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1
Leah, Ronnie. Taking a stand: Strategy and tactics of organizing the popular movement in Canada. Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 1992.
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2
N, Zald Mayer, McCarthy John D. 1940-, and Frontiers of Sociology Symposium (5th : 1977 : Vanderbilt University), eds. The Dynamics of social movements: Resource mobilization, social control, and tactics. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988.
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3
Martin Luther King, Jr.: Nonviolent strategies and tactics for social change. Lanham, Md: Madison Books, 2000.
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4
Keeping together in time: Dance and drill in human history. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1995.
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5
Blume, Gerhardt. Deconstructing Social Justice: A Critical Inquiry into the Concepts, Tactics, and Consequences of the Social Justice Movement. Independently Published, 2021.
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McCammon, Holly J., Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner, eds. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women's Social Movement Activism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.001.0001.
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Women have long been involved in social movement activism in the United States, from the nation’s beginning up to the present, and in waves of feminist activism as well as in a variety of other social movements, including the civil rights movement, the environmental movement, and conservative mobilizations. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women’s Social Movement Activism provides both a detailed and extensive examination of the wide range of U.S. women’s collective efforts, as well as a broad overview of the scholarship on women’s social movement struggles. The volume’s five sections consider various dimensions of women’s social movement activism: (1) women’s collective action over time exploring the long history of women’s social movement participation, (2) the variety of social issues that mobilize women to act collectively, (3) the myriad types of resistance strategies and tactics utilized by activists, (4) both the forums and targets of women’s mobilizations, and (5) women’s participation in a diversity of activist efforts beyond women’s movements. The five sections present a total of thirty-six chapters, each written by leading scholars of women’s social movement mobilizations. The chapters, in addition to describing women’s activism and reviewing the scholarly literature, also define important directions for future research on women and social movements, providing scholars with a guide to what we still do not know about women’s collective struggles.
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Porta, Donatella della, Massimiliano Andretta, Tiago Fernandes, Eduardo Romanos, and Markos Vogiatzoglou. Movement Memories. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190860936.003.0005.
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Chapter 5 is devoted to the impact of memories of past movements (with an emphasis on transition) on the movements that follow. After singling out main events, places, symbols, and persons that condense the memory of past movements in each country, it analyzes the mnemonic activities of social movements. The chapter looks at the ways in which collective memory is constructed and strategically used by the memory agents—in this case, the anti-austerity social movements of the European south. The memory building blocks invoked by the movements of each country are identified, and then the specific mechanisms, tactics, and broader strategies they employed are examined. Recent anti-austerity protests represent a main empirical focus for the analysis.
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Kucinskas, Jaime. In Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881818.003.0009.
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The mindfulness movement’s unobtrusive, consensus-based tactics were effective in popularizing, embedding, and legitimizing contemplative practices in a wide array of powerful social institutions. Yet, using consensus-based tactics and relying upon elite endorsements and support also opened the movement up to criticisms of potential cooptation along many fronts. Although movement leaders succeeded in changing the minds and hearts of many professionals, the movement as a whole failed to produce desired organizational reform. This concluding chapter discusses these implications of these tactics’ strengths and shortcomings not only for the contemplative movement but for other similar movements trying to change institutions through insiders working within and across targeted organizations and movements. These include the movements for LGBTQ rights, women’s equality, and environmental protection.
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Mukherjee, Joia S. Building the Right to Health Movement. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190662455.003.0014.
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To achieve UHC and the right to health will require a movement in the US and globally. This chapter introduces the concept of social movements in global health. Activism was essential in causing the paradigm shift from prevention to care delivery that gave birth to the global health era. Further activism will be necessary to change the global double standard that implicates who lives and who dies. A movement or coalition of movements is necessary to fight for health systems that can address the entirety of burden of disease, improve the social determinants of health, deliver high-quality equitable care. This chapter highlights the strategies and tactics used by successful and ongoing movements that seek global health equity and justice. The chapter also presents concrete examples for action that can be used to help build and support the social movement needed to realize the universal right to health care.
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Woodly, Deva R. Reckoning. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197603949.001.0001.
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Reckoning: Black Lives Matter and the Democratic Necessity of Social Movements is an analysis of the emergence of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), its organizational structure and culture, and its strategies and tactics, while also laying out and contextualizing the social movement’s unique political philosophy, radical Black feminist pragmatism (RBFM), along with documenting measurable political effects in terms of changing public meanings, public opinion, and policy. Throughout the text, the author interweaves theoretical and empirical observations, rendering both an illustration of this movement and an analysis of the work social movements do in democracy.
