals to activists in UK Uncut occupying Vodafone stores. Although there has been formative research into some organisations involved in tax justice advocacy, their relationships with one another have received less scholarly attention. This thesis provides a comparative case study of tax justice advocacy in Australia and the UK after the financial crisis, giving further insight into movement-level dynamics in the context of respectively low and high mobilisation environments. A mixed methods approach combines three primary sources of data: in-depth interviews with 35 key organisational actors across the two countries; an original hand-coded dataset of 909 articles from five national newspapers in the United Kingdom and Australia between 2008 and 2017, analysed using a political claims analysis approach; and a social media dataset scraped from the public Facebook pages of these core organisations, analysed using natural language processing and network analysis methods. This thesis argues that tax justice advocacy after the financial crisis is neither a disparate collection of contentious acts nor an undifferentiated transnational network. Instead, contention is primarily structured as interconnected national-level networks, which achieve particular intensity in response to austerity. Given that civil society engagement with international taxation is widely perceived as a counterweight to the concentrated influence of corporate actors, these findings offer a roadmap for future civil society advocacy, which directs attention toward inter-sectoral cooperation around the national implications of international tax policy.
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Thomas, Julia. "Buses, But Not Spaces For All: Histories of Mass Resistance & Student Power on Public Transportation in Mexico & The United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1068.
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Public spaces—particularly buses, which often carry a larger proportion of low-income to middle class individuals and people of color—serve as shared places for recreation, travel, and labor, and are theoretically created with the intention of being an “omnibus,” or a public resource for all. While buses have been the sites of intense state control and segregation across the world, they have also been places in which groups have organized bus boycotts, commandeered control of transportation, ridden across state lines, and taken over spaces that allow them to express power by occupying a significant area. Buses have become spaces of exchange and power for the people who have, in some cases, been marginalized by ruling private interests and institutionalized racism to ride in masses on particular routes. From the turn of twentieth century to 1968 in Mexico, the Civil Rights movement in the mid twentieth century United States, to the contemporary era in the U.S. and Mexico, public spaces have been historically reclaimed as key instruments in social movements. By analyzing these moments, this thesis explores the complex relations over power on buses for riders—university students in in Mexico, and African Americans in the U.S.—and show how they have been both key vehicles in mobilization and resistance against state oppression and the sites of targeted violence and racism.
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Gunn, Lisa. "Putting Gender on the Line: Examining the Role of Gender in Social Movement Resistance to the Energy East Pipeline." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38639.
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This thesis assesses the role of gender in social movement contestation of TransCanada’s Energy East pipeline. By understanding gender as a social construction and social position from which political action and transformation can occur, the study examines how hegemonic understandings and performances of femininity and masculinity influenced social movement engagement, tactics employed, and activist spaces and dynamics, if at all, within the climate movement in Canada. Using a snowball recruitment method, I interviewed 10 activists from November 2017 to May 2018 from four provinces, all of whom were engaged in the Energy East fight. I found that while particular gendered tactics, such as direct action, were not pivotal in the movement’s ultimate victory, gender did influence how people engaged in activism and how spaces within the movement were structured. Areas such as feminist leadership, non-profit versus grassroots spaces, and the ways in which movement members took up space were where gender played the clearest role. Moreover, some of the findings do reflect what has been found in available literature: that women make up the majority of the environmental base yet are underrepresented in high level spaces and traditional leadership. This thesis also explores potential next steps to make the climate justice movement more inclusive and equitable. While it remains unclear to what extent gender played a decisive role in the ultimate defeat of the pipeline project, it did influence internal dynamics, leadership, and recruitment.
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Vess, Lora Elizabeth 1972. "The Politics of PVC." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/6195.
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xv, 277 p. A print copy of this title is available from the UO Libraries, under the call number: SCIENCE TP1180.V48 V46 2007<br>This dissertation examines the political, scientific, social, environmental, and health debates surrounding the use of polyvinyl chloride (commonly called vinyl), a plastic many public health advocates and activists contend has a toxic lifecycle with deleterious human and ecological impacts at every stage. Using extensive documentary research and in-depth interviews, I answer a basic question: how and why have major stakeholders politicized PVC in recent decades? I find the strength of the anti-PVC movement lies largely in its broad based constituency: it includes professionals within the health care and green building industries, as well as labor unions and environmental health advocates. However, I raise critical questions about the movement's strategy of situating itself as a market-based movement where limited analysis is given to the greater environmental and health impacts of the health care and building industries as a whole.<br>Adviser: Gregory McLauchlan
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McKevitt, Susan. "What Keeps Them Going: Factors that Sustain U.S. Women's Life-Long Peace and Social Justice Activism." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1286647915.
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Curran, Grace M. "Something in Our Souls Above Fried Chicken: On Meaningful Feminist Action in Food Justice Movements." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1408104622.
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Hood, Rachael Lucille. "“Don't frack with us!” An analysis of two anti-pipeline movements." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1594488329200428.
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Dahlman, Nina. "Demokrati och sociala rörelser : En diskussion om demokratisynen hos deltagare vid European Social Forum 2008." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3322.
