Relevant bibliographies by topics / Social movements – India

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Social movements – India'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Social movements – India"

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Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.

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Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The peculiar feature of India is the general satisfaction of the society with the political system and economic situation. At the same time the protests against specific cases and events in the country mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, be it corruption scandals or violence against women. However, cultural- civilizational factors contribute to the non-violent character of almost all mass actions. Another distinctive feature of India is the desire of the organizers of the protest to reject support of the major parties due to the belief that political leaders are interested more in strengthening their social base rather than in solving the concrete problems. There are different categories of social protest in India: peasant movements; scheduled castes' (Dalits, the former untouchables) movements; anti-corruption movements; environmental movements; backward caste movements; women's movements; tribal movements; industrial proletariat movements; students' movements; middle class movements; human rights movements. The first four movements are currently the most noticeable. Social protest has not, so far, led to any serious political instability. However, a certain development of the situation can generate it, as well as the rejection of the mainly peaceful methods. In this respect, Dalit movements, especially in case of further erosion of the caste system, are the subject of the greatest concern.
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Das, Raju J. "Social Movements and State Repression in India." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 8 (July 14, 2016): 1080–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616653258.

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State repression is particularly likely when social movements target property relations that cause ordinary citizens to suffer. Whether these movements are violent, and whether the state is a liberal democracy is a contingent matter. This is illustrated by India’s ‘Maoist movement’ (which is also known as the Naxalite movement because it originated in an area called Naxalbari, located in India’s West Bengal State). Where necessary, sections of this movement use violent methods to fight for justice for aboriginal peoples and peasants. This strategy, which the author, incidentally, does not endorse, has been seen by the state as the greatest internal military threat to it. Such a perception invites state violence. What is often under-emphasized or ignored is that the movement is an economic, political and ideological threat, and not just a military threat, and it is so through its localized alternative developmental activities, and this is also a reason for the state’s violent response to it.
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Buser De, Maya, and Chanwahn Kim. "Social Movements against Corruption and Sexual Violence in India." Asian Journal of Social Science 44, no. 1-2 (2016): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04401002.

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This paper investigates the highly mediatised mobilisation of the urban middle class in Delhi, India, against two social events, the anti-corruption movement in 2011 and the movement against sexual violence in 2013. It uses the perspective of resource mobilisation theory and, more specifically, the resource typology for social movements for a systematic and comparative analysis of middle-class mobilisation. The inclusion of a category of institutional resources is proposed, because of the important role played by judicial institutions to frame demands for change in both instances. Findings from this investigation reveal that the urban middle class in Delhi has approached these two movements using similar cultural, human and institutional resources, but it has significantly diverged in its usage of social-organisational resources. This study contributes to the ongoing discussions about the potential new role of the diverse urban middle class in Indian politics beyond electoral processes.
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Sahoo, Ajaya Kumar. "Social Movements in India: A Select Bibliography." Social Change 35, no. 2 (June 2005): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570503500213.

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Yalamala, Reddi Sekhara. "Whose Reality Counts?" Anthropology in Action 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/aia.2020.270102.

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The low caste, Dalit and Tribal social movements in India have reconfigured the fabric of Indian society in significant ways over the past decade. Likewise, the movement of these same groups into anthropology, a discipline previously dominated in India by uppercaste intellectuals, has created a dynamic force for change in the academy. At a time when India is vying with the global economic powers for supremacy, the people severely affected are low caste, Dalits and Tribal peoples, who see their lands being lost and their lifestyles in rapid transformation. Some from these same groups are also witnessing some of their daughters and sons pursuing higher studies and entering into the social sciences. The entry of these young scholars not only challenges the caste-based status quo in the academy, but it also forces these scholars to question their own position in relation to these social movements and in relation to Indian society more broadly.
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Fazalbhoy, Nasteen. "Islam, Politics and Social Movements." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2579.

