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Sharma, Shalini. "New social movements and media : the case of the Justice for Bhopal Movement in India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18259/.
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Sanghera, Jasvinder. "Exploring links between the Social Reform, Nationalist, and Women's Movements in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0011/MQ52479.pdf.
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Mallik, Basanta Kumar. "Paradigms of dissent and protest : social movements in Eastern India, c. AD 1400-1700 /." New Delhi : Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401407728.
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Tjäder, Henriette. "Citizens as Censors : Understanding the Limits of Free Speech in India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294949.
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This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of citizen censorship in India and its implications for free speech. It is especially concerned with public protests where groups of citizens demand government action in order to ban or censor controversial material. These groups tend to invoke feelings of offense or hurt religious sentiments as a justification for restriction. The point of departure of this thesis is research on social movement outcomes and the history of Indian censorship. A quantitative approach is adopted, which includes data of protest events from 2010 to 2015. The author will demonstrate that restrictions on free speech coincide with protest events in three out of ten cases. A shorter case study of the controversy surrounding the film Vishwaroopam provides a concrete example of the dynamics of citizen censorship and aims to highlight some aspects that might have affected protest outcomes. Ultimately, the author concludes that protests are likely to be influential for restrictions on free speech, and that the role of the citizen as censor should not be ignored.
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Gupta, Madhvi. "When democracy is not enough : political freedoms and democratic deepening in Brazil and India." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102804.
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The objective of this study is to understand the logic of popular mobilization in Sao Paulo (Brazil) and New Delhi (India) and to explain why subaltern groups use their political freedoms to mobilize on some issues and not on others. More specifically, the study attempts to address a puzzle: Why do the popular sectors not mobilize to make claims for health when the vast majority of the urban poor experience severe health deficits? My contention is that the nature of public discourse determines both the emergence of popular movements and the issues on which they engage in claims-making. Competing ideas about what democracy is and what it ought to be, the meaning of social justice, and the relationship between democracy and social justice, constitute the 'raw materials' around which mobilization frames are created. The empirical evidence presented in this study supports my claim that the nature of public discourse is crucial for democratic deepening from below.Based on extensive field research in low-income communities in Sao Paulo and New Delhi, my study explains the differences and similarities in the political actions of the urban poor. In India, the near-absence of a public discourse on health accounts for the lack of mobilization by subaltern groups to seek improvements in their health situation. In contrast, I find that there has been a tradition of public discourse on health in Brazil since the 1970s when "external actors" such as doctors and progressive Church officials became engaged in social causes and contributed to the emergence of health movements. However, since Brazil's transition to democracy, this public discourse has fractured, becoming more receptive to "new" health issues such as violence, even though "old" health problems continue to persist. While the popular sectors experience the dual burden of "old" and "new" health problems, they are perceived to be the cause of many "new" health hazards like violence rather than its victims. The disengagement of "external actors" from "old" health issues and the widespread perception that the popular sectors are themselves to blame for the "new" health problems has inhibited popular mobilization for health in democratic Brazil.
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Drageseth, Gry. "Neemkampanjen - en kamp for sørs rettigheter : en analyse av Neemkampanjen, en sosial bevegelse som startet i India /." Oslo : Institutt for sosiologi og samfunnsgeografi, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/iss/2007/58448/Neemkampanjen.pdf.
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Kazi, Rabeya Khatun. "Political Structure and Anti-dam Protest Movements: Comparing Cases of India and China." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-196564.
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In recent times, increasing instances of population displacement from many large dam construction projects have led to increase in anti-dam protest movements. But some of these protest movements are more successfully mobilized than others. The differences in success are largely due to the kind of political system they are based in. Studies show that formation and mobilization patterns of the protest movements are largely determined by the nature of state and its political system. However, there is lack of comparative study in this regard especially in the field of anti-dam protest movement. This thesis aims to fill that knowledge gap by comparing the anti-dam protest mobilization in Sardar Sarovar Dam, India and Three Gorges Dam, China. The Study finds that political structures have significant impact on anti-dam protest mobilization and citizens of democracy enjoy more freedom in anti-dam protest mobilization than those in authoritarian polity.
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Bommier, Swann. "A flawed development : land dispossession, transnational social movements and extraterritorial corporate regulation : Michelin in Tamil Nadu (India)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0017.
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Cette thèse étudie comment les politiques publiques d’industrialisation, les investissements étrangers et la gouvernance transnationale des entreprises altèrent l’espace public en Inde. Tout d’abord, nous analysons les interactions entre la population, l’état et l’entreprise multinationale Michelin dans l’établissement d’un nouveau parc industriel sur les terrains communaux d’un village au Tamil Nadu. Ensuite, nous démontrons que si les mouvements sociaux transnationaux et les mécanismes extraterritoriaux de résolution de conflit appellent les entreprises multinationales à respecter les droits de l’homme, ces derniers restent insuffisants pour répondre à la violence structurelle et à l’injustice sociale à l’œuvre dans le développement industriel contemporain de l’IndeThis thesis studies how public policies of industrialization, foreign investments and transnational corporate governance alter social space in India. Firstly, we analyze the interactions between the population, the state and the French multinational corporation Michelin in the set-up of a new industrial park on the common lands of a village in rural Tamil Nadu. Then, we contend that while transnational social movements and extraterritorial grievance mechanisms call on multinational corporations to respect human rights, they remain insufficient to address the structural violence and the social injustice experienced in India’s contemporary industrial development
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Panicker, Ajaykumar P. "Counter-Hegemonic Collective Action and the Politics of Civil Society: The Case of a Social Movement in Kerala, India, in the Context of Neoliberal Globalization." Scholarly Repository, 2008. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/107.
