Journal articles: 'Social movements – India'

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Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.

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Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The peculiar feature of India is the general satisfaction of the society with the political system and economic situation. At the same time the protests against specific cases and events in the country mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, be it corruption scandals or violence against women. However, cultural- civilizational factors contribute to the non-violent character of almost all mass actions. Another distinctive feature of India is the desire of the organizers of the protest to reject support of the major parties due to the belief that political leaders are interested more in strengthening their social base rather than in solving the concrete problems. There are different categories of social protest in India: peasant movements; scheduled castes' (Dalits, the former untouchables) movements; anti-corruption movements; environmental movements; backward caste movements; women's movements; tribal movements; industrial proletariat movements; students' movements; middle class movements; human rights movements. The first four movements are currently the most noticeable. Social protest has not, so far, led to any serious political instability. However, a certain development of the situation can generate it, as well as the rejection of the mainly peaceful methods. In this respect, Dalit movements, especially in case of further erosion of the caste system, are the subject of the greatest concern.

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Das, Raju J. "Social Movements and State Repression in India." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 8 (July 14, 2016): 1080–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616653258.

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State repression is particularly likely when social movements target property relations that cause ordinary citizens to suffer. Whether these movements are violent, and whether the state is a liberal democracy is a contingent matter. This is illustrated by India’s ‘Maoist movement’ (which is also known as the Naxalite movement because it originated in an area called Naxalbari, located in India’s West Bengal State). Where necessary, sections of this movement use violent methods to fight for justice for aboriginal peoples and peasants. This strategy, which the author, incidentally, does not endorse, has been seen by the state as the greatest internal military threat to it. Such a perception invites state violence. What is often under-emphasized or ignored is that the movement is an economic, political and ideological threat, and not just a military threat, and it is so through its localized alternative developmental activities, and this is also a reason for the state’s violent response to it.

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Buser De, Maya, and Chanwahn Kim. "Social Movements against Corruption and Sexual Violence in India." Asian Journal of Social Science 44, no. 1-2 (2016): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04401002.

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This paper investigates the highly mediatised mobilisation of the urban middle class in Delhi, India, against two social events, the anti-corruption movement in 2011 and the movement against sexual violence in 2013. It uses the perspective of resource mobilisation theory and, more specifically, the resource typology for social movements for a systematic and comparative analysis of middle-class mobilisation. The inclusion of a category of institutional resources is proposed, because of the important role played by judicial institutions to frame demands for change in both instances. Findings from this investigation reveal that the urban middle class in Delhi has approached these two movements using similar cultural, human and institutional resources, but it has significantly diverged in its usage of social-organisational resources. This study contributes to the ongoing discussions about the potential new role of the diverse urban middle class in Indian politics beyond electoral processes.

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Sahoo, Ajaya Kumar. "Social Movements in India: A Select Bibliography." Social Change 35, no. 2 (June 2005): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004908570503500213.

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Yalamala, Reddi Sekhara. "Whose Reality Counts?" Anthropology in Action 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/aia.2020.270102.

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The low caste, Dalit and Tribal social movements in India have reconfigured the fabric of Indian society in significant ways over the past decade. Likewise, the movement of these same groups into anthropology, a discipline previously dominated in India by uppercaste intellectuals, has created a dynamic force for change in the academy. At a time when India is vying with the global economic powers for supremacy, the people severely affected are low caste, Dalits and Tribal peoples, who see their lands being lost and their lifestyles in rapid transformation. Some from these same groups are also witnessing some of their daughters and sons pursuing higher studies and entering into the social sciences. The entry of these young scholars not only challenges the caste-based status quo in the academy, but it also forces these scholars to question their own position in relation to these social movements and in relation to Indian society more broadly.

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Fazalbhoy, Nasteen. "Islam, Politics and Social Movements." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2579.