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This book contains thirteen well-researched case studies on social movements in North Africa, India, the Middle East, and Iran. Each movement differs,as the issues and concerns vary according to area. This diversity is mademanageable by a neat categorization taking into account geography, periodization,and problematics, for example, and by the editors' clear explanation,in the first part of the book, of how the articles are arranged. In the second partare articles by Von Sivers, Clancy-Smith, Colonna, and Voll. Each authoranalyzes resistance and millenarian movements in precolonial (i.e., nineteenthandearly twentieth-century) North Africa. Part three, with articles by Frietag,Gilmartin and Swdenburg, deals with more contemporary issues, such asIslam and nationalism in India and Palestine. Part four discusses labor movements in Egypt and northern Nigeria (Beinin, Goldberg, Lubeck), while partfive looks at the Iranian revolution and the mles of Imam Khomeini and AliShari'ati in defining and inspiring it (Algar, Abrahamian, Keddie).One of the main issues that must be addressed when dealing with socialmovements in Islamic societies is whether they are really "Islamic" or whetherthey just happen to be taking place in Muslim Societies. Lapidus, in his introductoryessay, brings out the main issues when he says that the movements arestudied "in order to explore their self-conception and symbols, the econofnicand political conditions under which they developed, and their relation toagrarian and capitalist economic structum and to established state regimes andelites" (p. 3). The authors look at social, structural, and ideological featureswithout giving exclusive primacy to one or the other. Burke stresses this point.In his article, he discusses methodological issues and places the studies in thecontext of contemporary modes of analyses such as the "new cultural" and the"new social history" methods inspired by E. P. Thompson and others. Thisessay is an invaluable introduction to the case studies. Placing the movementsin the context of changes occurring in the Islamic world as well as in the contextof wider political and social events, the essay allows one to make comparisonsacmss the different areas covered in terms of popular culture, patternsof collective action, the problem of Islam and secularism, and other aspects.The articles range from the role of Islamic symbols (i.e., the mosque inIndia) in articulating new political organizations designed to deal with the ...
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LaRocque, Brendan. "Social Movements in India: Poverty, Power, and Politics." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 5 (September 2006): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500549.

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Raina, Vinod. "Political diversity, common purpose: social movements in India." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 5, no. 2 (August 2004): 320–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1464937042000236775.

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T.V., Venkateswaran. "‘Science for social revolution’: People’s Science Movements and democratizing science in India." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 06 (November 24, 2020): C08. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19060308.

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Often, new social movements engaged with science and society are characterised as contesting objectivity; the neutrality of modern science seeking to legitimise ‘lay perspectives’. It has been an article of faith among scholars to view third world movements as anti-science, anti-modernity and post-developmentalist. This commentary describes ideological framework, modes of action and organisation of the All India People’s Science Network (AIPSN), one of the People’s science movement (PSMs) active for more than the past four decades. They dispute the dominant development trajectory and science and technology-related policies for reinforcing the existing inequities. Nevertheless, they see ‘science’ as a powerful ally for realising their radical emancipatory vision of ‘science for social revolution’. Mobilising ‘science activists’ as unique alternate communicators, they strive for lay-expert collaboration. The canonical framing of third world social movements as postcolonial and anti-modern does not capture this unique case from India. Further studies are required to tease out such strands of social movements elsewhere.
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Deveaux, Monique. "Poor-Led Social Movements and Global Justice." Political Theory 46, no. 5 (May 21, 2018): 698–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591718776938.

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Political philosophers’ prescriptions for poverty alleviation have overlooked the importance of social movements led by, and for, the poor in the global South. I argue that these movements are normatively and politically significant for poverty reduction strategies and global justice generally. While often excluded from formal political processes, organized poor communities nonetheless lay the groundwork for more radical, pro-poor forms of change through their grassroots resistance and organizing. Poor-led social movements politicize poverty by insisting that, fundamentally, it is caused by social relations of power that exploit and subordinate poor populations. These movements and their organizations also develop the collective capabilities of poor communities in ways that help them to contest the structures and processes that perpetuate their needs deprivation. I illustrate these contributions through a discussion of the Landless Rural Worker’s Movement in Brazil (the MST), a poor mobilization organization in Bangladesh (Nijera Kori), and the slum and pavement dweller movement in India. Global justice theorizing about poverty cannot just “add on” the contributions of such struggles to existing analyses of, and remedies for, poverty, however; rather, we will need to shift to a relational approach to poverty in order to see the vital importance of organized poor communities to transformative, poor-centered poverty reduction.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Social movements – India"

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Sharma, Shalini. "New social movements and media : the case of the Justice for Bhopal Movement in India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18259/.