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Social movements in various parts of the world have been attempting to challenge the forces of neoliberal globalization and the social problems caused by this economic trend. Many such movements have been advancing the idea of global civil society in order to counter 'globalization from above'. Despite the efforts of these movements to democratize social relations, the domination of these powerful forces persist and result in further oppression of marginalized people. This study attempts to discover the reasons why these social movements and civil society, despite popular support, fail to challenge effectively the power of such social forces. In particular, this study analyzes, through in-depth interviews with activists, and archival and observational data, the world-view of civil society activists in a movement against Coca-Cola initiated by the marginalized people in Kerala, India. While this struggle, popularly called the 'Plachimada movement', managed to effect the temporary closure of a Coca-Cola plant, whose operation reportedly affected the ground water in the region, the local people felt that it failed to address their conditions of marginality. The analysis of the movement's processes finds that hegemony, or indirect forms of domination, often stands in the way of such efforts at democratic social change. The study concludes with suggestions for rethinking civil society as an arena of reflexive collective action that is counter-hegemonic.
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Nasir, Sumaiya. "Finding voice through social media? : a critical analysis of women's participation in the online public sphere in India." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Language, Social and Political Sciences, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9679.
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This thesis assesses the effectiveness of social media platforms, specifically Facebook and blogs, in facilitating women’s participation in the online public sphere in India. Discussion provides a literature review of the internet as a new public sphere and its impact and influence in enriching the existing public sphere in India. The study also reviews the relationship between the online public sphere and the role women play in this sphere through social media in India. The research is supplemented by a review study of the ‘India Against Corruption’ movement in order to demonstrate the case for the online public sphere. Moreover, the present study also provides a snap shot of how some blogs and Facebook pages are used by women.
Taking as a case study the 2012 ‘Delhi gang rape’ incident, through a topical network analysis of the Facebook pages and blog articles, this research attempts to understand the role of these media in allowing women to discuss social issues and participate in the public sphere. Drawing from the analysis of blog contents and examining Facebook pages I demonstrate how the women’s voices inhabiting the online sphere are limited to a certain class and region. In the cases studied here respondents appeared to be predominantly urban and middle class. While the scope of the research is small, this is one of the first studies in the area, and the findings suggest that social media are becoming a significant communicative tool in India and that women are increasingly appropriating these technologies. The study also demonstrates that women are discussing issues which were previously considered as taboo like rape and sexual violence, albeit in small numbers. Lastly, I identify challenges limiting women’s participation in the emerging online public sphere in India.
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Kedzior, Sya Buryn. "POLLUTION KNOWLEDGE AND URBAN WATER POLITICS IN THE GANGES RIVER BASIN (INDIA)." UKnowledge, 2011. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/190.
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Millions of people rely upon the Ganges River as a source of water provision and a site of disposal for sewage, solid waste, agricultural runoff and industrial effluent. The river is also a goddess in the Hindu pantheon who is worshipped for her purificatory powers, despite water quality levels that fall far short of standards for use in bathing, washing, and drinking. In recent years, a number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have formed to oppose both pollution of the river and the failure of state-run pollution abatement programs. They are joined by an increasingly frequent number of seemingly spontaneous protests held during the large Kumbh Mela festival gatherings at Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. Led by priests, sadhus and religious leaders, these protestors refuse to participate in the ritual bathing that is central to river worship until local and state officials take action to improve water quality at the site. These events indicate that the politics surrounding pollution abatement in the Ganges River Basin (GRB) are changing and that civil society organizations are struggling to gain greater representation and influence in the processes that shape pollution abatement and water use management in the GRB.
This dissertation investigates the growing debate around pollution and pollution abatement in the Ganges River Basin and interprets the struggle over pollution abatement and river water management as a struggle over meaning in which various groups attempt to influence the context and context of local environmental knowledge(s). The research compares abatement efforts, civil society activity, and the "pollution knowledge" and water use practices of water users in three urban centers in the central GRB. An analysis of archival data, policy documents, a survey of water users, and interviews with government officials, NGO leaders and members, and other local scientists and activists conducted during fieldwork in 2008 and 2009.
Discussion centers on the meta-discursive productions surrounding public participation and popular "awareness" as precursors to public participation in decisionmaking and policy-making processes. Findings indicate that water users in the GRB are well aware of pollution in the river and that many users exhibit a degree of cognitive dissonance in their pollution knowledge, indicating that a disconnection may exist between the knowledge that guides opinion and the knowledge that guides water use activity. Anti-pollution social movement organizations are found to employ methods and tactics that reflect local contexts of environmental degradation and pollution production, but which ultimately aim to reproduce broads shifts in the ideas, values, and power relations associated with water quality and water use in the Basin. Discussion considers the politics of upstream/downstream relations in shaping pollution abatement measures and the occurrence of "missing movements", or the absence of anti-pollution civil society activity. Research findings contribute to literature on the role of environmental knowledge in shaping the “politics of meaning” around which ideological struggles over natural resource use, access, and conservation are waged.
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Larsson, Marie. ""When women unite!" : the making of the Anti-Liquor Movement in Andhra Pradesh, India /." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Social Anthropology, Stockholm University, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-980.
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Scharla, Løjmand Ida. "Voicing Women’s Rights: Being and Becoming a Women’s Rights Activist in Assam, India." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21191.
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This thesis is based on a minor field study (MFS) with the aim of investigating what habitus and forms of capital facilitate women’s rights activism in Assam, India – a state described as highly patriarchal but also a place where women enjoy higher status than elsewhere in the country. Using the concepts of capital and habitus and elements from social movement- and feminist theory, I analyze interviews with eight Assamese women’s rights activists. I conclude that the habitus of social engagement has been embodied early in most participants and that they all possess strong cultural and social capital that enable them to act. The identity of being independent is an integrated part of the participants and it is also what they strive to implement in the communities of women they work with.
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McHattie, Brian. "Threats posed by globalisation and responses by rural social movements, case of the Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha in south India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ56349.pdf.
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Uba, Katrin. "Do Protests Make a Difference? : The impact of anti-privatisation mobilisation in India and Peru." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7901.
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Daily, Lisa A. "Constructing a New Nationalism from Below: The Dalit Movement, Politics and Transnational Networking." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003035.
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Zaslavsky, Floriane. "Mouvements sociaux et internet en Inde : stratégies de visibilité médiatique et d'intégration à l'espace public. Le cas du mouvement dalit." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0017.