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Leitz, Lisa, and David S. Meyer. Gendered Activism and Outcomes. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.35.
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U.S. women’s peace and anti-war activism grew from their involvement in the abolition and suffrage movements of the nineteenth century, and some have continued to foster women-focused organizations in the twenty-first century. This chapter examines the relationship between the historical development of women’s peace activism and a U.S. political system that frequently excluded women from international relations. Women enlarged the U.S. peace movement’s objectives to include issues of gender, but while some also advocated for racial and class equality, minority activists often faced prejudice and discrimination within the movement. Several tensions in women’s peace activism are explored, including the ideological debate between essentialists and social constructionists about the relationship of gender to war, as well as strategic and tactical debates between proponents of institutional politics and proponents of radical protest tactics. Involvement in this movement helped enhance women’s political and organizing skills and often nourished other activism, especially feminist activism.
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Miller, Shae. Sexuality, Gender Identity, Fluidity, and Embodiment. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.13.
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Social movement activists have frequently used a variety of embodied tactics to negotiate cultural conceptions of gender and sexuality, which are in constant flux. This chapter attends to the ways that new social formations of gender and sexuality—including the recent emphases on gender and sexual fluidity—have impacted the politics, goals, tactics, and identities of contemporary women’s movements. Incorporating queer, transgender, critical race, and disability studies, this chapter emphasizes the ways that women seeking to attain gender and sexual justice have used the body both as a site of everyday resistance against repressive gender and sexual norms and as a tool for performing overt political protests. It illustrates how gender and sexual fluidity have gained new traction within social movements and discusses the implications for conceptualizing women’s activism.
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Meyer, David S., and Sidney Tarrow, eds. The Resistance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190886172.001.0001.
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Even before the 2016 presidential election took place, groups and individuals angry at Donald Trump, and frightened about what a Trump presidency could mean, were taking to the streets. After the election, and particularly after the Inaugural, the protests continued. Over time, the Resistance was joined by a broad variety of groups and embraced an increasing diversity of tactics. The Resistance details the emergence of a volatile and diverse movement directed against the Trump presidency. Bringing together a diverse group of scholars of social movements and American politics, the collection examines the origins and concerns of different factions of this movement and evaluates their prospects for surviving and exercising political influence. The authors also reflect on how existing scholarship on social protest movements helps us understand the Resistance movement, and what the movement tells us about social movements more generally.
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Epstein, Ben. Innovation by Political Outsiders. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190698980.003.0006.
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This chapter explores communication innovations made by American social movements over time. These movements share political communication goals and outsider status, which helps to connect innovation decisions across movements and across time. The chapter primarily explores two long-lasting movements. First is the women’s suffrage movement, which lasted over seventy years of the print era from the mid-nineteenth century until the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. Next is the long-lasting fight against racial discrimination, which led to the modern civil rights movement starting in the print era, but coming of age along with television during the 1950s and 1960s. Both the women’s suffrage movement and civil rights movement utilized innovative tactics with similarly mild results until mainstream coverage improved. Finally, these historical movements are compared with movements emerging during the internet era, including the early Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the Resist movement.
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Bogad, Larry. Tactical Performance: Serious Play and Social Movements. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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Bogad, Larry. Tactical Performance: Serious Play and Social Movements. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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Bogad, Larry. Tactical Performance: Serious Play and Social Movements. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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Bogad, Larry. Tactical Performance: Serious Play and Social Movements. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.
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20
Chappell, M. Jahi. Global Movements for Food Justice. Edited by Ronald J. Herring. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195397772.013.015.
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This article examines La Vía Campesina (LVC), or the International Peasant Farmers' movement. The LVC, founded by farm leaders in 1993, is currently made up of 148 peasant organizations in sixty-nine countries. LVC claims to represent the interests of at least 200 million farmers and has been touted as the largest and one of the most important social movements in the world. The article describes the LVC's fight for normatively defensible values-for a food system reflecting ideals of ethics and justice-and its quest to develop defensible lifespaces for small farmers in terms of socioeconomic, ecological, and political autonomy. It also examines how their aims and tactics align with current scholarship on the issues of sustainability and autonomy.
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Kucinskas, Jaime. The Mindful Elite. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881818.001.0001.