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<p>Det här är en uppsats som behandlar demokratisynen hos deltagare vid European Social Forum 2008 i Malmö. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om det finns samband mellan erfarenheter av politiska handlingar, identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen och synen på hur demokratiska beslut i allmänhet bör fattas. Individer inom den globala rättviserörelsen kan ses som handlande subjekt inom utvecklingen av demokratiska system, då rörelsen formulerar en kritik mot globalisering och odemokratiska beslutsformer och strävar efter att möjliggöra en annan form av globalisering och en annan form av demokrati. Teoretiskt tar undersökningen avstamp i tre idealtypiska demokratiformer: deltagardemokrati, deliberativ demokrati och representativ demokrati, som har tre skilda utgångspunkter när det gäller former för beslutsprocesser. Även politiskt handlande går att skilja åt teoretiskt, i form av kollektivt och individuellt politiskt handlande. Genom en statistisk analys i form av faktoranalys och regression i verktyget SPSS har jag visat att erfarenheter påverkar synen på demokrati. En deltagardemokratisk syn främjas bland annat av en stark identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen, erfarenhet av konfrontativa politiska handlingar och erfarenhet av deltagardemokratiska mötesformer. En deliberativ demokratisyn främjas bland annat av en stark identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen, erfarenhet av konfrontativa politiska handlingar och erfarenhet av deliberativt demokratiska mötesformer. En representativ demokratisyn främjas av erfarenhet av rörelse- och föreningsaktivitet på europeisk nivå och erfarenhet av representativt och informativt politiskt handlande. Resultaten visar också att individers demokratisyn är komplex och ofta innehåller element från flera olika idealtypiska demokratimodeller.</p><br><p>This is a thesis about views on democracy among participants at the European Social Forum in Malmö 2008. The aim is to study if there are any statistical connections between experience of political actions, identification with the global justice movement and the view on democracy. The theoretical frames of the thesis are twofold: theories on democracy and theories on political actions. Democracy is divided into three different systems: participatory democracy, deliberative democracy and representative democracy. Political actions are divided into collective and individual political actions. By carrying out a statistical analysis through regression and factor analysis am I able to confirm that an experience of political actions have a statistical influence on an individual view on democracy. A participatory view is influenced by a strong identification with the global justice movement, experiences of confrontation as political method and experiences of participatory ways of making political decisions. A deliberative view is influenced by a strong identification with the global justice movement, experiences of confrontation as political method and experiences of deliberative ways of making decisions. A representative view on democracy is influenced by experiences of European movement- or association activity and experiences of representative and informative political actions. The results show that individual’s view on democracy is a question of great complexity and is often containing elements from different democratic ideals.</p>
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Wood, Jared. "In defence of Marxism : Marxist theories of globalisation and social injustice and the evolution of post-socialist ideology within contemporary movements for global social justice." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2016. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/184/.
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The protests against the World Trade Organisation in Seattle in 1999 have been described, along with the development of World and European Social Forums (WSF/ESF), as the beginning of a new Global Movement for Social Justice (GMSJ). This movement has been argued to represent a ‘new type of politics’ with an unprecedented ideological and organisational character based on new fragmented power relationships that have undermined traditional class and national relationships and consequently have undermined the relevance of classical socialist theory. In place of nation state-based socialist strategies for delivering social justice, the GMSJ has been established on the principles of autonomy and an absence of representative structures of any kind. Often, these movements are described as (transnational) New Social Movements. This thesis challenges these concepts and argues they fall within a post-socialist orthodox approach to social science. It compares socialist concepts relating to power, class, nations and political organisation with post-socialist concepts, and in so doing, argues that post-socialist ideas have gained an orthodox status in a period when Stalinist models of (national) state planning have collapsed and social democratic parties have capitulated to the demands of globalised neo-liberal capitalism. Under such conditions, it has been possible for post-socialist theory to reflect observed failures of socialist movements and the thesis argues that underlying post-socialist theories of power, globalisation and a fragmentation of material power relations are often excessively abstract and unconvincing. These arguments are developed through the presentation of research into GMSJ activist organisations, part of the movements that affiliated to the London round of the ESF in 2004. In presenting analysis of in-depth interviews with participants and key organizational leaders, the thesis examines how the contemporary GMSJ remains sceptical that class based socialist theory can mobilise contemporary mass movements. However, it also develops a better understanding of how activists in this new global social movement reflect socialist theories relating to power, property relations and class in their conceptualisation of patterns of social injustice. Overall, the research suggests post-socialist theories have failed to provide a programme or strategy for building a mass movement for social justice. It argues that, contrary to often stated claims about its Marxist foundations, post-socialist ideology has not been able to outline the systemic foundations for another world. However, the research suggests that the central concepts of Marxist theory relating to power, property relations, class and political organisation nevertheless remain relevant to the GMSJ and that democratic socialist planning is the only coherent systemic alternative to capitalism that has been placed before the GMSJ. The thesis will argue that the GMSJ could help to develop an ideological alternative to global capitalism by engaging with a rich history of socialist theory.
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Walter, Mariana. "Political ecology of mining conflicts in Latin America an analysis of environmental justice movements and struggles over scales." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/145402.
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América Latina es actualmente una de las fronteras mineras más atractivas del mundo, que concentra un tercio de las inversiones mundiales del sector. Sin embargo, mientras la presión por extraer metales aumenta, la región está viviendo una ola de movilizaciones sociales opuesta a la expansión de las actividades mineras a gran escala. Mientras las comunidades denuncian que las actividades mineras ponen en riesgo sus formas de sustento, desprecian sus derechos y su futuro, los gobiernos nacionales y las compañías mineras promueven la actividad como una fuente de desarrollo y bienestar social. Las críticas son vistas como motivadas por intereses políticos o desinformación.
Desde un marco de ecología política, nutrido por estudios sobre la política de las escalas, la tesis estudia los movimientos de justicia ambiental que se oponen a las actividades mineras metalíferas de gran escala en América Latina. A tal efecto, recurre a dos aproximaciones diferentes.