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Avec plus de cent vingt-cinq millions d’utilisateurs et un taux de croissance d’environ 40 % par an, l’Inde est devenue en 2012 le troisième marché numérique mondial et l’un des plus jeunes, avec environ 75% des internautes âgés de quinze à trente-quatre ans. Les gouvernements successifs ont d’ailleurs été conscients de l’importance des enjeux qui y sont liés et n’ont pas hésité à faire des nouvelles technologies l’étendard de « l’Inde qui brille ». Les nouvelles technologies d’information et de communication transforment par ailleurs le paysage médiatique et les voies d’accès à l’espace public. Malgré cela, l’impact de ce nouveau média sur la société indienne demeure peu étudié. Ce travail de thèse s’attache à comprendre la façon dont l’essor d’internet a contribué à façonner de nouveaux modes d’organisation des mouvements sociaux en Inde, des actions et mobilisations collectives à leur stratégie de visibilité. La recherche se focalise plus précisément sur le mouvement dalit, porté par et pour les populations anciennement désignées comme « intouchables », et qui correspond à ce que Nancy Fraser a désigné comme un contre-public subalterne. Cette réflexion se situe au croisement de la sociologie des mouvements sociaux et de la sociologie des médias, et repose sur une approche de terrain double, construite entre deux territoires régis par des rapports différents à l’espace et au temps : en ligne, et hors-ligne, sur le terrain, en Inde.Cette démarche a permis d’observer le rapport complexe entre les militants dalits et les médias de masse indiens, marqué par la défiance et l’exclusion, avant de nous concentrer sur l’analyse d’une nouvelle élite au sein de ces groupes, qui au tournant des années 2000 a peu à peu investi internet comme un prolongement de son activité médiatique communautaire. Centrée sur un groupe resserré d’acteurs et leurs activités militantes depuis 2002, cette thèse met en exergue la façon dont s’est structuré un nouveau réseau militant, à cheval entre deux espaces aux logiques parfois antagonistes, et les dynamiques internes qui y ont été initiées : une nouvelle identité et des discours renouvelés, malgré l’éclatement géographique de cette communauté. Peu à peu, de nouveaux leaders ont émergé au sein de ce groupe dans lequel les logiques d’influence ont pris le pas sur celles de la représentation ; nos observations donnent à voir les points de tensions qui le traversent, pour maintenir une cohérence et une cohésion interne. Ces problématiques pèsent en particulier sur les porte-paroles qui placent la construction d’une nouvelle identité et le retournement du stigmate au cœur de leur démarche. La position d’intellectuel organique qui leur est désormais attribuée apparait à certains comme une aporie à la fois éthique et idéologique.Au-delà du cas indien, ces parcours - et la très grande réflexivité produite par ces militants – témoignent du fait que l’analyse des rapports entre mouvements sociaux et médias est une opportunité inégalée de sonder les évolutions contemporaines de l’espace public, entre intégration et fragmentationWith more than twenty-five million internet users and an average growth-rate of 40% per year, India became in 2012 the world's third largest digital market as well as one of the youngest with 75% of its internet users aged between fifteen and thirty-four. The successive governments have been well aware of the key importance of this trend and did not hesitate to raise the new information technologies as the banner of a “Shining India”. NICTs tend to transform the media landscape and to shape new ways of entering the public space. However, the impact of the “new media” on Indian society has yet to be fully analyzed. This PhD dissertation seeks to apprehend the way the internet contributes to shaping new organisation strategies among Indian social movements, from their collective actions to their visibility strategies. Our research focuses on the dalit movement, which is led by and for the populations who used to be designated as “untouchables”, and corresponds to what Nancy Fraser defined as a “subaltern counter-public”. This reflexion lies at the crossroads of the sociology of social movements and media analysis. It implies a specific fieldwork approach, equally based on two different territories that follow different space and time-relationship patterns: in India, online and off-line.This methodology enables an observation of the complex relationship between dalit activists and the mainstream media, marked by mistrust and exclusion. Then, we focus our analysis on a new emerging elite within these groups that have gradually invested the Internet since the early 2000s, as an extension of their media community. This dissertation is centred on a small group of social actors and their militant activities from 2002 to present day. It thus highlights the structuration a new activist network evolving between two spaces led by sometimes antagonistic logics, and its internal dynamics: the construction of an identity and renewed discourses, despite being a geographically scattered community.Little by little, new leaders have emerged within this group in which the notion of “influence” has become more important than that of “representation”. Our observations show where the tensions lie within this community, facing several struggles to be coherent and cohesive.These issues weigh particularly on the shoulders of the spokesmen of the community, who consider that the construction of a new identity and stigma reversals lie at the heart of their approach. For some of them, their new position as “organic intellectuals” appears to be both an ethical and ideological aporia. Beyond the Indian case, these individual journeys - and the very high level of reflexivity produced by these activists - are a testimony to the fact that analysing the relationship between social movements and the media is an unequalled opportunity to probe the contemporary evolutions of public space, between integration and fragmentation
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Bedi, Heather Clare Plumridge. "Contesting land, uneven development, and privilege : social movement resistance to Special Economic Zones in Goa, India." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610513.
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Amato, Sarah. "Non-formal education, voluntary agencies and the role of the women's movement in educational development in India." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66255.
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Ozden, Tugba. "The Dalit Movement Within The Context Of The Indian Independence Movement." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606575/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyses the Dalit Movement with regards to the twentieth century Indian nationalism and independence movement. Within this epoch, India was dealing with both internal and external problems, and this thesis confronts with the process of double freedom movement rolled into one, in India. On one side Indian nation was fighting against the British Imperialism and on the other hand the least level of the ancient Hindu social order varna, the Untouchables, were fighting against the higher castes for eradication of their historical backwardness. This solution of both problems pointed out changes in social and political terms.
The mentioned movement under the leadership of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, who is recognized as the architect of the Indian constitution, aimed to obtain both political and social rights and freedom for the Untouchables. By this movement, Dalits initially managed to attain political rights and to outlaw discrimination among people. And then, in order to facilitate the integration of Dalits within the social sphere, they decided to convert from Brā
hmanism to Buddhism in year 1956 and ten thousands of Dalits converted following Dr. Ambedkar. In the present day, the ex-Untouchables are living under the umbrellas of Buddhism, Islam or Christianity in various parts of India. Even though the mentioned ex-Untouchables survive normally and non-problematically in urban, those of them living in the rural front against the violence of radical rightist, nationalist Hindus.