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From the halls of the Ivy League to the C-suite at Fortune 500 companies, this book reveals the people behind the mindfulness movement, and the engine they built to propel mindfulness into public consciousness. Based on over a hundred interviews with meditating scientists, religious leaders, educators, businesspeople, and investors, this book shows how this highly accomplished, affluent group has popularized meditation as a tool for health, happiness, and social reform over the past forty years. Rather than working through temples or using social movement tactics like protest to improve society, they mobilized by building elite networks advocating the benefits of meditation across professions. They built momentum by drawing in successful, affluent people and their prestigious institutions, including Ivy League and flagship research universities, and Fortune 100 companies like Google and General Mills. To broaden meditation’s appeal, they made manifold adaptations along the way. In the end, does mindfulness really make our society better? Or has mindfulness lost its authenticity? This book reveals how elite movements can spread, and how powerful spiritual and self-help movements can transform individuals in their wake. Yet, spreading the dharma came with unintended consequences. With their focus on individual transformation, the mindful elite have fallen short of the movement’s lofty ambitions to bring about broader structural and institutional change. Ultimately, this idealistic myopia unintentionally came to reinforce some of the problems it originally aspired to solve.
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Fitzgerald, Joseph R. The Struggle Is Eternal. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813176499.001.0001.
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Using an extensive body of sources, including more than thirty interviews, this biography details and analyzes the life of human rights activist Gloria Richardson, leader of the Cambridge movement in Maryland during the 1960s. Because her radical and uncompromising positions on black liberation were highly influential on the Black Power wave of the black liberation movement, this book depicts Richardson as a progenitor of Black Power who served in its leadership vanguard. This book also moves the geographic borders of Black Power’s roots south to Maryland’s Eastern Shore, detailing the Cambridge movement’s social justice campaign for more jobs and improvements in housing, health care, and education. Activists in Cambridge used the vote and armed self-defense to achieve their goals, and Black Power activists embraced these same strategies and tactics in the mid-1960s, seeing Richardson as a transitional human rights leader and role model. In addition to examining Richardson’s social, economic, and political philosophies—secular humanism, socioeconomic egalitarianism, and gender egalitarianism—and how they impacted her human rights activism, this book analyzes the gendered interpretation of Richardson’s activism and discusses how she was both similar to and different from other national civil rights leaders. Readers also get an insider’s view of her personal life before and after the 1960s, including her marriages, motherhood, and careers and her assessments of recent social justice movements.
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Fernandes, Sujatha. Charting the Storytelling Turn. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618049.003.0002.
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This chapter aims to give an overview of how the storytelling turn occurred in recent decades. It is a chronicle of the broad shifts that led from the more deeply oppositional storytelling tactics of the 1960s and 1970s social movements to the transactional, therapeutic, and then market-based model of storytelling that currently predominates. During the 1980s and 1990s, social movement storytelling was repurposed by states, international agencies, and the culture industries. In truth commissions, courtrooms, and talk shows, stories were abstracted from the goals of building mass movements that confronted power, and they were reoriented toward transaction and negotiation. In the new millennium, with broader shifts from productive capital to finance capital and the intensification of market values in guiding vast spheres of personhood and practices, storytelling has come to be configured more closely on the model of the market. Nonprofit storytelling and advocacy storytelling are increasingly defined by a business model that emphasizes stories as an investment that can increase competition positioning, help to build the organization’s portfolio, and activate target audiences.
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McCammon, Holly J., Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Introduction. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.41.
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The introduction to The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women’s Social Movement Activism, begins with an “aerial” view of the history of scholarship on U.S. women’s collective action, tracing the roots of this body of research to the early nineteenth century and following its trajectory to the present. In recent decades, the scholarly study of U.S. women’s activism has increased dramatically, with a wide range of investigations that reveal both the broad diversity of women’s politicized collective action and the theoretical sophistication in our understanding of the causes, processes, and consequences of women’s collective struggles. The introduction concludes with an overview of the Handbook’s five sections, which explore the history of women’s activism, the issues mobilizing women, the strategies and tactics women have employed, the targets and forums of women’s activism, and women’s participation in a variety of social movements, in addition to those concerned with women’s issues.
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Schlosberg, David, and Luke Craven. Sustainable Materialism. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841500.001.0001.