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Sanghera, Jasvinder. "Exploring links between the Social Reform, Nationalist, and Women's Movements in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0011/MQ52479.pdf.

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Mallik, Basanta Kumar. "Paradigms of dissent and protest : social movements in Eastern India, c. AD 1400-1700 /." New Delhi : Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401407728.

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Tjäder, Henriette. "Citizens as Censors : Understanding the Limits of Free Speech in India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294949.

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This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of citizen censorship in India and its implications for free speech. It is especially concerned with public protests where groups of citizens demand government action in order to ban or censor controversial material. These groups tend to invoke feelings of offense or hurt religious sentiments as a justification for restriction. The point of departure of this thesis is research on social movement outcomes and the history of Indian censorship. A quantitative approach is adopted, which includes data of protest events from 2010 to 2015. The author will demonstrate that restrictions on free speech coincide with protest events in three out of ten cases. A shorter case study of the controversy surrounding the film Vishwaroopam provides a concrete example of the dynamics of citizen censorship and aims to highlight some aspects that might have affected protest outcomes. Ultimately, the author concludes that protests are likely to be influential for restrictions on free speech, and that the role of the citizen as censor should not be ignored.
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Gupta, Madhvi. "When democracy is not enough : political freedoms and democratic deepening in Brazil and India." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102804.

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The objective of this study is to understand the logic of popular mobilization in Sao Paulo (Brazil) and New Delhi (India) and to explain why subaltern groups use their political freedoms to mobilize on some issues and not on others. More specifically, the study attempts to address a puzzle: Why do the popular sectors not mobilize to make claims for health when the vast majority of the urban poor experience severe health deficits? My contention is that the nature of public discourse determines both the emergence of popular movements and the issues on which they engage in claims-making. Competing ideas about what democracy is and what it ought to be, the meaning of social justice, and the relationship between democracy and social justice, constitute the 'raw materials' around which mobilization frames are created. The empirical evidence presented in this study supports my claim that the nature of public discourse is crucial for democratic deepening from below.
Based on extensive field research in low-income communities in Sao Paulo and New Delhi, my study explains the differences and similarities in the political actions of the urban poor. In India, the near-absence of a public discourse on health accounts for the lack of mobilization by subaltern groups to seek improvements in their health situation. In contrast, I find that there has been a tradition of public discourse on health in Brazil since the 1970s when "external actors" such as doctors and progressive Church officials became engaged in social causes and contributed to the emergence of health movements. However, since Brazil's transition to democracy, this public discourse has fractured, becoming more receptive to "new" health issues such as violence, even though "old" health problems continue to persist. While the popular sectors experience the dual burden of "old" and "new" health problems, they are perceived to be the cause of many "new" health hazards like violence rather than its victims. The disengagement of "external actors" from "old" health issues and the widespread perception that the popular sectors are themselves to blame for the "new" health problems has inhibited popular mobilization for health in democratic Brazil.
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Drageseth, Gry. "Neemkampanjen - en kamp for sørs rettigheter : en analyse av Neemkampanjen, en sosial bevegelse som startet i India /." Oslo : Institutt for sosiologi og samfunnsgeografi, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/iss/2007/58448/Neemkampanjen.pdf.

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Kazi, Rabeya Khatun. "Political Structure and Anti-dam Protest Movements: Comparing Cases of India and China." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-196564.

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In recent times, increasing instances of population displacement from many large dam construction projects have led to increase in anti-dam protest movements. But some of these protest movements are more successfully mobilized than others. The differences in success are largely due to the kind of political system they are based in. Studies show that formation and mobilization patterns of the protest movements are largely determined by the nature of state and its political system. However, there is lack of comparative study in this regard especially in the field of anti-dam protest movement. This thesis aims to fill that knowledge gap by comparing the anti-dam protest mobilization in Sardar Sarovar Dam, India and Three Gorges Dam, China. The Study finds that political structures have significant impact on anti-dam protest mobilization and citizens of democracy enjoy more freedom in anti-dam protest mobilization than those in authoritarian polity.
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Bommier, Swann. "A flawed development : land dispossession, transnational social movements and extraterritorial corporate regulation : Michelin in Tamil Nadu (India)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0017.