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Cortes, Pedro. "Indian social movements : a case study in Cauca, Colombia, from a Marxist perspective /." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487586889189109.
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FIGUEIREDO, FERNANDA. "AN URBAN INDIAN VILLAGE: A RESISTANCE MOVEMENT SEEN BY DIFFERENT SOCIAL ACTORS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2012. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=21127@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
Desde o final do século XV, com as grandes navegações, os países europeus expandiram seu domínio para outros continentes, muitas vezes impondo a outros povos e nações o modo de vida ocidental, sua forma de organização social e territorial. Sempre houve, durante a história, diferentes formas de resistência. Desde povos nativos que lutaram contra a dominação imposta com a chegada das nações europeias, aos movimentos de independência e movimentos contemporâneos de caráter social e resgate cultural. A pesquisa realizada resgata os movimentos sociais de resistência à lógica cultural e territorial dominante ao longo da história, com foco nos movimentos contemporâneos. O estudo de caso trata de uma aldeia indígena Guarani, M´byo, que se localiza em uma praia, que hoje é ocupada por casas de classe média alta, no bairro de Camboinhas, Niterói, desde 2008. Para isso foi feito um resgate da tradição e história do povo guarani, e da ocupação do local escolhido pela tribo. Foram realizadas entrevistas com diferentes atores sociais que fazem parte do conflito, para perceber os valores que o envolvem, vistos sobre diferentes ângulos. Muitos desses grupos, que sofreram uma forte desterritorialização tanto física quanto simbólica ao longo da história, buscam construir uma nova territorialidade onde possam ser inseridos de forma digna dentro da sociedade, sem perder sua identidade. O estudo de Caso é um movimento de resistência que apesar de ter características bastante singulares, principalmente pelo fato dos índios construírem uma aldeia num bairro de classe média alta numa área urbana, reflete o caminho percorrido na formação dos valores que permitiram aos índios contestarem a lógica territorial imposta a eles, e os valores presentes na sociedade, que são reproduzidos ao longo da história mundial de ocupação territorial e imposição cultural. Esses valores estão implícitos nas entrevistas.
Since the end of the fifteenth century, with the great navigations, European countries have expanded their dominions over other continents, often imposing on other peoples and nations the western lifestyle, its territorial and social organization. There has always been, throughout history, different forms of resistance. Ranging from native people who fought the domination imposed with the arrival of European nations, to independence movements and contemporary movements for social and cultural revival. This research recovers the social movements of resistance to dominant cultural and territorial logic throughout history, focusing on contemporary movements. The case study is about a Guarani native village, M´bvo, located on a beach, now occupied by houses of upper middle class, in the neighborhood of Camboinhas, Niteroi, since 2008. In this regard, was done a recovery of tradition and history of the Guarani people and the occupation of the site chosen by the tribe. Interviews were conducted with different social actors that are part of the conflict, to understand the values that involve it, viewed by different angles. Many of these groups, who have suffered a strong deterritorialization both physical and symbolic throughout history, seek to build a new territoriality in which they can be inserted in a dignified manner within society, without losing theirs identity. The case study is a resistance movement that, despite having quite unique characteristics, mainly because of the fact that the Indians have built a village in a upper middle class neighborhood inside an urban area, reflects the path taken in the formation of values that allowed the Indians to challenge the territorial logic imposed on them and the values present inside society which are reproduced throughout world history of occupation and cultural imposition. These values are implicit in the interviews.
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Kedzior, Sya. "A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF THE CHIPKO MOVEMENT." UKnowledge, 2006. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_theses/289.
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The Indian Chipko movement is analyzed as a case study employing a geographically-informed political ecology approach. Political ecology as a framework for the study of environmental movements provides insight into the complex issues surrounding the structure of Indian society, with particular attention to its ecological and political dimensions. This framework, with its focus on social structure and ecology, is distinct from the more traditional approaches to the study of social movements, which tend to essentialize their purpose and membership, often by focusing on a single dimension of the movement and its context. Using Chipko as a case-study, the author demonstrates how a geographical approach to political ecology avoids some of this essentialization by encouraging a holistic analysis of environmental movements that is characterized by a bottom-up analysis, grounded at the local level, which also considers the wider context of the movements growth by synthesizing socio-political and ecological analyses. Also explored are questions on the importance of gender-informed approaches to the study of environmental activism and participation in environmental movements in India.
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Akard, William Keith. "Wocante Tinza : a history of the American Indian Movement." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/515087.
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The purpose of the study was to develop an ethnohistorical record of the American Indian Movement with an emphasis placed on portraying of the Indian view of the organization. In the course of the study, the movement was examined to determine its validity as a social organization within Indian society. To accomplish the task, the movement's social roles were assessed on four levels: the individual level, the social group level, the Indian societal level and the greater American societal level. Two main research strategies were employed in the data collection process. First, participant-observation was carried out during a two-year term as a non-Indian member of the movement. Much of the data collected gave indication of the internal social structure and social dynamics of the organization. Secondly, interviews were conducted during the membership period and additionally, during a three-year period as a resident on the Rosebud Sioux Indian Reservation in South Dakota. The data collected in this manner included firsthand accounts movement activities and public opinion of the movement. Findinds. 1. The American Indian Movement functions within Indian society on the individual level as a social enclave to aid socially disenfranchised Indian individuals re-enter Indian society. 2. On the social group level, the movement presents a viewpoint on socio-political issues that differs from the monolithic position typical of the IRA tribal governments. 3. The American Indian Movement serves Indian society as a catalyst for social change, an endorsing force for tradition and culture, and as an advocate on behalf of Indian people. 4. The movement functions as a social reform movement to the greater American society by bringing Indian issues to the levels of national and international attention. 5. Structurally, the American Indian Movement is a formal social organization with a blend of traditional and acculturated social components. The American Indian Movement is clearly a valid functioning social organization within Indian society. The movement has successfully integrated socially to all levels of society. Although the efforts and strategies employed by the movement have been sensationalized by the media and provoked a negative controversial image, the American Indian Movement has made positive contributions to Indian society.