En una primera aproximación, la tesis analiza cómo y por qué los movimientos de justicia ambiental se forman, sus discursos, sus demandas y sus estrategias y el modo como estos movimientos se involucran en luchas por las escalas disputando su jerarquía y reivindicando el poder de las comunidades locales para decidir sobre los proyectos mineros. Se utilizaron métodos de investigación acción para realizar un estudio de caso del conflicto minero aurífero de Esquel (2001-2003, Argentina), donde se detuvo el proyecto tras un referéndum local. Adicionalmente, fuentes primarias y secundarias fueron utilizadas en un estudio de casos múltiples para analizar la emergencia y el despliegue de casos de consultas/referendo comunitarias sobre minería a gran escala en América Latina. En esta investigación, realizada con Leire Urkidi, estudiamos 68 casos de consultas locales ocurridas entre los años 2002 y 2012 en Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia y Ecuador. Alrededor de 700.000 personas participaron en estas consultas, expresando un rechazo masivo a las actividades mineras en la región. Se concluyó que las comunidades reclamaban el reconocimiento de sus miradas locales sobre el desarrollo que no eran compatibles con los impactos, riesgos e incertidumbres de la minería a gran escala. Los conflictos se exacerbaban porque los procedimientos de toma de decisiones no permitían incorporar adecuadamente las perspectivas locales sobre los aspectos técnicos y no técnicos que estaban en juego. Analizando la propagación de las consultas, sostenemos que se trata de una institución híbrida, multi-escalar, que simultáneamente construye una nueva escala de regulación (toma de decisiones) consistente en la participación local a través del referendo/consulta. Las consultas surgen como una respuesta de democracia local frente a las injusticias ambientales en contextos de represión y criminalización a activistas que ganan legitimidad en la medida que ofrecen espacios de participación a las comunidades afectadas. Son instituciones híbridas porque son promovidas por alianzas entre movimientos sociales y gobiernos locales que recuperan y resignifican derechos y leyes indígenas y de participación municipales, nacionales e internacionales. Así, las consultas no sólo desafían las escalas de significado hegemónicas que gobiernan a las actividades mineras sino, además, reconstruyen y ponen en práctica una nueva escala de regulación.
En una segunda aproximación, en colaboración con Sara Latorre y el apoyo de Giuseppe Munda y Carlos Larrea, se aplicaron técnicas de evaluación social multi-criterio y de construcción de escenarios para estructurar las implicancias multi-dimensionales de desarrollar actividades extractivas en áreas social y ambientalmente sensibles. En el capítulo dedicado al conflicto minero de Íntag (Ecuador), sostenemos que esta aproximación permite hacer visibles escalas, valores sociales e incertidumbres que son opacados por los discursos que hegemonizan el debate minero, enfocados casi exclusivamente en los resultados económicos a nivel nacional.<br>Latin America is currently one of the most attractive mining frontiers in the World, concentrating one third of global mining investments. However, as the pressure to extract ores grows, the region witnesses a wave of social mobilizations against the expansion of large-scale metal-mining activities. While communities claim that mining activities endanger their livelihoods, and despise their rights and their future, national governments and companies promote this activity as a source of development and wellbeing. Complaints are framed as being politically motivated or based on misinformation.
From a political ecology framework, nurtured by politics of scale studies, this thesis studies environmental justice movements contesting large-scale metal-mining activities in Latin America and their struggles over scales. Two different approaches are developed.
In a first approach, the thesis addresses how and why environmental justice movements have formed, which are their discourses, their claims and strategies and how these movements engage in struggles over scales, contesting scalar hierarchies and reclaiming communities' power to decide on mining projects. Action research methods were used to conduct an in-depth case study in Esquel gold mining conflict (2001-2003, Argentina) where a project was stopped by a local referendum. Moreover, primary and secondary sources were used to conduct a multiple case study analysis of the emergence and spread of other community consultations/referenda on large-scale mining activities in Latin America. In this research, conducted with Leire Urkidi, we studied the 68 cases of community consultations/referenda that took place between 2002 and 2012 in Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Colombia and Ecuador. About 700.000 people participated in these consultations, expressing a massive rejection to mining activities. I conclude that communities are demanding recognition for local views on development that are not compatible with large-scale mining, given its impacts, risks and uncertainties. Conflicts are exacerbated by the fact that mining decision-making procedures cannot adequately accommodate local views regarding technical and non-technical issues at stake. Analysing the spread of consultations I claim that they are a multi-scalar institution that constructs a new scale of regulation (decision-making): local participation via referendum/consultation. Consultations emerge as a local democratic response to environmental injustices in contexts of repression and criminalization of activists, and gain legitimacy as they become spaces of participation for affected populations. Consultations are moreover a hybrid institution, promoted by alliances between social movements and local governments that reclaim and re-signify municipal, national and international participation and indigenous rights and legislations. In this vein, consultations not only challenge hegemonic scales of meaning governing mining activities but re-construct and put in practice a new scale of regulation.
In a second approach, in collaboration with Sara Latorre and with the support of Carlos Larrea and Giuseppe Munda, social multi-criteria evaluation and scenario techniques were applied to structure the multi-dimensional implications of developing extractive activities in socially and environmentally sensitive locations. In this chapter on the Íntag mining conflict (Ecuador), I claim that this approach is able to make visible scales, social values and uncertainties that are made invisible by hegemonic discourses in the mining debate that focus almost exclusively on economic results at national level.
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Domokos-Bays, Becky L. "The Role Of The Citizen's Clearinghouse For Hazardous Wastes As An Agent Of Adult Education In The Environmental Justice Movement From 1981-1985." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/29867.