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A growing number of environmental groups focus on more sustainable practices in everyday life, from the development of new food systems, to community solar, to more sustainable fashion. No longer willing to take part in unsustainable practices and institutions, and not satisfied with either purely individualistic and consumer responses or standard political processes and movement tactics, many activists and groups are increasingly focusing on restructuring everyday practices of the circulation of the basic needs of everyday life. This work labels such action sustainable materialism, and examines the political and social motivations of activists and movement groups involved in this growing and expanding practice. The central argument is that these movements are motivated by four key factors: frustration with the lack of accomplishments on broader environmental policies; a desire for environmental and social justice; an active and material resistance to the power of traditional industries; and a form of sustainability that is attentive to the flow of materials through bodies, communities, economies, and environments. In addition to these motivations, these movements demonstrate such material action as political action, in contrast to existing critiques of new materialism as apolitical or post-political. Overall, sustainable materialism is explored as a set of movements with unique qualities, based in collective rather than individual action, a dedication to local and prefigurative politics, and a demand that sustainability be practiced in everyday life—starting with the materials and flows that provide food, power, clothing, and other basic needs.
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Armfield, Felix L. Building Alliances. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036583.003.0003.
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This chapter traces the history of the National Urban League with a specific focus on Eugene Kinckle Jones's leadership. It covers the decade of the 1920s and the many issues that Jones and his contemporaries confronted, as social workers faced the dual challenge of adjusting their tactics to meet the growing needs of a black migrant population and establishing themselves as professionals. Ultimately, the duties of black social workers and the aims of the NUL included evaluating and reviewing settlement houses, in addition to other specific concerns of migrating blacks. Here, Jones made headway for the social-work movement by establishing professional training for black social workers, tackling the problem of housing to cope with the influx of black migrants from the South—among many other efforts on behalf of black social workers, which eventually made him one of the prominent social workers in America..
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Ansbro, John J. Martin Luther King, Jr: Nonviolent Strategies and Tactics for Social Change. Madison Books, Incorporated, 2000.
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Dodds, Sherril, ed. The Oxford Handbook of Dance and Competition. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190639082.001.0001.
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The Oxford Handbook of Dance and Competition examines the complex interactions between dance and competition, and addresses six areas of investigation: how dancers invest in competition to ensure economic survival and social standing; how dancing bodies and movement aesthetics are re-choreographed in response to a competition format; the strategies that dancers use to negotiate the dominant rhetoric of competition; the values and criteria that underpin frameworks of judgment and experiences of spectatorship in the competition realm; how failure, loss, and a resistance to structures of winning are engendered through danced attitudes toward competition; and the veiled ideas and strategic agendas that underpin dance competition. The Handbook acknowledges competition as a deeply embedded social and economic practice that creates marked indicators of inequality; yet it also shows how dance employs a tactics of resistance or critique through moving in ways that reveal and undermine the power structures of competition.
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Messer-Kruse, Timothy. From Red to Black. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037054.003.0003.
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This chapter looks back to how, over the course of a decade, Chicago's “communists” had gone from counseling their followers to avoid violent confrontations to planning them. This evolution of tactics rested on an even more fundamental shift in outlook and social theory. In 1877 when leaders of the Workingmen's Party acted to restrain mob violence, they did so in the belief that industrial change would come about through the steady growth of trade unions and the gradual raising of the working class's consciousness. But in 1886 the men in Greif's basement were skeptical that trade unions could ever deliver more than a few extra crumbs to the workingman's table and had come to believe that workers were ready for violent class struggle. Between the one outlook and the other was a wholesale shift in the socialist movement that began in Europe and swept into America.
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Banaszak, Lee Ann, and Anne Whitesell. Inside the State. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.23.
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This chapter focuses on women’s activism within government, particularly in national and state legislatures, as well as in the government bureaucracies at the national and state level. It begins by defining women’s activism in these arenas, and then discusses whether the type of activism of these groups fits with the understanding of activism in the social movement literature, drawing connections to issues of substantive and descriptive representation. A second section introduces the different tactics and strategies that these insider activists might utilize. The chapter then examines insider activists within the bureaucracies and legislatures separately, summarizing current understandings of insider activism in each branch and highlighting how institutional forms might influence their activism. We also analyze various definitions of women insider activists in detail, discussing how definitional differences might lead to different conclusions about the roles these women play. Finally, the chapter points to some directions for future research.
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Bogad, L. M. Tactical performance: The theory and practice of serious play. Routledge, 2016.
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Berry, Marie, and Erica Chenoweth. Who Made the Women’s March? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190886172.003.0004.