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Pattenden, Jonathan Charles Edward. "Horizontality and the political economy of social movement : the anti-capitalist globalisation movement, the Karnataka State Farmers' Association and dynamics of social transformation in rural South India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433656.
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Jeffries, Marshall. "The Impacts of Threat and Emotions on Indigenous Mobilization: an investigation of assumptions in social movement theory." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/sociology_theses/32.
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After its abandonment in the 1980s, threat has re-emerged as an area of theoretical importance in understanding social movement mobilization (Jasper 1998). This case study examines the role of threat in mobilizing members of a movement to empower the Occaneechi Band of the Saponi Nation (a small tribal community in NC). The study explores threats and the emotions that make them up, while also investigating the relevance of other prominent assumptions embedded in mobilization theories. The study employed mixed methodologies including focus groups, individual interviews, and participant observation. Findings supported the idea that threats may be partially responsible for creating mobilization, but also suggest that prominent threats faced by this community complicate the ways in which threat is understood. The findings also shed light on limitations of the prominent Weber-Michels model for movement growth/decline, and highlight potential areas of interest for future research with Indigenous communities.
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Basso, Cristina. "Bridging worlds : movement, relatedness and social change in two communities of Cartagena de Indias Bay." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9499.
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The island of Barú, located along the Atlantic coast of Colombia, has occupied, since the colonial era, a geographical and social interstitial position. The island was a strategic space in key processes and events of colonial and national modernity. Its inhabitants have combined movement and interaction across geographical spaces and social groups with retreat and relative closure. The historical experiences of dislocation and of marginality have shaped local modes of relatedness and particular ways of signifying and narrating “family”, masculinities and femininities, the divine and the wondrous. State and capital's progressive encroachment over the Island trans-territory has recently undergone a conspicuous acceleration. Moreover, new religious organizations have influenced the ways in which people think and talk about identity, local forms of sociality and religiosity. “Development” and ethnicity-based identity politics have functioned as identity-, community- and memory (re-)making devices. Various political and economic actors currently envision and try to implement projects of “place” which commoditize the island and aim to reshape local subjectivities and relational modes according to market-oriented values.
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Nilsson, Josefine. "Online to On-Ground Activism : Contemporary Indian feminism and the #MeToo movement from an urban activist perspective." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-87051.
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The #MeToo movement is related to new forms of feminism, taking advantage of the online space for mobilisation. There are currently debates on the effect of feminist universalisation, post-colonial feminism and global movement’s on a local level. This study aims to understand how a globalmovement like the #MeToo integrates into already existing feminist efforts. While using India as a caste study, 10 urban Indian feminists have been interviewed to share their experiences on contemporary feminist mobilisation and the #MeToo movement. The study finds that the #MeToo movement have had an impact on Indian feminism, but at the same time is limited in its reach. Indian feminism is identified as ever diverse, with an increased incentive to learn and exchange experiences over identities to make feminist efforts more inclusive.
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Ray, Rabindra. "The Naxalites and their ideology : a study in the sociology of knowledge." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670404.
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Toth, Gyorgy Ferenc. "Red Nations: The transatlantic relations of the American Indian radical sovereignty movement in the late Cold War." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1510.
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Drawing on methodologies from Performance Studies and Transnational American Studies, this dissertation is an historical analysis of the transatlantic relations of the American Indian radical sovereignty movement of the late Cold War. First the study recovers the transnational dimension of Native Americans as historical actors, and demonstrates that the American Indian radical sovereignty movement of the early 1970s posed a transnational challenge to the U.S. nation state. Next, arguing against the scholarly consensus, it shows that by the mid-1970s the American Indian radical sovereignty movement transformed itself into a transnational struggle with a transatlantic wing. Surveying the older transatlantic cultural representations of American Indians, this study finds that they both enabled and constrained an alliance between Native radical sovereignty activists and European solidarity groups in the 1970s and 1980s. This dissertation traces the history of American Indian access and participation in the United Nations, documents the transformation of Native concepts of Indian sovereignty, and analyzes the resulting alliances in the UN between American Indian organizations, Third World countries, national liberation movements, and Marxist régimes. Finally, this study documents how national governments such as the United States and the German Democratic Republic responded to the transatlantic sovereignty alliance from the middle of the 1970s through the end of the Cold War.
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Medeiros, Iraci Aguiar 1961. "Ecologia de saberes? : um estudo da experiência de interação da universidade com o movimento indígena." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286887.
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Orientador: Leda Maria Caira GitahyDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências
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Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar uma experiência de articulação entre a Universidade e o Movimento Indígena, buscando verificar como se dá a interação entre dois tipos de conhecimento (científico e tradicional) no interior dessa experiência. O estudo empírico foi realizado nos cursos de graduação (licenciaturas plenas para formar professores indígenas) originados da interação da Universidade do Estado de Mato Grosso (UNEMAT) com o Movimento Indígena. Os resultados mostram que os cursos do Projeto 3º Grau Indígena se configuram como "zonas de contato", em que se relacionam, além de pessoas de diferentes grupos étnicos, também seus conhecimentos e saberes, ou seja, um espaço de interação entre os vários tipos de conhecimento (científico, tecnológico, tradicional, de senso comum, etc.) e de múltiplas formas de enxergar e pensar o mundo. Essa dinâmica fertiliza o processo de produção de conhecimento, promovendo a ecologia de saberes e traz consequências tanto para a universidade como para as comunidades indígenas. São práticas que promovem uma nova convivência ativa entre saberes, no pressuposto de que todos eles, incluindo o saber científico, podem se enriquecer nesse diálogo
Abstract: The objective of this thesis is to analyze the experience of articulation between the University and the Indigenous Movement, seeking verify how the interaction between two types of knowledge (scientific and traditional) within this experience. The empirical study was conducted in undergraduate courses (undergraduate full to train Indian teachers) arising from the interaction of the State University of Mato Grosso (UNEMAT) with the Indigenous Movement. The results show the courses Project 3rd Degree Indigenous configure themselves as "contact zones" in which they made relationships, and people from different ethnic groups, also their knowledge and expertise, i.e. , a space for interaction between various types of knowledge (science, technology, traditional, common sense, etc..) and multiple ways of seeing and thinking about the world. This dynamic fertilizes the process of knowledge production, promoting the ecology of knowledge and has consequences both for the university and for indigenous communities. These are practices that promote active living among a new knowledge on the assumption that all of them, including scientific knowledge, can enrich this dialogue
Mestrado
Politica Cientifica e Tecnologica
Doutora em Política Científica e Tecnológica
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Gaston, Emilia. "Framing a Sacred Fight: Framing Analysis and Collective Identity of the #noDAPL Movement." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1703426/.