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This historical study examined the educational dimensions of the Citizen's Clearinghouse for Hazardous Wastes from 1981-1995. Its role as an agent of adult education in the grassroots movement for environmental justice was demonstrated by tracing the movement from the toxic waste disaster at Love Canal, New York and focusing on the role of Lois Gibbs as a leader in the movement. The conceptual framework for the study was built upon interdisciplinary work in the fields of adult education, sociology, and educational history. The study examined the mission, belief systems, processes and strategies of learning and information dissemination by the Clearinghouse during three periods: 1981-1986, during which the organization was formed and began to develop a mission and belief system; the 1987-1991 period when CCHW experienced enormous growth and began to exert its power nationally with campaigns such as the McToxics Campaign. It was also during this period that CCHW began the process of working toward a unified grassroots environmental justice movement; and the period from 1992-1995 which marked the beginning of CCHW's second decade of existence and in which CCHW conducted an in-depth organizational assessment. Organizing and technical assistance were found to be the primary vehicles of learning. Publications and site visits were powerful dissemination mechanisms used to assist citizens in their struggles against corporations and government authorities. Secondly, citizens who remained active in the environmental justice movement often took on broader roles such as organizing regional citizen groups. The study found that women composed nearly eighty percent of the leaders in the movement. Reasons for involvement varied, but most women became involved initially out of fear for theirs or a loved one's health. Conclusions drawn indicate that learning occurred through everyday experiences and empowered citizens to take direct action in their communities. Secondly CCHW emerged as a powerful national political force due to its ability to maintain its mission of continuously listening and meeting the needs of its grassroots constituents.<br>Ph. D.
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Lewis, Kelly M. "Digitally mediated martyrdom: The visual politics of posthumous images in the popular struggle for social justice." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2020. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/202083/1/Kelly_Lewis_Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis introduced a new way of studying how visual social media is used to protest unjust deaths, especially those caused by police brutality and other forms of state violence. It developed the concept of 'digitally mediated martyrdom' to describe the communication practices that emerge through the online circulation of posthumous digital images of victims. It applied this concept to the murder of Khaled Said in Egypt in 2010, and to the murder of Trayvon Martin in America in 2012. It used digital ethnography methods to explore the role that visual social media play in political discourse and protest mobilisations. The thesis found that the figure of the unintentional martyr is increasingly being deployed in social justice movements to give visibility to human rights abuses and to demand radical change.
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Lembke, Magnus. "In the Lands of Oligarchs : Ethno-Politics and the Struggle for Social Justice in the Indigenous-Peasant Movements of Guatemala and Ecuador." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Political Science in cooperation with the Institute of Latin American Studies, Stockholm University [Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet], 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-1238.
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Dunbar, Liam. "An Exploration of the Salvadoran Mining Justice Movement, and of the Contributions of the Salvadoran Diaspora in Canada." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39214.
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On March 29, 2017, after ten years with a Presidential moratorium on metallic mining in the country, the Salvadoran legislature voted to permanently ban the practice. Based on semi-structured interviews with activists, academics, and journalists, this study builds on the literature explores the contributions of the Salvadoran diaspora in Canada to the passage of the moratorium, and ultimately the ban. I discuss numerous types of contributions: coalition building involving various allies, communication and education initiatives, taking a position as members of the diaspora, and engagements with politicians in both Canada and El Salvador. I provide further context to the case by discussing both contextual elements and mobilization strategies relating to the mining justice movement in El Salvador, contextual elements that help make sense of the engagements of the Salvadoran diaspora in Canada in the movement, and challenges Salvadoran Canadians encountered while engaging in the movement. I conduct my analysis in three parts. The first outlines contributions to the transnationalism literature, the second details the results of a discourse analysis of my interview transcripts, and the third sketches contributions to the framing literature.
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Burton, Kerry. "Re-presenting geopolitics : ethnography, social movement activism, and nonviolent geographies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3607.
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This thesis starts from the premise that Geopolitics is performative, an iterative discourse “of visualising global space…reproduced in the governing principles of geographic thought and through the practices of statecraft” (Agnew 1998:11). During the last decade, two dominant discourses have shaped the contemporary geopolitical imagination – the ‘war on terror’ and ‘climate change’. These have steered conceptualisations of security and insecurity - performative iterations of who, where, and what poses a threat. The resulting geopolitical picture of the world has enabled the legitimisation of human and geographical domination – an acceptance of geographical norms that enable the continuation of uneven geographies. The research is concerned with the performative spaces of alternative geopolitics; spaces that emerge where nonviolent social movement activism and geopolitics intersect and the sites through which these are practiced and mediated. The motivations are twofold. The first is a desire to intervene in a critical geopolitical discourse that remains biased toward engagement with violent geographies. The second is to take seriously ‘geopolitics from below’, alternative geographical imaginations. I address the first of these through research that is concerned primarily with the spacing of nonviolence – the performed and performative spaces of nonviolent geographies shaped through a politics of the act. The second is approached through substantial empirical engagement with social movement activists and sites of contention and creation in opposition to dominant environmental geopolitics. ‘Militant’ ethnographic research took place over six months in 2009. It traced the journeys of two groups as they organised for, and took part in, large counter-summit mobilisations. The first was a UK based social movement, the Camp for Climate Action (UK). The second was an intercontinental caravan, the Trade to Climate Caravan. Both groups shared a common aim – to converge on the 16th of December in a mass demonstration of nonviolent confrontation; the ‘People’s Assembly’, to contest dominant discourses being performed inside the intergovernmental United Nations Conference of the Parties 15. Social movement groups from around the world would present alternative narratives of insecurity and offer ‘alternative solutions’ garnered through non-hierarchical forms of decision-making. The research followed the route each group took to the People’s Assembly and the articulations (narrative and practices) of nonviolent action.