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This chapter examines the organizational tributaries that produced a tidal wave of support for the Women’s March on Washington. Ostensibly the result of a new eponymous organization, the 2017 Women’s March actually represented the sustained work of many well-established activist organizations and interest groups that spread the word and mobilized a diverse array of both new and experienced participants. This chapter argues that the Women’s March itself is an umbrella coalition rather than a singular organization. This chapter explains how the Women’s March evolved from a mostly white, elite liberal feminist movement to a more intersectional movement through various framing techniques and coalition-building. This chapter concludes with a discussion of the tactical and strategic effects of the Women’s March after the first year of the Trump administration, as well as its position in the overall landscape of social movements in the United States.
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Boero, Natalie, and Katherine Mason, eds. The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Body and Embodiment. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190842475.001.0001.
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The Oxford Handbook of the Sociology of Body and Embodiment challenges the view that bodies belong to the category of “nature” and are biological, essential, and pre-social. It argues instead that bodies both shape and get shaped by human societies. As such, the body is an appropriate and necessary area of study for sociologists. The Handbook works to clarify the scope of this topic and display the innovations of research within the field. The volume is divided into three main parts: Bodies and Methodology; Marginalized Bodies; and Embodied Sociology. Sociologists contributing to the first two parts focus on the body and the ways it is given meaning, regulated, and subjected to legal and medical oversight in a variety of social contexts (particularly when the body in question violates norms for how a culture believes bodies “ought” to behave or appear). Sociologists contributing to the last part use the bodily as a lens through which to study social institutions and experiences. These social settings range from personal decisions about medical treatment to programs for teaching police recruits how to use physical force, from social movement tactics to countries’ understandings of race and national identity. Many chapters throughout the book offer extended methodological reflections, providing guidance on how to conduct sociological research on the body and, at times, acknowledging the role the authors’ own bodies play in developing their knowledge of the research subject.
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Nelson, Laura K. “Feminism Means More Than a Changed World. . . . It Means the Creation of a New Consciousness in Women”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0008.
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Challenging the notion that public actions and political lobbying are the women’s movement’s main tactics, this chapter traces the history of an extra-institutional form of feminism—narrative-based consciousness-raising—from its inception in the 1910s through its contemporary online expression today. Rather than a product of second-wave feminism, narrative-based consciousness-raising has always been central to the women’s movement, as the chapter shows. Narrative-based consciousness-raising as a strategy assumes that, in order to change fundamental societal institutions such as marriage, the nuclear family, and the state, men and women must first change their consciousness about themselves and society. This strategy utilizes personal life stories, or life narratives, to reveal the collective roots of personal problems in order to effect this personal change. The persistence of this strategy through three waves of feminist activism demonstrates the value of raising collective awareness for fighting gendered oppression. The author argues that this continuity is a result of institutionalized knowledge and a response to similar historical circumstances, rather than direct connections between waves.
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Tarlau, Rebecca. Occupying Schools, Occupying Land. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870324.001.0001.
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Contrary to the conventional belief that social movements cannot engage the state without becoming co-opted and demobilized, this study shows how movements can advance their struggles by strategically working with, in, through, and outside of state institutions. The success of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in occupying land, winning land rights, and developing alternative economic enterprises for over a million landless workers has made it an inspiration for progressive organizations globally. The MST’s educational initiatives, which are less well known but equally as important, teach students about participatory democracy, collective work, agroecological farming, and other practices that support its socialist vision. This study details how MST activists have pressured municipalities, states, and the federal government to implement their educational proposal in public schools and universities, affecting hundreds of thousands of students. Based on twenty months of ethnographic fieldwork, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land documents the potentials, constraints, failures, and contradictions of the MST’s educational struggle. A major lesson is that participating in the contentious co-governance of public education can help movements recruit new activists, diversify their membership, increase practical and technical knowledge, and garner political power. Activists are most effective when combining disruption, persuasion, negotiation, and co-governance into their tactical repertoires. Through expansive leadership development, the MST implemented its educational program in local schools, even under conservative governments. Such gains demonstrate the potential of schools as sites for activists to prefigure, enact, and develop the social and economic practices they hope to use in the future.
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Carson, Matter. A Matter of Moral Justice. University of Illinois Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043901.001.0001.