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This book contains thirteen well-researched case studies on social movements in North Africa, India, the Middle East, and Iran. Each movement differs,as the issues and concerns vary according to area. This diversity is mademanageable by a neat categorization taking into account geography, periodization,and problematics, for example, and by the editors' clear explanation,in the first part of the book, of how the articles are arranged. In the second partare articles by Von Sivers, Clancy-Smith, Colonna, and Voll. Each authoranalyzes resistance and millenarian movements in precolonial (i.e., nineteenthandearly twentieth-century) North Africa. Part three, with articles by Frietag,Gilmartin and Swdenburg, deals with more contemporary issues, such asIslam and nationalism in India and Palestine. Part four discusses labor movements in Egypt and northern Nigeria (Beinin, Goldberg, Lubeck), while partfive looks at the Iranian revolution and the mles of Imam Khomeini and AliShari'ati in defining and inspiring it (Algar, Abrahamian, Keddie).One of the main issues that must be addressed when dealing with socialmovements in Islamic societies is whether they are really "Islamic" or whetherthey just happen to be taking place in Muslim Societies. Lapidus, in his introductoryessay, brings out the main issues when he says that the movements arestudied "in order to explore their self-conception and symbols, the econofnicand political conditions under which they developed, and their relation toagrarian and capitalist economic structum and to established state regimes andelites" (p. 3). The authors look at social, structural, and ideological featureswithout giving exclusive primacy to one or the other. Burke stresses this point.In his article, he discusses methodological issues and places the studies in thecontext of contemporary modes of analyses such as the "new cultural" and the"new social history" methods inspired by E. P. Thompson and others. Thisessay is an invaluable introduction to the case studies. Placing the movementsin the context of changes occurring in the Islamic world as well as in the contextof wider political and social events, the essay allows one to make comparisonsacmss the different areas covered in terms of popular culture, patternsof collective action, the problem of Islam and secularism, and other aspects.The articles range from the role of Islamic symbols (i.e., the mosque inIndia) in articulating new political organizations designed to deal with the ...

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LaRocque, Brendan. "Social Movements in India: Poverty, Power, and Politics." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 5 (September 2006): 522–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500549.

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Raina, Vinod. "Political diversity, common purpose: social movements in India." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 5, no. 2 (August 2004): 320–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1464937042000236775.

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T.V., Venkateswaran. "‘Science for social revolution’: People’s Science Movements and democratizing science in India." Journal of Science Communication 19, no. 06 (November 24, 2020): C08. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.19060308.

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Often, new social movements engaged with science and society are characterised as contesting objectivity; the neutrality of modern science seeking to legitimise ‘lay perspectives’. It has been an article of faith among scholars to view third world movements as anti-science, anti-modernity and post-developmentalist. This commentary describes ideological framework, modes of action and organisation of the All India People’s Science Network (AIPSN), one of the People’s science movement (PSMs) active for more than the past four decades. They dispute the dominant development trajectory and science and technology-related policies for reinforcing the existing inequities. Nevertheless, they see ‘science’ as a powerful ally for realising their radical emancipatory vision of ‘science for social revolution’. Mobilising ‘science activists’ as unique alternate communicators, they strive for lay-expert collaboration. The canonical framing of third world social movements as postcolonial and anti-modern does not capture this unique case from India. Further studies are required to tease out such strands of social movements elsewhere.

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Deveaux, Monique. "Poor-Led Social Movements and Global Justice." Political Theory 46, no. 5 (May 21, 2018): 698–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591718776938.

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Political philosophers’ prescriptions for poverty alleviation have overlooked the importance of social movements led by, and for, the poor in the global South. I argue that these movements are normatively and politically significant for poverty reduction strategies and global justice generally. While often excluded from formal political processes, organized poor communities nonetheless lay the groundwork for more radical, pro-poor forms of change through their grassroots resistance and organizing. Poor-led social movements politicize poverty by insisting that, fundamentally, it is caused by social relations of power that exploit and subordinate poor populations. These movements and their organizations also develop the collective capabilities of poor communities in ways that help them to contest the structures and processes that perpetuate their needs deprivation. I illustrate these contributions through a discussion of the Landless Rural Worker’s Movement in Brazil (the MST), a poor mobilization organization in Bangladesh (Nijera Kori), and the slum and pavement dweller movement in India. Global justice theorizing about poverty cannot just “add on” the contributions of such struggles to existing analyses of, and remedies for, poverty, however; rather, we will need to shift to a relational approach to poverty in order to see the vital importance of organized poor communities to transformative, poor-centered poverty reduction.

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Crist, John T., and Ghanshyam Shah. "Social Movements in India: A Review of the Literature." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 5 (September 1992): 685. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075562.