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Michna, Catherine C. "Hearing the Hurricane Coming: Storytelling, Second-Line Knowledges, and the Struggle for Democracy in New Orleans." Thesis, Boston College, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2753.
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Thesis advisor: Carlo Rotella<br>Thesis advisor: Cynthia A. Young<br>From the BLKARTSOUTH literary collective in the 1970s, to public-storytelling-based education and performance forms in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, and fiction and nonfiction collections in the years since the storm, this study traces how New Orleans authors, playwrights, educators, and digital media makers concerned with social justice have mirrored the aesthetics and epistemologies of the collaborative African diasporic expressive traditions that began in the antebellum space of Congo Square and continue in the traditions of second-line parading and Mardi Gras Indian performances today. Combining literary analysis, democratic and performance theory, and critical geography with interviews and participant observation, I show how New Orleans authors, theatre makers, and teachers have drawn on "second-line" knowledges and geographies to encourage urban residents to recognize each other as "divided subjects" whose very divisions are the key to keeping our social and political systems from stabilizing and fixing borders and ethics in a way that shuts down possibilities for dissent, flux, and movement. Building on diverse scholarly arguments that make a case both for New Orleans's exceptionalism and its position, especially in recent years, as a model for neoliberal urban reform, this study also shows how the call and response aesthetics of community-based artists in New Orleans have influenced and benefited from the rise of global democratic performance and media forms. This dual focus on local cultures of resistance and New Orleans's role in the production of national and transnational social justice movements enables me to evaluate New Orleans's enduring central role in the production of U.S. and transnational constructs of African diasporic identity and radical democratic politics and aesthetics. Chapter One, "Second Line Knowledges and the Re-Spatialization of Resistance in New Orleans," synthesizes academic and grassroots analyses and descriptions of second lines, Mardi Gras Indian performances, and related practices in New Orleans through the lenses of critical geography and democratic theory to analyze the democratic dreams and blues approaches to history and geography that have been expressed in dynamic ways in the public spaces of New Orleans since the era of Congo Square. My second chapter, "'We Are Black Mind Jockeys': Tom Dent, The Free Southern Theater, and the Search for a Second Line Literary Aesthetic," explores the unique encounter in New Orleans between the city's working-class African American cultural traditions and the national Black Arts movement. I argue that poet and activist Tom Dent's interest in black working-class cultural traditions in New Orleans allowed him to use his three-year directorship of the Free Southern Theater to produce new and lasting interconnections between African American street performances and African American theatre and literature in the city. Chapter Three, "Story Circles, Educational Resistance, and the Students at the Center Program Before and After Hurricane Katrina," outlines how Students at the Center (SAC), a writing and digital media program in the New Orleans public schools, worked in the years just before Hurricane Katrina to re-make public schools as places that facilitated the collaborative sounding and expression of second-line knowledges and geographies and engaged youth and families in dis-privileged local neighborhoods in generating new democratic visions for the city. This chapter contrasts SAC's pre-Katrina work with their post-Katrina struggles to reformulate their philosophies in the face of the privatization of New Orleans's public schools in order to highlight the role that educational organizing in New Orleans has played in rising conversations throughout the US about the impact of neo-liberal school reform on urban social formations, public memory, and possibilities for organized resistance. Chapter Four, "'Running and Jumping to Join the Parade': Race and Gender in Post-Katrina Second Line Literature" shows how authors during the post-Katrina crisis era sought to manipulate mass market publication methods in order to critically reflect on, advocate for, and spread second-line knowledges. My analysis of the fiction of Tom Piazza and Mike Molina, the non-fiction work of Dan Baum, and the grassroots publications of the Neighborhood Story Project asks how these authors' divergent interrogations of the novel and non-fiction book forms with the form of the second line parade enable them to question, with varying degrees of success, the role of white patriarchy on shaping prevailing media and literary forms for imagining and narrating the city. Finally, Chapter Five, "Cross-Racial Storytelling and Second-Line Theatre Making After the Deluge," analyzes how New Orleans's community-based theatre makers have drawn on second-line knowledges and geographies to build a theatre-based racial healing movement in the post-Katrina city. Because they were unable and unwilling, after the Flood, to continue to "do" theatre in privatized sites removed from the lives and daily spatial practices of local residents, the network of theater companies and community centers whose work I describe (such as John O'Neal's Junebug Productions, Mondo Bizarro Productions, ArtSpot Productions, and the Ashé Cultural Arts Center) have made New Orleans's theatrical landscape into a central site for trans-national scholarly and practitioner dialogues about the relationship of community-engaged theatre making to the construction of just and sustainable urban democracies<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2011<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: English
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Donoso, Sofia Catalina. "Reconstructing collective action in the neoliberal era : the emergence and political impact of social movements in Chile since 1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:834b8644-fe4c-4f84-b586-a99b94000766.