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A Matter of Moral Justice explores the little-studied power laundry industry and its workers, beginning with the birth of the industry at the turn of the twentieth century and concluding with an epilogue on the state of the industry in the early twenty-first century. While providing a broad overview of working conditions, the book focuses on the activism of Black women, who by 1930 comprised a significant proportion of the power laundry workforce. In the urban industrial North, where the industry flourished, Black women eager to escape domestic service actively sought jobs in power laundries, taking their place, albeit on the lowest rungs, on the industrial ladder. This book examines the working conditions and occupational structure in the laundry industry and then narrows the focus to New York City, a leading center of the industry and one of the few places where the workers won union representation. The workers’ campaign spanned many decades and elicited the intervention of some of New York’s most prominent laborites, including New York Women’s Trade Union League president Rose Schneiderman; Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America president Sidney Hillman and his partner and fellow labor leader, Bessie Hillman; Negro Labor Committee president Frank Crosswaith; and a cadre of committed communist and African American organizers. The campaign took place during a period of cataclysmic change for American workers, one that saw the birth and growth of industrial feminism; the Great Migration of more than six million Black southerners to the urban industrial centers of the North and West; the rise of the “New Negro,” inspired by mass migration, Marcus Garvey’s Black nationalist movement, and the explosion of Black trade unionism; the emergence of the CIO and New Deal Order; the heyday of Communist Party organizing; two world wars; and the burgeoning civil rights and women’s movements. This book locates the women’s activism within the context of these movements, which inspired and shaped their organizing and to which they contributed. The book explores the multitude of factors that led to unionization in 1937, including the Wagner Act, the emergence of the CIO, communist organizing, and, most importantly, the militant and interracial organizing of the workers themselves. The final third of the book explores what happened to the workers once they organized under the ACWA-affiliated Laundry Workers Joint Board and thus provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between the industrial union movement and women and people of color employed in the traditionally low-wage industrial service sector. Following LWJB as it transitioned from its radical, grassroots, community-based origins into a bureaucratic organization led by white men illuminates some of the limitations of the industrial union movement for women and people of color but also demonstrates how Black working-class women overcame seemingly insurmountable odds and used the openings provided to mobilize in pursuit of equal treatment and dignity at work. Their stories challenge assumptions about worker passivity and about the inability of the most exploited to organize. Resurrecting these moments of resistance complicates the history of the industrial union movement and provides insights on organizing in the twenty-first century, when women and people of color in the postindustrial service and care sectors have been leading some of the most militant battles for economic and social justice. This story then contributes to our understanding of how race and gender shape working conditions, the formulation of union tactics, and the struggle for union control and union power in modern America.
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Zhdanova, Mariia, and Dariya Orlova. Ukraine. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the state of computational propaganda in Ukraine, focusing on two major dimensions: Ukraine’s response to the challenges of external information attacks, and the use of computational propaganda in internal political communication. Based on interviews with Ukrainian media experts, academics, industry insiders, and bot developers, the chapter explores the scale of the issue and identifies the most common tactics, instruments, and approaches for the deployment of political bots online. The cases described illustrate the misconceptions about fake accounts, paid online commentators, and automated scripts, as well as the threats of malicious online activities. First, we explain how bots operate in the internal political and media environment of the country and provide examples of typical campaigns. Second, we analyze the case of the MH17 tragedy as an illustrative example of Russia’s purposeful disinformation campaign against Ukraine, which has a distinctive social media component. Finally, responses to computational propaganda are scrutinized, including alleged governmental attacks on Ukrainian journalists, which reveal that civil society and grassroots movements have great potential to stand up to the perils of computational propaganda.
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Tuuri, Rebecca. Strategic Sisterhood. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638904.001.0001.
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When women were denied a major speaking role at the 1963 March on Washington, Dorothy Height, head of the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW), organized her own women's conference for the very next day. Defying the march's male organizers, Height helped harness the womanpower waiting in the wings. Height’s careful tactics and quiet determination come to the fore in this first history of the NCNW, the largest black women's organization in the United States at the height of the civil rights, Black Power, and feminist movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Offering a sweeping view of the NCNW's behind-the-scenes efforts to fight racism, poverty, and sexism in the late twentieth century, Rebecca Tuuri examines how the group teamed with U.S. presidents, foundations, and grassroots activists alike to implement a number of important domestic development and international aid projects. Drawing on original interviews, extensive organizational records, and other rich sources, Tuuri’s work narrates the achievements of a set of seemingly moderate, elite activists who were able to use their personal, financial, and social connections to push for change as they facilitated grassroots, cooperative, and radical activism.