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Cette thèse étudie comment les politiques publiques d’industrialisation, les investissements étrangers et la gouvernance transnationale des entreprises altèrent l’espace public en Inde. Tout d’abord, nous analysons les interactions entre la population, l’état et l’entreprise multinationale Michelin dans l’établissement d’un nouveau parc industriel sur les terrains communaux d’un village au Tamil Nadu. Ensuite, nous démontrons que si les mouvements sociaux transnationaux et les mécanismes extraterritoriaux de résolution de conflit appellent les entreprises multinationales à respecter les droits de l’homme, ces derniers restent insuffisants pour répondre à la violence structurelle et à l’injustice sociale à l’œuvre dans le développement industriel contemporain de l’Inde
This thesis studies how public policies of industrialization, foreign investments and transnational corporate governance alter social space in India. Firstly, we analyze the interactions between the population, the state and the French multinational corporation Michelin in the set-up of a new industrial park on the common lands of a village in rural Tamil Nadu. Then, we contend that while transnational social movements and extraterritorial grievance mechanisms call on multinational corporations to respect human rights, they remain insufficient to address the structural violence and the social injustice experienced in India’s contemporary industrial development
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Panicker, Ajaykumar P. "Counter-Hegemonic Collective Action and the Politics of Civil Society: The Case of a Social Movement in Kerala, India, in the Context of Neoliberal Globalization." Scholarly Repository, 2008. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/107.

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Social movements in various parts of the world have been attempting to challenge the forces of neoliberal globalization and the social problems caused by this economic trend. Many such movements have been advancing the idea of global civil society in order to counter 'globalization from above'. Despite the efforts of these movements to democratize social relations, the domination of these powerful forces persist and result in further oppression of marginalized people. This study attempts to discover the reasons why these social movements and civil society, despite popular support, fail to challenge effectively the power of such social forces. In particular, this study analyzes, through in-depth interviews with activists, and archival and observational data, the world-view of civil society activists in a movement against Coca-Cola initiated by the marginalized people in Kerala, India. While this struggle, popularly called the 'Plachimada movement', managed to effect the temporary closure of a Coca-Cola plant, whose operation reportedly affected the ground water in the region, the local people felt that it failed to address their conditions of marginality. The analysis of the movement's processes finds that hegemony, or indirect forms of domination, often stands in the way of such efforts at democratic social change. The study concludes with suggestions for rethinking civil society as an arena of reflexive collective action that is counter-hegemonic.
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Nasir, Sumaiya. "Finding voice through social media? : a critical analysis of women's participation in the online public sphere in India." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Language, Social and Political Sciences, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9679.

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This thesis assesses the effectiveness of social media platforms, specifically Facebook and blogs, in facilitating women’s participation in the online public sphere in India. Discussion provides a literature review of the internet as a new public sphere and its impact and influence in enriching the existing public sphere in India. The study also reviews the relationship between the online public sphere and the role women play in this sphere through social media in India. The research is supplemented by a review study of the ‘India Against Corruption’ movement in order to demonstrate the case for the online public sphere. Moreover, the present study also provides a snap shot of how some blogs and Facebook pages are used by women. Taking as a case study the 2012 ‘Delhi gang rape’ incident, through a topical network analysis of the Facebook pages and blog articles, this research attempts to understand the role of these media in allowing women to discuss social issues and participate in the public sphere. Drawing from the analysis of blog contents and examining Facebook pages I demonstrate how the women’s voices inhabiting the online sphere are limited to a certain class and region. In the cases studied here respondents appeared to be predominantly urban and middle class. While the scope of the research is small, this is one of the first studies in the area, and the findings suggest that social media are becoming a significant communicative tool in India and that women are increasingly appropriating these technologies. The study also demonstrates that women are discussing issues which were previously considered as taboo like rape and sexual violence, albeit in small numbers. Lastly, I identify challenges limiting women’s participation in the emerging online public sphere in India.
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Books on the topic "Social movements – India"

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Intercultural Resources (New Delhi, India), ed. Social movements in India. New Delhi: Intercultural Resources, 2010.