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The #noDAPL movement was an Indigenous-led environmental social movement occurring between 2015 and 2017, in which the Standing Rock Sioux and other American Indian tribes comprising the Oceti Sakowin garnered support to oppose the 1,172-mile Dakota Access Pipeline. Pipeline opponents agreed that the pipeline's construction posed a threat to the health and safety of tribal members and other residents of the area and that the pipeline's path crossed previously-designated tribal treaty boundaries, compromising tribal sovereignty. In this body of work, I utilize Facebook data from the Sacred Stone Camp Facebook page to locate and identify collective action frames and core framing tasks, adhering to social movement framing theory. Further, I provide insight into the movement's most used collective action frames and how their use enabled to movement to maintain occupation at protest camps along the Missouri River, garner resources from participants and gain international social support. I also draw on concepts of pan-Indianism and supratribalism to discuss indigenous collective identity, as well as concepts like relational values and Indigenous traditional knowledge to better assess the nuances of Indigenous environmental activism and how this movement evoked discussions of modern day settler colonialism.
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Solis, Sandra Ellen. ""To preserve our heritage and our identity": the creation of the Chicano Indian American Student Union at The University of Iowa in 1971." Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1180.
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The 1960s and 1970s represent a pivotal period in US history and there is a growing body of critical research into how the massive changes of the era (re)shaped institutions and individuals. This dissertation furthers that research by focusing its attention on the creation of the Chicano Indian American Student Union (CIASU) at The University of Iowa in 1971 from an Interdisciplinary perspective. CIASU as the subject of study offers a site that is rich in context and content; this dissertation examines the ways in which a small group of minority students was able to create an ethnically defined cultural center in the Midwest where none had existed prior and does this by looking at the intersection of ethnic identity and student activism. Covering the years 1968-1972, this work provides a "before" and "after" snapshot of life for Chicano/a and American Indian students at Iowa and does so utilizing only historical documents as a way of better understanding how much more research needs to be done.
I explore the way in which various social movements such as the Anti-War Movement, the Chicano Movement, the American Indian Movement, the Women's Movement and the cause of the United Farm Workers influenced founding members Nancy V. "Rusty" Barceló, Ruth Pushetonequa and Antonio Zavala within their Midwestern situatedness as ethnic beings. My dissertation draws from and builds upon the work of Gloria Anzaldua in Borderlands/La Frontera by interrogating the ways in which CIASU and its "House" acted as a self-defined "borderlands" for the Chicano/a and American Indian students. I examine the ways in which the idea of "borderlands" is not limited to any one geographical area but is one defined by context and necessity. Also interrogated is how performativity of ethnic identity worked as both cultural comfort and challenge to the students themselves as well as to the larger University community through the use of dress and language, especially "Spanglish".
This dissertation examines the activism of CIASU within the University context and out in the Chicano/a and American Indian communities as liberatory practice and working to affect change. Specifically, presenting alternatives for minority communities through actions such as Pre-School classes and performances of El Teatro Zapata and Los Bailadores Zapatista and recruitment of Chicano/a and American Indian high school students. On campus, activism through publication is examined; El Laberinto as the in-house newsletter provides insight into the day-to-day concerns of the students and Nahuatzen, a literary magazine with a wider audience that focused on the larger political questions of the day, taking a broader view of the challenges of ethnic identity as a way to educate and inform. This dissertation views CIASU as a "bridge"; the students worked to create alliances between themselves and the larger University population as well as Chicano/a and American Indian communities. With the recent fortieth anniversary of CIASU it is evident the founding members' wish "to preserve our heritage and our identity" (Daily Iowan, November, 1970) continues and the organization they founded, now known as the Latino Native American Cultural Center, still serves the needs of Latino and American Indian students at Iowa.
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Peñaranda, Daniel Ricardo. "Résistance et reconstruction Identitaire dans les Andes Colombiennes. : Le mouvement Armé Quintin Lame." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030040.
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L' essentiel de ce travail se situe dans l`intersection entre le déroulement des mouvements sociaux ruraux et les expériences révolutionnaires armées, en partant d`un cas spécifique dans lequel un mouvement communautaire, ayant une forte base ethnique, a dû faire face à une situation de violence généralisée à cause de la présence simultanée d`un conflit social en évolution et d`acteurs insurgés armés qui se disputaient le territoire et la population. Il s`agit du Mouvement Armé Quintín Lame, organisation ayant agi entre 1985 et 1991 dans le nord du département du Cauca, au sud-ouest de la Colombie. Dans ce territoire d`environ 250.000 habitants (21% de la population indienne nationale) se trouve la deuxième grande concentration indienne du pays. Depuis les années soixante-dix, ce scénario est l`épicentre de la plus grande mobilisation armée de la Colombie qui, quarante ans après, obtiendra des réussites indiscutables dans sa lutte pour l`autonomie, la récupération de la terre au bénéfice des communautés indiens et de précieux éléments culturels qui ont permis de consolider un processus réussi de recomposition identitaireThis work lies in the intersection between the process of rural social movements and the armed revolutionary experiences, starting from a specific case in which a community movement, with a strong ethnic base, had to cope with widespread violence because of the simultaneous presence of the social conflict and insurgents armed who disputed the territory and population. This is the Quintin Lame Armed Movement, an organization that acted between 1985 and 1991 in northern Cauca, southwest Colombia. This territory of about 250,000 inhabitants (21% of the national Indian population) is the second largest concentration of native country. Since the seventies, this scenario is the epicenter of the largest social mobilization of Colombia who, forty years later, obtain indisputable successes in its fight for autonomy, the recovery of land for the benefit of Indian communities and valuable cultural elements that have helped to consolidate a successful process of reconstruction of identity
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Lima, Telma Vieira. "EDUCAÇÃO INDIGENISTA E POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS: O NÚCLEO INSIKIRAN DE FORMAÇÃO SUPERIOR INDIGENA EM RORAIMA." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2009. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/834.