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Hopke, Jill E., and Luis E. Hestres. Communicating about Fossil Fuel Divestment. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228620.013.566.
Full textAbstract:
Divestment is a socially responsible investing tactic to remove assets from a sector or industry based on moral objections to its business practices. It has historical roots in the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. The early-21st-century fossil fuel divestment movement began with climate activist and 350.org co-founder Bill McKibben’s Rolling Stone article, “Global Warming’s Terrifying New Math.” McKibben’s argument centers on three numbers. The first is 2°C, the international target for limiting global warming that was agreed upon at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change 2009 Copenhagen conference of parties (COP). The second is 565 Gigatons, the estimated upper limit of carbon dioxide that the world population can put into the atmosphere and reasonably expect to stay below 2°C. The third number is 2,795 Gigatons, which is the amount of proven fossil fuel reserves. That the amount of proven reserves is five times that which is allowable within the 2°C limit forms the basis for calls to divest.The aggregation of individual divestment campaigns constitutes a movement with shared goals. Divestment can also function as “tactic” to indirectly apply pressure to targets of a movement, such as in the case of the movement to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline in the United States. Since 2012, the fossil fuel divestment movement has been gaining traction, first in the United States and United Kingdom, with student-led organizing focused on pressuring universities to divest endowment assets on moral grounds.In partnership with 350.org, The Guardian launched its Keep it in the Ground campaign in March 2015 at the behest of outgoing editor-in-chief Alan Rusbridger. Within its first year, the digital campaign garnered support from more than a quarter-million online petitioners and won a “campaign of the year” award in the Press Gazette’s British Journalism Awards. Since the launch of The Guardian’s campaign, “keep it in the ground” has become a dominant frame used by fossil fuel divestment activists.Divestment campaigns seek to stigmatize the fossil fuel industry. The rationale for divestment rests on the idea that fossil fuel companies are financially valued based on their resource reserves and will not be able to extract these reserves with a 2°C or lower climate target. Thus, their valuation will be reduced and the financial holdings become “stranded assets.” Critics of divestment have cited the costs and risks to institutional endowments that divestment would entail, arguing that to divest would go against their fiduciary responsibility. Critics have also argued that divesting from fossil fuel assets would have little or no impact on the industry. Some higher education institutions, including Princeton and Harvard, have objected to divestment as a politicization of their endowments. Divestment advocates have responded to this concern by pointing out that not divesting is not a politically neutral act—it is, in fact, choosing the side of fossil fuel corporations.
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Mertus, Julie. Global Governance and Feminist Activism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.203.
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Competing narratives exist in feminist scholarship about the successes and challenges of women’s activism in a globalized world. Some scholars view globalization as merely another form of imperialism, whereby a particular tradition—white, Eurocentric, and Western—has sought to establish itself as the only legitimate tradition; (re)colonization of the Third World; and/or the continuation of “a process of corporate global economic, ideological, and cultural marginalization across nation-states.” On the other hand, proponents of globalization see opportunity in “the proliferation of transnational spaces for political engagement” and promise in “the related surge in the number and impact of social movements and nongovernmental organizations. Feminist involvement in global governance can be understood by appreciating the context and origins of the chosen for advancing feminist interests in governance, which have changed over time. First wave feminism, describing a long period of feminist activity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, developed vibrant networks seeking to develop strong coalitions, generate broad public consensus, and improve the status of women in society. Second wave feminist concerns dominated the many international conferences of the 1990s, influencing the dominant agenda, the problems identified and discussed, the advocacy tactics employed, and the controversies generated. Third wave feminism focused more on consciousness raising and coalition building across causes and identities.
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Hoekema, David A. We Are The Voice of the Grass. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923150.001.0001.
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From the 1980s until the late 2000s the northern region of Uganda in East Africa endured a reign of terror imposed by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and its founder Joseph Kony. The LRA movement’s brutal tactics—abducting boys for training as soldiers, kidnapping girls as officers’ sexual partners, raping and maiming and killing innocent villagers—captured the world’s attention through Western visitors’ social media campaigns. Far less visible was the creation of a new organization to combat its destructive effects by leaders of the Protestant, Catholic, and Muslim communities in the Acholi region. Overcoming centuries of mistrust, they came together to relieve the suffering the LRA inflicted, to bring government and rebels to the negotiating table, and to assist in post-conflict recovery. This study describes the courageous work of the Acholi Religious Leaders’ Peace Initiative and its contributions to resolving one of the most horrific conflicts in recent history and helping families and communities recover from a quarter century of civil war. Drawing on published accounts of East African history, journalistic reports of the conflict and its aftermath, and extensive personal interviews in Uganda with organization leaders and LRA survivors, the author sets the background for Kony’s rebellion and draws lessons from the work of ARLPI that shed new light on how religion relates to politics, how conflict can be resolved, and how a community can reclaim its future through locally initiated initiatives against overwhelming obstacles.