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Nilsen, Alf Gunvald. "On New Social Movements and ‘The Reinvention of India’." Forum for Development Studies 34, no. 2 (December 2007): 271–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2007.9666380.

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Majumdar, Rochona. "Subaltern Studiesas a History of Social Movements in India." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (February 24, 2015): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2014.987338.

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Kapoor, Dip. "Environmental popular education and indigenous social movements in India." New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education 2003, no. 99 (2003): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ace.109.

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Routledge, P. "Space, Mobility, and Collective Action: India's Naxalite Movement." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, no. 12 (December 1997): 2165–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a292165.

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Contemporary theories of social movements have failed adequately to address the spatiality of collective action. I argue that an analysis of collective action that pays due attention to the spatiality of movement practice can provide an important complement to social movement theories. This spatiality of social movement agency involves an analysis of how spatial processes and relations across a variety of scales, as well as the particularities of specific places, influence the character and emergence of social movements, and how social movements use space strategically. Using the notions of locale, location, and sense of place as an interpretive framework I argue that a spatialized analysis of conflict provides important insights into social movement experience. First, it informs us of the broader spatial context within which social movements are located; second, it informs us of the spatial and cultural specificity of movements; third, it informs us of the cultural expressions of social movement agency; and, fourth, it informs us of how the strategic use of space may constrain or enable collective action. I contextualize these arguments by analyzing the Maoist insurgency of the Naxalite movement, which first emerged in India during the late 1960s.

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MAJUMDAR, ROCHONA. "Debating Radical Cinema: A History of the Film Society Movement in India." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (November 18, 2011): 731–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000710.

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AbstractThis paper offers a history of the creation and development of film societies in India from 1947 to 1980. Members of the film society movement consisted of important Indian film directors such as Satyajit Ray, Ritwik Ghatak, Shyam Benegal, Basu Chatterji, Mani Kaul, G. Aravindan, Kumar Shahani, Adoor Gopalkrishnan, and Mrinal Sen, as well as film enthusiasts, numbering about 100,000 by 1980. The movement, confined though it was to members who considered themselves film aficionados, was propelled by debates similar to those that animated left-oriented cultural movements which originated in late colonial India, namely, the Progressive Writers Association in 1936, and the Indian People's Theatre Association in 1942. By looking at the film society movement as an early and sustained attempt at civil-social organization in postcolonial India, this paper highlights the two distinct definitions of ‘good cinema’—from an aesthetically sophisticated product to a radical political text—that were debated during the time of the movement.

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Das, Lalatendu Keshari. "Social Movements– Judicial Activism Nexus and Neoliberal Transformation in India: Revisiting Save Chilika Movement." Sociological Bulletin 67, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 84–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022917751979.

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Both the supporters and distractors of ‘social movements–judicial activism nexus’ project litigation strategies as the greatest challenge to neoliberal transformation in India. This fieldwork-based study on shrimp cultivation in Chilika Lake shows otherwise. By historically situating the developments in Chilika, it shows that in case of unpopular economic policies during the neoliberal period, the judiciary and other state agencies follow a revolving-door strategy and continuously externalise the problematic of resource conflicts by creating a regime of blame-avoidance. This regime nullifies the unity of the communities fighting dispossession by reducing the social movements to immediate livelihood concerns of the masses.

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PARTHASARATHI and Grishma KUMARI. "The Role and Impact of Social Media on Online Social Movements: An Analysis of ‘ALS Ice Bucket Challenge’ in India." Journal of Media Research 14, no. 1 (39) (March 15, 2021): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/jmr.39.7.

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Online social movements have taken root and flourished in the last decade due to online communication networks attributed to Social media. In this paper, the mixed-method approach is utilized for qualita- tive and quantitative analysis to investigate the efficacy of social media in propounding the outcome of online social movements in India. Further, several factors which have a definite impact on the outcomes of such online social movements are highlighted. This study concludes that online social media campaigns can be viewed as an extension of ‘social norms media campaigns’. Further, it establishes that the internet penetration in India coupled with ‘online peer pressure’ accompanying such movements has ef- fectively aroused the consciousness of users towards such campaigns. It also highlights the alteration in the process of diffusion of ideas in society due to the advent of social media platforms.