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Social Movements in Tribal India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2016.

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Prasad, Jitendra. Tribal movements in India. New Delhi: Kilaso Books, 2005.

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Matto, Anita. Reform movements & Social transformation in India. New Delhi: Reliance Pub. House, 1991.

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Social movements. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010.

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Nag, Jamuna. Social reform movements in nineteenth century India. Jaipur: RBSA Publishers, 1988.

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Nielsen, Kenneth Bo, and Alf Gunvald Nilsen, eds. Social Movements and the State in India. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59133-3.

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Glimpses of social movements in Peninsular India. Chennai: Poompozhil Publishers, 2013.

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Sahai, Krishna. Socialist movement in India. New Delhi: Classical Pub. Co., 1986.

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Averting the Apocalypse: Social movements in India today. Durham: Duke University Press, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Social movements – India"

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Lindberg, Staffan. "Farmers’ Movements and Agricultural Development in India." In Social Movements in Development, 101–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25448-4_6.

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Sarkar, Sumit. "Social and Political Movements 1885–1905." In Modern India 1885–1947, 43–100. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19712-5_3.

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Sarkar, Sumit. "Political and Social Movements 1905–1917." In Modern India 1885–1947, 101–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19712-5_4.

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Ewing, Katherine Pratt, and Baishakhi Banerjee Taylor. "The Ungendered Self: Sex Reassignment, the Third Gender, and Gender Fluidity in India." In Political Sentiments and Social Movements, 175–204. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72341-9_7.

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Elangovan, Arvind. "Social Movements in India, 1800 to the Present." In The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective, 265–95. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_10.

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Nilsen, Alf Gunvald, and Kenneth Bo Nielsen. "Social Movements, State Formation and Democracy in India: An Introduction." In Social Movements and the State in India, 1–23. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59133-3_1.

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Pattenden, Jonathan. "Blind Alleys and Red Herrings? Social Movements, the State, Class Alliances and Pro-Labouring Class Strategy." In Social Movements and the State in India, 215–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59133-3_10.

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Jakobsen, Jostein. "Disappearing Landlords and the Unmaking of Revolution: Maoist Mobilization, the State and Agrarian Change in Northern Telangana." In Social Movements and the State in India, 239–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59133-3_11.

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Nilsen, Kenneth Bo, and Alf Gunvald Nielsen. "Conclusion." In Social Movements and the State in India, 269–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59133-3_12.

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Desai, Radhika. "The Slow-Motion Counterrevolution: Developmental Contradictions and the Emergence of Neoliberalism." In Social Movements and the State in India, 25–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59133-3_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Social movements – India"

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Aggarwal, Vaishali. "Spaces of becoming - Space shapes public and public (re)shapes their own spaces." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/ncih2289.

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Fights over the ‘right to the city’ have emphasized the interests of the four main actors within the city development of India since the first cases of revolting social movements in Delhi. The four actors can be classified as the social movements, the public, media and the government. The case of India Gate in Delhi is illustrative not only of how the differences between the actors come into surface, but of also of how these actors change their priorities, their stance and their tools, in order to secure their position in the city. Many scholars have analysed the role of social movements and how it evolves in the process. But what about the role of government as an entity that is in between the interests of social movements, public and media? How and why do they change their stance when a movement takes place? What are their limitations? The India Gate case can give the answers to these questions, as it examines the multiple transformations of this space over time. This paper emphasizes on the idea of Space. How space shapes public and public (re)shape their own spaces. India gate. This space has been stuck between the idea of being a space or a branded space. It was assumed that media plays a prominent role in acting like a watchdog in democracies, but this paper looks at how media if used rightfully can be forced for a good in oppressive regimes and therefore, a vigilant and alert media can act as an external trigger or an emergency- wake up call for the youth of India to take the cause of freedom seriously. Rightfully as put up by Ritish (2012), an external event or issue may allow for the manifestation of a flash fandom in the form of flash activism. Since, social movement’s needs mass media attention for amplification of their claims, the media also join the movements too create the news. Lastly, the consequences of the media coverage for social movements, in terms of organisation, reaching political change and obtaining favourable public opinion is comprehended in three different case studies.
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Pradip Barua, Venerable. "A STUDY OF AMBEDKAR AND THE AMBEDKARITE BUDDHIST MOVEMENT IN INDIA." In The 9th International Conference on Humanities, Psychology and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/9th-hps.2019.04.253.