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Peplow, Simon. Race and riots in Thatcher's Britain. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526125286.001.0001.
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In 1980–1, anti-police collective violence spread across England. This was the earliest confrontation between the state and members of the British public during Thatcher’s divisive government. This powerful and original book locates these disturbances within a longer struggle against racism and disadvantage faced by black Britons, which had seen a growth in more militant forms of resistance since World War II. In this first full-length historical study of 1980–1, three case studies – of Bristol, Brixton, and Manchester – emphasise the importance of local factors and the wider situation, concluding that these events should be viewed as ‘collective bargaining by riot’ – as a tool attempting increased political inclusion for marginalised black Britons. Focussing on the political activities of black Britons themselves, it explores the actions of community organisations in the aftermath of disorders to highlight dichotomous valuations of state mechanisms. A key focus is public inquiries, which were contrastingly viewed by black Britons as either a governmental diversionary tactic, or a method of legitimising their inclusion with the British constitutional system. Through study of a wide range of newly-available archives, interviews, understudied local sources, and records of grassroots black political organisations, this work expands understandings of protest movements and community activism in modern democracies while highlighting the often-problematic reliance upon ‘official’ sources when forming historical narratives. Of interest to researchers of race, ethnicity, and migration history, as well as modern British political and social history more generally, its interdisciplinary nature will also appeal to wider fields, including sociology, political sciences, and criminology.
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Morgan, D. Densil. Spirituality, Worship, and Congregational Life. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0022.
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The chapters in this volume concentrate on the Dissenting traditions of the United Kingdom, the British Empire, and the United States. The Introduction weaves together their arguments, giving an overview of the historiography on Dissent while making the case for seeing Dissenters in different Anglophone connections as interconnected and conscious of their genealogical connections. The nineteenth century saw the creation of a vast Anglo-world which also brought Anglophone Dissent to its apogee. Yet any treatment of the subject must begin by recognizing the difficulties of spotting ‘Dissent’ outside the British Isles, where church–state relations were different from those that had originally produced Dissent. The chapter starts by emphasizing that if Dissent was a political and constitutional identity, then it was a relative and tactical one, which was often only strong where a strong Church of England existed to dissent against. It also suggests that in most parts of the world the later nineteenth century saw a growing enthusiasm for the moral and educational activism of the state, which plays against the idea of Dissent as a static, purely negative identity. The second section of the Introduction suggests identifying a fixation on the Bible as the watermark of Dissent. This did not mean there was agreement on what the Bible said or how to read it: the emphasis in Dissenting traditions on private judgement meant that conflict over Scripture was always endemic to them. The third section identifies a radical insistence on human spiritual equality as a persistent characteristic of Dissenters throughout the nineteenth century while also suggesting it was hard to maintain as they became aligned with social hierarchies and imperial authorities. Yet it also argues that transnational connections kept Dissenters from subsiding into acquiescence in the powers that were. The fourth section suggests that the defence and revival of a gospel faith also worked best when it was most transnational. The final section asks how far members of Dissenting traditions reconciled their allegiance to them with participation in high, national, and imperial cultures. It suggests that Dissenters could be seen as belonging to a robust subculture, one particularly marked by its domestication of the sacred and sacralization of the domestic. At the same time, however, both ‘Dissenting Gothic’ architecture and the embrace by Dissenters of denominational and national history writing illustrate that their identity was compatible with a confident grasp of national and imperial identities. That confidence was undercut in some quarters by the spread of pessimism among evangelicals and the turn to premillennial eschatology which injected a new urgency into the world mission. The itinerant holiness evangelists who turned away from the institutions built by mainstream denominations fostered Pentecostal movements, which in the twentieth century would decisively shift the balance of global Christianity from north to south. They indicate that the strength and global reach of Anglophone Dissenting traditions still lay in their dynamic heterogeneity.