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This dissertation investigates the emergence and impact of social movements in Chile since the reinstatement of democracy in 1990. Seeking to make an important contribution to the understanding of the reconstruction of collective action in post-transition Chile, I focus on two cases which have been particularly successful in questioning the benefits of market-friendly policies introduced by the military regime (1973-1989) and continued to a great extent by the Concertación governments (1990-2010). The first case is the 2006 Pingüino movement, named after the secondary school students’ penguin-like black and white school uniforms, which forced a substantial discussion on the education system’s segregating effects and its neoliberal underpinnings. The second case is the 2007 Contratista movement, composed of subcontracted workers of CODELCO – Chile’s main state-owned copper-extracting company. The Contratistas repoliticised a long-dormant debate on labour issues and revitalised a trade union movement which had been in decline in previous decades. I draw on the Contentious Politics approach, which stresses social movements’ interaction with the institutional terrain, and explain the emergence of the Pingüinos and Contratistas as the result of three distinct but intertwined processes: the opening up of the structure of political opportunities involved in the rise of President Bachelet; the deeply felt discontent with the education and labour reforms introduced by the military regime and kept largely intact by the Concertación governments; and the movements’ adoption of non-hierarchical organisational forms as a way of reconstructing collective action ‘from below’. In terms of political impact, I show that both the students and the contract workers were successful in introducing issues onto the public agenda that were not there before the emergence of the movements. The extent to which this was translated into bills that reflected the concerns of the movements, however, depended on their capacity to continue to exert pressure on the government and to forge political alliances. In this way, I argue that the impact of the movements was indirect and followed a two-stage process through which first the Pingüinos and Contratistas influenced aspects of their external environment, namely, public opinion and political alliances, and then the latter influenced policy. Overall, my research shows the links between processes at the micro-level (the development of organisational resources and grievance interpretation) and their subsequent impact at the macro-level (agenda-setting and policy impact) – a development that has undoubtedly acquired greater relevance and analytical urgency since the wide range of protests that have taken place around the world since 2011.
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Martin, Nina. "The Activist’s Game : How do intersectionally marginalised independent game designers contribute to social justice movements? How does their digital artistic practice disrupt archival practices?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43418.
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This Degree Project (DP) focuses on an under-researched area in the field of ComDev, namely the study of entertaining games. It explores and asks how independent and intersectionally marginalised game designers contribute to social justice movements. The trajectory of this DP is informed by responses to an online survey with 49 diasporic gamers of colour in the socalled global North. The game design practices researched encompass artistic, technological and archival endeavours. These are positioned within the individualistic, community and societal factors surrounding the participants of this research. Seven independent game designers of colour in Europe and the US were interviewed via video calls and a Foucauldian Discourse Analysis is applied to analyse their responses. The literature review considers previous research on the potential and flaws of new technologies, on game design as an art practice, on art as a social movement and on community, identity and demography in games. The consequential theoretical framework is based on a Critical Race theoretical and practical approach. In a commitment to intersectionality it further applies queer theory and postcolonial theory as its pillars to conducting this subjectivist qualitative research. The findings suggest that game designers exist at the intersection of art, technology and industry and hold the agency to contribute to social movements. They may do so through an empowerment lens and community efforts, while not claiming the title of an activist per say. Through further research their contribution to development may be further explored.
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Detwiler, Dominic. "Bridging The Queer-Green Gap: LGBTQ & Environmental Movements inCanada, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the United States." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1587131806748671.
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Louckx, Audrey. "Empowering voices: testimonial literature and social justice in contemporary American culture." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209257.
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Within the last three decades, contemporary North America came to reinvent a socially focused genre of literary personal narratives. These new editorial and writing projects, published in the form of collections of personal narratives, emerged as a tool for the socially voiceless to secure some measure of agency in their contemporary social and cultural situation. Projects such as the Freedom Writers’ Diary or volumes of the Voice of Witness book series fit in the process that is currently labeled social empowerment. Witnesses express a deep urge to share their story in the hope to denounce their experience of an enduring social injustice. The written word, primary a means for self-disclosure, serves to exorcise the suffering associated to this specific predicament. The narrators engage in a powerful self-investigative gesture oriented towards resilience and renewed enfranchisement in regaining control over their life and environment. At the moment of publication, however, these testimonies come to be validated as authentic examples of the injustices they disclose. These examples serve an educational purpose: raising the audience’s awareness and opening deliberative fora for these issues to be discussed and for solutions to be hammered out and eventually implemented. <p>The purpose of this dissertation is to propose a theoretical model for the subgenre of testimonials of social empowerment. With the concept of empowerment as groundwork, the model develops a textual approach framed in a psychosocial structure. I argue that testimonials may be described as examples of Jürgen Habermas’s communicative action. As speech acts aimed at reaching understanding, testimonials capitalize both on the binding and bonding aspects of illocutionary force in the hope to secure with their audience an ongoing dialogue over issues of social justice. The volumes, as unofficial public spheres, mobilize the normative and practical dynamics at work in social movements. These dynamics express as two narrative guiding threads: an aesthetic based on impact, and an ethics based on responsibility. The texts’ aesthetic develops a form of perlocutionary realism instantiating a sense of authenticity and sincerity embodied in the narrators’ voices. The resulting impact is coupled to moral concerns based on a polysemic understanding of social responsibility, on which narrators seek to build their narratives’ ethical potential. A series of case studies allowed to demonstrate that both narrative threads are realized as an appropriation of four paradigmatic forms of rhetorical ethos, each based on a specific realm of the social world: intimacy, justice, spirituality and activism.<p><br>Doctorat en Langues et lettres<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Cantzler, Julia Miller. "Culture, History and Contention: Political Struggle and Claims-Making over Indigenous Fishing Rights in Australia, New Zealand and the United States." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306269394.
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Johnson, Carina. "Men's experiences of participating in the silent protest." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5641.