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Reports on the topic "Social movements – India"

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Bano, Masooda, and Zeena Oberoi. Embedding Innovation in State Systems: Lessons from Pratham in India. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/058.

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The learning crisis in many developing countries has led to searches for innovative teaching models. Adoption of innovation, however, disrupts routine and breaks institutional inertia, requiring government employees to change their way of working. Introducing and embedding innovative methods for improving learning outcomes within state institutions is thus a major challenge. For NGO-led innovation to have largescale impact, we need to understand: (1) what factors facilitate its adoption by senior bureaucracy and political elites; and (2) how to incentivise district-level field staff and school principals and teachers, who have to change their ways of working, to implement the innovation? This paper presents an ethnographic study of Pratham, one of the most influential NGOs in the domain of education in India today, which has attracted growing attention for introducing an innovative teaching methodology— Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL) – with evidence of improved learning outcomes among primary-school students and adoption by a number of states in India. The case study suggests that while a combination of factors, including evidence of success, ease of method, the presence of a committed bureaucrat, and political opportunity are key to state adoption of an innovation, exposure to ground realities, hand holding and confidence building, informal interactions, provision of new teaching resources, and using existing lines of communication are core to ensuring the co-operation of those responsible for actual implementation. The Pratham case, however, also confirms existing concerns that even when NGO-led innovations are successfully implemented at a large scale, their replication across the state and their sustainability remain a challenge. Embedding good practice takes time; the political commitment leading to adoption of an innovation is often, however, tied to an immediate political opportunity being exploited by the political elites. Thus, when political opportunity rather than a genuine political will creates space for adoption of an innovation, state support for that innovation fades away before the new ways of working can replace the old habits. In contexts where states lack political will to improve learning outcomes, NGOs can only hope to make systematic change in state systems if, as in the case of Pratham, they operate as semi-social movements with large cadres of volunteers. The network of volunteers enables them to slow down and pick up again in response to changing political contexts, instead of quitting when state actors withdraw. Involving the community itself does not automatically lead to greater political accountability. Time-bound donor-funded NGO projects aiming to introduce innovation, however large in scale, simply cannot succeed in bringing about systematic change, because embedding change in state institutions lacking political will requires years of sustained engagement.
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Pickard, Justin, Shilpi Srivastava, Mihir R. Bhatt, and Lyla Mehta. SSHAP In-Focus: COVID-19, Uncertainty, Vulnerability and Recovery in India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2021.011.

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This paper addresses COVID-19 in India, looking at how the interplay of inequality, vulnerability, and the pandemic has compounded uncertainties for poor and marginalised groups, leading to insecurity, stigma and a severe loss of livelihoods. A strict government lockdown destroyed the incomes of farmers and urban informal workers and triggered an exodus of migrant workers from Indian cities, a mass movement which placed additional pressures on the country's rural communities. Elsewhere in the country, lockdown restrictions and pandemic response have coincided with heatwaves, floods and cyclones, impeding disaster response and relief. At the same time, the pandemic has been politicised to target minority groups (such as Muslims, Dalits), suppress dissent, and undermine constitutional values. The paper focuses on how COVID-19 has intersected with and multiplied existing uncertainties faced by different vulnerable groups and communities in India who have remained largely invisible in India's development story. With the biggest challenge for government now being to mitigate the further fall of millions of people into extreme poverty, the brief also reflects on pathways for recovery and transformation, including opportunities for rural revival, inclusive welfare, and community response. This brief is based on a review of existing published and grey literature, and 23 interviews with experts and practitioners from 12 states in India, including representation from domestic and international NGOs, and local civil society organisations. It was developed for the Social Science in Humanitarian Action Platform (SSHAP) by Justin Pickard, Shilpi Srivastava, Lyla Mehta (IDS), and Mihir R. Bhatt. Some of the cases draw on ongoing research of the TAPESTRY project, which explores bottom-up transformations in marginal environments across India and Bangladesh.
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