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Sarker, Kanchan. "Social movements in india: From institutional politics to participatory democracy." Journal of Politics and Governance 7, no. 2 (2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2456-8023.2018.00006.2.

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Kapoor, Dip. "Book Review: Social Movements in India: Poverty, Power and Politics." Journal of Asian and African Studies 40, no. 6 (December 2005): 486–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190960504000607.

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Nepal, Padam. "How Movements Move? Evaluating the Role of Ideology and Leadership in Environmental Movement Dynamics in India with Special Reference to the Narmada Bachao Andolan." Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment 4 (May 24, 2009): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v4i0.1821.

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Lawrence Cox (1999) has argued that the established perspectives on social movements operate with an inadequately narrow conception of the ‘object’ that is being studied and thus tends to ‘reify’ “movements” as usual activity against essentially static backgrounds, and in its place, he advocates a concept of social movement as the more or less developed articulation of situated rationalities. Following Cox, therefore, the present study perceives social movements as articulations of situated rationalities by perceiving them as a tactical, dialectical response to the harsh realities of the political system. This would help us capture the essential dynamic and transformative aspects of the movement. Any social movement, and for that matter, environmental movements are characterized by the presence of agencies and structural components, which, however, are not a priori and static. They are rather dynamic and get changed and transformed in the course of the movement. Precisely for this reason, the environmental movements can at best be comprehended by way of locating and analyzing the dynamism and transformations of the movements produced by the dialectical interaction of the various components and parameters of the movement over a span of time. Hence, the present paper aims to evaluate the dynamics and transformations of the environmental movements in India, taking the case of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, and, adopting a strategic relational approach within the agent-structure framework as its framework of analysis. For the present purpose, however, we have taken only two variables, namely, Ideology and Leadership and attempted the analysis of their contributions in producing movement dynamics.Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment Issue No. 4, January, 2009 Page 24-29

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KHODAY, KISHAN, and USHA NATARAJAN. "Fairness and International Environmental Law from Below: Social Movements and Legal Transformation in India." Leiden Journal of International Law 25, no. 2 (May 2, 2012): 415–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156512000118.

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AbstractThis article considers fairness in international environmental law (IEL) in light of the convergence of two contemporary phenomena: the rise of social movements and the increasing power of large developing countries. These two trends will be determinative for the future of IEL. They have brought issues of fairness, equity, and justice to the forefront of contemporary IEL debates. Despite inability to adequately address issues of fairness at the international level, as demonstrated by negotiating gridlock at international summits, IEL can evolve in more equitable directions through the influence of subaltern experiences. This article examines domestic law-reform efforts of Indian social movements, focusing particularly on indigenous movements responding to extractive industries, with a view to determining international implications. The way states such as India address environment-related conflict, respond to demands for fairness, and evolve domestic understandings of inclusive and sustainable law and development will increasingly shape IEL.

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Poonacha, Veena. "Scripting Women’s Studies: Neera Desai on Feminism, Feminist Movements and Struggles." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 25, no. 2 (May 20, 2018): 281–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521518765529.

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Neera Desai’s pioneering effort to introduce women’s studies into the university system was born out of her commitment to women’s equality. She visualized women’s studies as a movement within the academia to challenge the theoretical rationale for oppressive socio-economic and political institutions and structures. Seeking to excavate the intellectual and ideological moorings of this remarkable woman, this paper reviews her last major work, titled, Feminism as Experience: Thoughts and Narratives (2006). The exploration reveals not only her academic interest in the study of movements, but also her intimate connect with the groundswells of feminist politics in India for over six decades. Against this rich and varied history of twentieth century Indian women’s movement in Western India, Neera Desai, presents the oral histories of women, who were in the forefront of the struggle. This paper, then examines her earlier work, entitled The Social Construction of Feminist Consciousness: A Study of Ideology and Self Awareness among Women Leader (1992) to uncover the changing frames of her research.

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Naik, Dr Manjushree Ganapathi. "Mainstream Media’s FRAMING of #METOO CAMPAIGN IN INDIA." Multidisciplinary Journal of Gender Studies 9, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/generos.2020.4902.