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Magister Artium (Psychology) - MA(Psych)<br>This study aimed to investigate how male university students become involved in activism to end sexual violence against women. Historically, gender-based violence (GBV) prevention efforts have been a women's issue and men have not typically been part of this violence prevention picture. However, in the past two decades there have been increasing efforts to involve men. This has been motivated by growing recognition that, "while most men do not use violence against women, when violence does occur it is perpetrated largely by men and the ideas and behaviours linked to masculinity are highly influential in men's use of violence against women" (Flood 2011, p. 361). This project focuses on the Silent Protest, a campaign against sexual violence initiated in 2006 at Rhodes University. Since its inception the Silent Protest exclusively recruited women but, in 2011, men were actively invited and encouraged to participate as allies in activism to end sexual violence. This study aims to investigate the pathways through which male university students come to be involved in the Silent Protest and the meanings they derive from participation in protest activities. Men who participated in the Silent Protest were interviewed and the transcripts were analysed from an interpretative phenomenological framework. It was found that participation was motivated by an awareness of rape as a significant societal problem, a desire to make a difference, wanting emotional closure and as a result of the influence of family and friends. Participation resulted in both negative and positive experiences for male students. Positive experiences included a sense of accomplishment and pride and a sense of solidarity whilst negative experiences were feelings of helplessness, guilt and shock, feeling drained, and feeling grouped with rapists. Enhancing knowledge in this area can serve a critical role in informing outreach efforts on how best to engage and involve men in working towards ending sexual violence against women.
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Moissonnier, Loïc. "Coordination et conflits dans le mouvement altermondialiste européen : l'expérience de trois réseaux thématiques dans le cadre du Forum Social Européen (2005-2010)." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENH011/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur le mouvement altermondialiste dans sa déclinaison européenne, en s'intéressant en particulier au processus du Forum Social Européen tel qu'il a été initié à Florence en novembre 2002. Plus spécifiquement, nous nous intéressons à des réseaux thématiques qui se sont constitués au fil des éditions du Forum Social Européen avec l'objectif de renforcer la coordination entre les différents participants au Forum, sur des thèmes économiques et sociaux liés à l'intégration européenne. Ces réseaux ont été constitués dans le sillage des grandes manifestations altermondialistes de portée européenne qui se sont développées dans les années 90-2000. Rapidement après leur création, ces réseaux ont cependant réuni de moins en moins de participants et ont finalement disparu en tant qu'espaces d'organisation collective. Cette thèse vise principalement à expliquer l'échec de ces réseaux. La mise en relation de la création de nos réseaux thématiques avec les mobilisations de l'altermondialisme européen, qui semblent s'essouffler au milieu des années 2000, nous incite à les analyser dans le cadre d'un processus de démobilisation au niveau européen. Celui-ci se traduit par des conflits entre les participants restant sur les modes de fonctionnement collectif au sein des réseaux ou sur les stratégies collectives à mettre en œuvre, et finalement à de nouveaux retraits de participants. La distinction de plusieurs phases entre 2005 et 2010 nous permet par ailleurs d'envisager cette combinaison entre démobilisation et conflits à plusieurs niveaux. Tandis que la fin de campagnes altermondialistes en Europe nous permet d'observer des conflits entre les acteurs sur le rôle de réseaux thématiques comme structures potentielles d'action collective, la baisse de la participation dans le cadre spécifique du Forum Social Européen fait naitre des conflits sur le rôle que devraient endosser ces réseaux dans ce processus. Finalement, le fort déclin de la participation dans le FSE d'Istanbul en 2010 aboutit à la disparition des réseaux thématiques étudiés. Au-delà de leur échec, ce travail se termine néanmoins par la mise en évidence des apports de ces expériences sur la constitution d'un groupe d'acteurs à l'échelle européenne entretenant des objectifs proches<br>This thesis is about the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in its European dimension, focusing on the European Social Forum process which was launched in Florence in November 2002. More precisely, specific thematic networks have been created in the course of this process with the aim of strengthening coordination between different participants on economic and social issues linked with the European integration. These networks were created in the wake of some campaigns of the Global Justice Movement in Europe which developed in the years 1997-2005. However, fewer and fewer participants took part in the meetings of the networks, and they finally disappeared as spaces of collective organisation. This thesis is aimed at explaining the failure of these networks. We first analyze their creation as a sign of a larger process of demobilisation after 2005, concerning the whole GJM in Europe. This process leads to conflicts between remaining participants, about the internal functioning of the networks (modes of decisions, etc.) and the external collective strategies that should be defined. We distinguish several phases between 2005 and 2010 where we can find this combination between demobisation and internal conflicts in the networks. Although we observe conflicts between actors of the networks while some global justice campaigns are coming to an end in Europe (2005-2006), the decline of participation in the European Social Forum leads to conflicts about the role these networks should have in this process (2007-2010). Finally, the huge loss of participants in the ESF in Istanbul in 2010 led to the end of the thematic networks which are studied here. Beyond their failure, we point at the end of this thesis the positive contribution of these experiences that favoured the constitution of a coherent group of actors with similar objectives at the European level
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Lejeune, Caroline. "En quête de justice écologique : théorie politique environnementale et mobilisations sociales." Thesis, Lille 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL20022.