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Previous issue date: 2009-03-02The present work analyses the process of constitution of Insikiran Nucleus and the Intercultural Undergraduate course created by this Nucleus, as part of the government policies settled in Brazil, since the promulgation of the Federal Constitution in 1988. It aims to apprehend in which way the principles of interculturalism, specifics, differentness and bilingualism, which are references for the most important legislations and Indian school education policies, have been developed in the Intercultural Undergraduate course created by Insikiran. The Indian College Degree in Roraima offered by UFRR is promoting the college graduation to Indian population, in order to enable them to teach in the State's Indian schools. It has been also necessary to apprehend which procedures were put into motion by the subjects involved with the Insikiran Nucleus constitution, as well as to analyze the experience developed in UFRR, through the Intercultural Undergraduate course, that points out the possibility of democratization of the access and the incorporation of new forms of knowledge to college education, starting from the demands and articulation with social movements. The idea is to present and discuss, in one hand, how that action legitimates the UFRR, and in the other hand, how the University articulates itself with a wide variety of institutions and social movements, such as the Indian movement, in order to make this experience a solid one, and in which measure this relationship is able to create new spaces and news ways of producing knowledge. Some categories borrowed from social sciences were used as tools to develop this analyze, such as different citizenship, multiculturalism and national minority.
Analisa o processo de constituição do Núcleo Insikiran e da Licenciatura Intercultural implementada por esse Núcleo no contexto das políticas públicas instauradas no Brasil, a partir da promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Busca-se apreender de que forma os princípios de interculturalidade, especificidade, diferenciação e bilingüismo, que são referenciais das principais legislações e políticas de educação escolar indigenista, foram desenvolvidos no curso de Licenciatura Intercultural implementado pelo Núcleo Insikiran. O curso de Formação Superior Indígena em Roraima na UFRR está promovendo a formação em nível superior de indígenas, para o exercício de docência nas escolas indígenas no Estado. Foi necessário, também, apreender quais os processos engendrados pelos sujeitos envolvidos na constituição do Núcleo Insikiran, bem como analisar a experiência desenvolvida na UFRR, através dessa Licenciatura Intercultural que aponta para a possibilidade da democratização do acesso e inserção de novos saberes no ensino superior, a partir de demandas e da articulação com os movimentos sociais. A idéia é apresentar e discutir, por um lado, como essa ação legitima a UFRR, e por outro, como a Universidade se articula com diversas instituições e movimentos sociais, no caso o movimento indígena, para concretização dessa experiência e em que medida essa relação cria novos espaços e novas formas de se produzir conhecimento. A análise foi instrumentalizada com algumas categorias utilizadas nas ciências sociais, tais como cidadania diferenciada, multiculturalidade e minoria nacional.
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Wood, Jolie Marie Frenzel. "White-collar agitation, no-collar compliance : the privilege of protest in Varanasi, India." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-08-1591.
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An investigation of contentious action by associations representing six occupational groups at different socio-economic levels reveals that middle-class groups tend to favor contentious means of making demands such as demonstrations and strikes, while lower-class groups tend to avoid contentious action, preferring more institutionalized or contained means. While such findings might appear to be puzzling given middle-class groups’ superior access to state institutions and the Habermasian concept of a rational, orderly, bourgeois public sphere, they are consistent with the literature on resource mobilization and social movements in the West: Access to financial resources and strong mobilizing structures enables the middle-class groups to take advantage of a political opportunity structure that rewards contentious action.text
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Lozecznik, Vanessa. "The role of protests as platforms for action on sustainability in the Kullu Valley, India." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/4288.
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The Himalayan region of India has a surprisingly fragile ecosystem due in part to its geomorphic characteristics. In recent years the Himalayan ecosystem has been disturbed in various ways by both human and natural processes. Large developments threaten ecosystems in the area modifying local land use and subsistence patterns. This has important implications for the sustainable livelihoods of the local communities. People in these areas are very concerned about the lack of inclusion in development decision-making processes and the negative effects of development on their livelihood. Protest actions are spreading throughout Himachal Pradesh, not only to stop developments but also to re-shape how developments are taking place. The village of Jagatsukh was selected for in-depth study. That is where people started to organize around the Allain Duhangan Hydro Project and also where the protest actions in relation to the Hydro Project actually started. The overall purpose of this research was to understand the role of protests as a vehicle for public participation in relation to decisions about resources and the environment and to consider whether such movements are learning platforms for action on sustainability.
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Giacomini, Terran. "How Corporate Concentration Gives Rise to the Movement of Movements: Monsanto and La Via Campesina (1990–2011)." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10214/3010.
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As of 2011 a revolutionary ‘movement of movements’ is emerging coterminous with environmental crises and various other crises including corporate globalization. This study sheds theoretical and empirical light on the origins of the movement of movements. Employing gendered, ethnicized class analysis, this study investigates Karl Marx’s (1867) central discovery in Capital volume one, chapter 32 that corporate concentration and organization impels workers to resist and become a revolutionary class for themselves. Data is derived from investigation into the social movement La Via Campesina’s (‘the peasant way’) struggle against Monsanto Corporation in India, the European Union and Brazil during two periods of Monsanto’s concentration (1996–1998 and 2007–2011). Findings indicate that, in the process of Monsanto’s concentration, there was a leap forward in the formation and actions of the movement of movements. This study concludes that corporate concentration and global organization significantly impels the formation of the movement of movements.Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC)
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(6594533), Preethi Krishnan. "Framing Entitlements, Framing Inequality: How State Policies on Food and Care Enable Women to Challenge or Adapt to Inequality." Thesis, 2019.