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The #metoo campaign became a worldwide phenomenon, through the tweet was made against the Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein by the actress Alyssa Milano on October 15, 2017. In India the campaign took off on October 7, 2018, when the actress Tanushree Dutta made serious allegations against the actor Nana Patekar, narrating her experiences while she was working with him in a film in 2008. The impact of the awareness created by #metoo campaign was such that well known personalities including the Union minister M J Akbar had to step down when the sexual harassment charges were leveled against them.In the backdrop of all these incidents, the study analyses the role of India media in framing of #metoo movements in India. The research paper analyses Indian news media’s coverage of this social media movement. The study focuses on the analyses of 40 news articles in two major national dailies in India.

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Shah, Nirali. "The political economy of branding: khadi, colonialism and Indian nationhood." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 10, no. 3 (August 20, 2018): 197–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-06-2017-0035.

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Purpose This paper aims to provide an understanding of how brands acquire meanings in a historical context. It examines the politico-economic environment that led to emergence of khadi in India. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses historical data to examine political economy of khadi. The author uses both written text and visuals for data collection and analysis. Findings It elucidates how the significance of khadi changed from being a mere cloth to a product of self-sufficiency and national importance in India’s freedom movement. This work is based on the analysis of Gandhian activities, especially consumption of khadi and usage of spinning wheel, during Indian freedom movement. The work analyzes the evolution of khadi in its historical, social and political context in colonial India. This paper reveals how and why brands acquire certain historical meanings. Research limitations/implications The paper is developed in colonial India. Originality/value This paper examines the role of institutions, social and political movements in the creation, development and nurturing of a brand and its meanings.

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Borde, Radhika, and Elisabet Dueholm Rasch. "Internationalized Framing in Social Movements against Mining in India and the Philippines." Journal of Developing Societies 34, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x18767504.

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There are several documented cases of indigenous peoples’ conflicts with mining companies, often for the reason that the land planned for mining is sacred or culturally significant to them. This article presents a comparative analysis of two specific anti-mining social movements in India and the Philippines that combined an emphasis on environmental protection with an emphasis on indigenous cultural rights. We show how the emphasis on indigeneity in these social movements played itself out in relation to globalized frames, as well as the other frames within which the movements were also situated.

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Oomen, T. K., and Gail Omvedt. "Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 6 (November 1994): 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076044.

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Gorringe, Hugo. "Staking claims: the politics of social movements in contemporary rural India." Contemporary South Asia 25, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2017.1362204.

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Aiyar, Sana. "EMPIRE, RACE AND THE INDIANS IN COLONIAL KENYA'S CONTESTED PUBLIC POLITICAL SPHERE, 1919–1923." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 132–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000070.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the connection between three political movements that broke out amongst Africans and Indians within the public political realm across the Indian Ocean – the Khilafat/non-cooperation movement initiated by Gandhi in India between 1919 and 1922, the ‘quest for equality’ with European settlers amongst Indians in Kenya from 1910 to 1923, and the anti-settler movement launched by Harry Thuku in protest against unfair labour ordinances between 1921 and 1922. Moving away from the racial and territorial boundaries of South Asian and Kenyan historiographies, it uses the Indian Ocean realm – a space of economic, social and political interaction – as its paradigm of analysis. A variety of primary sources from archives in Kenya, India and Britain have been studied to uncover a connected, interregional history of politics, race and empire. In an attempt to highlight the importance of the Indian Ocean realm in understanding the interracial and interregional concerns that shaped the political imaginary of Indians and Africans in Kenya, the article reveals the emergence of a shared public political space across the Indian Ocean that was deeply contested.

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Vanderbok, William, and Richard Sisson. "Parties and Electorates from Raj to Swaraj: An Historical Analysis of Electoral Behavior in Late Colonial and Early Independent India." Social Science History 12, no. 2 (1988): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016084.

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Fascination with elite recruitment, ideology, and political strategy in the Indian nationalist movement has given rise to a wide range of scholarly studies about these phenomena. An extraordinarily rich literature has also developed dealing with provincial political movements during both the nationalist and postindependence periods. More recently a literature concerning local, “peoples’” history has started to develop and flourish, the most influential genre being the self-styled subaltern studies (see Guha, 1984–86; also Guha, 1983). Missing in the historiography of this vast and complex region are studies of those institutions that constituted the core of successive nationalist demands made for political reform—elections and representative institutions. Our study is a preliminary venture into the world of elections to provincial legislative institutions in late colonial and early independent India. The place of elections is not only important in understanding the decolonization process in India; it is of broad comparative interest in enhancing understanding of the democratization of regimes.