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L’étude des mobilisations sociales et institutionnelles nées autour d’un projet d’aménagement urbain – la Zone de l’Union (métropole lilloise, Nord) – permet d’analyser l’évolution théorique de la justice sociale lorsqu’elle se trouve progressivement confrontée aux limites environnementales. Originellement, ces mobilisations sociales étaient éloignées des enjeux spécifiquement écologiques.Mais une lente évolution des revendications s’opère lorsqu’il s’agit de se positionner sur un projet d’ « écoquartier exemplaire » (2006-2022). Nous nous intéresserons au glissement des revendications sociales (fondées sur la justice distributive et la reconnaissance politique) vers des revendications écologiques (élaborées à partir de la confrontation de la justice sociale aux limites environnementales). L’analyse des dispositifs de transformation des discours, des procédures participatives, ainsi que de l’évolution des référentiels théoriques des mobilisations, participe à une réflexion sur les conditions de transformation de la démocratie pluraliste représentative. A travers l’étude de la justice écologique et de ses enjeux, nous proposons de repenser la manière dont les limites environnementales peuvent être intégrées aux pratiques participatives de la démocratie. En nous appuyant sur les travaux de la Green Political Theory, nous montrons également que la justice écologique repose sur une conceptionécocentrée de la justice qui pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie de la démocratie à partir des interdépendances existentielles entre les sphères sociales et écologiques<br>This work aims at analysing the theoretical evolution of social justice when it is progressively confronted to environmental limits. It is based on the study of the social and institutional movements that arose around an urban planning project – the Union Zone – in the metropolis of Lille, Northern France. These social movements were at first concentrating their claims on issues far from ecologicalconcerns. But a slow evolution of their claims took place when they were confronted to a project of “exemplary eco-district” (2006-2022). This work will focus on the shift from social claims (based on distributive justice and political acknowledgement) to ecological claims (where social justice is confronted to environmental limits). Drawing on an analysis of the transformation of discourses, of the participation procedures, and of the evolution of the theoretical frames used by the social movements, we offer an insight on the conditions of transformation of pluralist representative democracy. This analysis of the issues and purposes of ecological justice aims at reconsidering the way environmentallimits could be incorporated into the participative practices of democracies. Drawing on the field of green political theory, this work also aims at showing that ecological justice lays on an ecocentrist view of justice that could contribute to question the theory of democracy in the light of existentialinterdependences connecting the ecological and the social spheres
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Scott, David Malcolm Robert. "Minority activism : trends informing political participation across Australian communities." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41033/1/David_Scott_Thesis.pdf.
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In the late 1990’s, intense and vigorous debate surrounded the impact of minority communities on Australia’s mainstream society. The rise of far-right populism took the stage with the introduction to the political landscape of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation party, whilst John Howard’s Liberal-National Coalition Government took the fore on debate over immigration issues corresponding with an influx of irregular arrivals. In 2001, following the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America and subsequent attacks on western targets globally, many of these issues continued to be debated through the security posturing that followed. In recent years, much effort has been afforded to countering the threat of terrorism from home grown assailants. The Government has introduced stringent legislative responses whilst researchers have studied social movements and trends within Australian communities, particularly with respect to minorities. In 2008, the Scanlon Foundation, in association with Monash University and various government entities, released its findings into its survey approach to mapping social cohesion in Australia. It identified a number of spheres of exploration which it believed were essential to measuring cohesiveness of Australian communities generally including, economic, political and socio-cultural factors (Markus and Dharmalingam, 2008). This doctoral project report will explore the political sphere as identified in the Mapping Social Cohesion project and apply it to identified minority ethnic communities. The Scanlon Foundation project identified political participation as one of a number of true indicators of social cohesion. This project acknowledges that democracy in Australia is represented predominantly by two political entities representing a vast majority of constituents under a compulsory voting regime. This essay will identify the levels of political activism achieved by minority ethnic communities and access to democratic participation within the Australian political structure. It will define a ten year period from 1999 to 2009, identifying trends and issues within minority communities that have proactively and reactively promoted engagement in achieving a political voice, framed within a mainstream-dominated political system. It will research social movements and other influential factors over that period to enrich existing knowledge in relation to political participation rates across Australian communities.
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Nylander, Anna. "Where the real change happens? : Global climate governance from below: investigating the COP counter summit in Paris 2015." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-313312.
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Ever since the governments began to meet for the Conferences of the Parties (COP) to try to come to agreement over an international climate agreement, civil society organizations involved in the climate issue have also gathered for their own conferences in relation to the COP. Still the role of these re-occurring “COP counter summits” in global climate governance have not been researched in depth. In order to contribute to a better understanding of the role the COP counter summit in climate governance in general, the aim of this study is to conduct a qualitative single-case study of one of these meetings. This is carried out by a field study to the COP counter summit in Paris 2015 with methods of participatory observation and semi-structured interviews with informants. An analytical framework was developed based on theory within related research fields, like parallel summits, social movements and globalization studies. The study contributes with research about what functions of the COP counter summit in Paris had for civil society and how these functions were performed.
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Hope, Kofi N. "In search of solidarity : international solidarity work between Canada and South Africa 1975-2010." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94fc88ca-de19-4e97-b66f-97cd9f5d4595.
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This thesis provides an account of the work of Canadian organizations that took part in the global anti-apartheid movement and then continued political advocacy work in South Africa post-1994. My central research question is: What explains the rise and fall of international solidarity movements? I answer this question by exploring the factors that allowed the Canadian anti-apartheid network to grow into an international solidarity movement and explaining how a change in these factors sent the network into a period of decline post-1994. I use two organizations, the United Church of Canada and CUSO, as case studies for my analysis. I argue that four factors were behind the growth of the Canadian solidarity network: the presence of large CSOs in Canada willing to become involved in solidarity work, the presence of radical spaces in these organizations from which activists could advocate for and carry out solidarity work, the frame resonance of the apartheid issue in Canada and the political incentives the apartheid state provided for South African activists to encourage Northern support. Post-1994 all of these factors shifted in ways that restricted the continuation of international solidarity work with South Africa. Accordingly I argue that the decline of the Canadian network was driven in part by specific South African factors, but was also connected to a more general stifling of the activist work of progressive Canadian CSOs over the 1990s. This reduction of capacity was driven by the ascent of neo-liberal policy in Canada and worldwide. Using examples from a wide swath of cases I outline this process and explain how all four factors drove the growth and decline of Canadian solidarity work towards South Africa.