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This dissertation examines the role state-society dynamics play in influencing how people negotiate inequality. In particular, I analyze the interdependent relationship between state policies and the frames people use to interpret unequal access to food and care. While state policies shape people’s frames, people also negotiate with state policies to deploy frames that either challenge or adapt to inequality. Using in-depth observations, policy documents, and 50 semi-structured interviews with mothers, Anganwadi workers (childcare workers), union leaders, and state representatives associated with the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), a welfare program in India, I show that state-society dynamics are central to how inequality is sustained and challenged. When welfare policies encourage collectivization, disadvantaged groups appropriate policy frames to strengthen entitlement frames and in the process, challenge inequality. I refer to this mechanism as frame appropriation. In contrast, policies such as privatization encourage individualization, particularly in economically mobile groups, who then adopt neoliberal frames such as personal responsibility and choice, to weaken entitlement frames through a mechanism I call reactive adoption. Thus, alongside social movements that has made possible historically significant policy reforms, the path to social change also comes alive in daily interactions where policies mediate people’s everyday lives.
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Huxtable, David. "The International Trade Union Confederation and Global Civil Society: ITUC collaborations and their impact on transnational class formation." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7738.
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This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation.
What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation.Graduate
0629
0703
davidbhuxtable@gmail.com
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Sundar, Aparna. "Capitalist Transformation and the Evolution of Civil Society in a South Indian Fishery." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/26242.
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This thesis employs Karl Polanyi’s concept of the double-movement of capitalism to trace the trajectory of a social movement that arose in response to capitalist transformation in the fishery of Kanyakumari district, south India. Beginning in the 1980s, this counter-movement militantly asserted community control over marine resources, arguing that intensified production for new markets should be subordinated to the social imperatives of subsistence and equity. Two decades later, the ambition of “embedding” the market within the community had yielded instead to an adaptation to the market in the language of “professionalization,” self-help, and caste uplift.
Polanyi is useful for identifying the constituency for a counter-movement against the market, but tells us little about the social or political complexities of constructing such a movement. To locate the reasons for the decline of the counter-movement in Kanyakumari, I turn therefore to an empirical observation of the civil society within which the counter-movement arose. In doing this, I argue against Partha Chatterjee’s influential view that civil society as a conceptual category does not apply to “popular politics in most of the world,” and is not useful for tracing non-European, post-colonial, and subaltern modernities. By contrast, my case shows the presence of civil society – as a sphere of autonomous and routinized association and publicity – among subaltern groups in rural India. I argue that it is precisely by locating the counter-movement of fishworkers within civil society that one can map the multiple negotiations that take place as subaltern classes are integrated into the market, and into liberal democracy, and explain the difficulties of extending and sustaining the counter-movement itself.
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Pickup, Andrew. "Crisis Management by Social Movements: Learning from Indian Microfinance." 2012. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/etd,154142.
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In October 2010, the state government of Andhra Pradesh issued an ordinance prohibiting microfinance institutions from distributing and collecting loans following allegations that over-indebtedness and coercive loan recovery tactics were causing borrower suicides. While no evidence substantiating a link between microfinance and borrower suicide has been provided, an anti-microfinance movement across India developed with clients reneging on their loans. Indian microfinance risked insolvency and the once lauded poverty alleviating movement was perceived as a villain by the international community. Microfinance was in crisis.
<br>How a social movement such as microfinance responds to a crisis is an understudied topic in social movement literature. By contrast, crisis management is an extensively analyzed topic in business literature. This thesis aims to develop five broad crisis managing concepts from this business literature and probe them in the case of Indian microfinance. The five concepts probed include: denial, retaliation, purification, reform, and re-authentication. All five tactics were observed to occur. This thesis concludes with two findings. First, social movement crisis management is an area primed for future research. Second, this research needs to be applied to other social movements in crisis to eventually develop a model that explains how social movements respond and should respond to crises.McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts
Graduate Center for Social and Public Policy
MA
Thesis
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Jenkins, James Fitzhugh. "The foundations of Red Power : The National Indian Youth Council 1968-1973." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/24093.
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The period from 1969 until 1973 represented the height of “Red Power” for American Indians. Pan-tribal activists participated in hundreds of demonstrations and dozens of militant takeovers demanding tribal sovereignty. The National Indian Youth Council (NIYC) was at the forefront of this period of direct action even though it continued to receive funding for educational programs and advocated reform through legal means. Operating under an entirely new leadership, the NIYC of the early 1970s resembled the Youth Council of the mid-1960s by continuing to balance indirect action and legal reform with direct action and militant language. But by the end of 1973, the Youth Council ceased supporting direct action as a legitimate tactic for pressuring social change. By 1973 it became clear that pan-tribal protests could quickly upset the gains that American Indians were making in federal reform.
Wealthy benefactors funded the NIYC throughout the period, but they never overtly pushed the Youth Council into a more moderate direction. Instead, outside funding increased the NIYC’s operational space and allowed it to gain a modicum of power within the federal agency responsible for Indians, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). The NIYC found itself able to pressure the BIA into negotiating on a range of issues, and the NIYC developed allies that shared its goals and ideology within the agency. However, the NIYC’s continued ability to negotiate with the federal government was vulnerable to controversy, and the highly confrontational episodes led by the American Indian Movement (AIM) tended to upset the pace of reform within the federal government. AIM’s 1972 takeover of the BIA national headquarters and AIM’s 71-day occupation of Wounded Knee created setbacks for the NIYC even as the events garnered national attention and support. Moreover, the political climate became receptive to supporting the self-determination of tribal governments, and pan-tribal organizations like the NIYC had to shift their focus in the context of newly empowered tribes. Foundation support allowed the NIYC to help open the way for tribes to negotiate with the U.S. state directly, and this very success made pan-tribal demonstrations increasingly obsolete by the mid-1970s.text
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Viau-Tassé, Mathilde. "Étude ethnographique des stratégies sociojuridiques des professionnelles oeuvrant auprès des femmes en situation de violence domestique à Mumbai." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21910.
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