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Poulose, Sarah, and Lakshmi Rajagopalan. "The Naxalite Movements in India: Is it a Lost Cause." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences: Annual Review 2, no. 3 (2007): 325–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/cgp/v02i03/52299.

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Bansode, Rupali. "The missing dalit women in testimonies of #MeToo sexual violence: Learnings for social movements." Contributions to Indian Sociology 54, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0069966719885563.

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While the #MeToo movement inspired many women to share their stories of sexual harassment on social media, the impact of the movement in India remains limited as it did not reflect the voices of subjects who have been historically marginalised. This note discusses the ways in which the erasure of dalit women’s testimonies of sexual violence happens by reflecting on a few central aspects of Satyabhama’s case, a victim/survivor of a caste-based incident of sexual violence in Maharashtra. It argues the relevance and importance of dalit women’s testimonies of sexual violence, which have been overlooked, for strengthening both the feminist and the dalit movements.

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Chaudhury, Sukant K. "Book review: Anindita Chakrabarati, Faith and Social Movements: Religious Reform in Contemporary India." Sociological Bulletin 68, no. 3 (December 2019): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022919876433.

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Rayaprol, Aparna, and Sawmya Ray. "Understanding Gender Justice." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 17, no. 3 (October 2010): 335–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152151001700302.

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The Indian Constitution is a woman-friendly document but institutionalised patriarchy in society at large has made it quite difficult to practice gender equality in courts. The women’s movements in India have been battling with the courts for more than three decades on issues related to various forms of violence against women in both public and private spheres. In this article, the focus is on understanding the perceptions of the lawyers who have been fighting cases related to gender justice as well as working towards changing the law itself. Feminist lawyers have been an integral part of the women’s movement in India and have helped achieve the passage of new laws. The study highlights the problems faced by lawyers and their sense of the challenges involved.

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Iyer, Deepa Kylasam. "Property Rights Through Social Movements: The Case of Plantations in Kerala, India." Journal of Land and Rural Studies 7, no. 2 (June 11, 2019): 152–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321024919844423.

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Globally, increased investor interest in land is confronting various types of political mobilisations from communities at the grassroots level. This article examines the case study of a land occupation movement called Chengara struggle in the largest corporate plantation in southern India. The movement is led by the historically dispossessed scheduled caste and scheduled tribe communities. The objective of the study is to understand the type of institutional transformation of property rights that the movement is calibrating. Institutional theory is used to determine the nature and direction of transformation using the framework of economic and political transaction costs. The article concludes that the central demand of the struggle for individual title deed has higher private gains for right-holders, but has overall negative gains for agricultural productivity. The article concludes that productivity-oriented demands to restructure land-use rights within plantations might converge in the land struggles of the future.

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Islam, Md Saidul, and Md Nazrul Islam. "“Environmentalism of the poor”: the Tipaimukh Dam, ecological disasters and environmental resistance beyond borders." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-016-0030-5.

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The Indian government recently resumed the construction of the Tipaimukh Dam on the Barak River just 1 km north of Bangladesh’s north-eastern border. The construction work was stalled in March 2007 in the wake of massive protests from within and outside India. Experts have argued that the Dam, when completed, would cause colossal disasters to Bangladesh and India, with the former being vastly affected: the Dam would virtually dry up the Surma and Kushiara, two important rivers for Bangladesh. Therefore, this controversial Dam project has generated immense public discontents leading to wider mass-movements in Bangladesh, India, and around the world. The movement has taken various forms, ranging from simple protests to a submission of a petition to the United Nations. Drawing on the “environmentalism of the poor” as a conceptual metaphor, the article examines this global movement to show how environmental resistance against the Tipaimukh Dam has transcended national borders and taken on a transnational form by examining such questions as: who is protesting, why, in what ways, and with what effects. In order to elucidate the impending social and ecological impacts, which would potentially disrupt communities in South Asia, the paper offers some pragmatic policy recommendations that also seek to augment social mobility in the region.

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Basu, Pratyusha. "SCALE, PLACE AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: STRATEGIES OF RESISTANCE ALONG INDIA’S NARMADA RIVER." REVISTA NERA, no. 16 (May 29, 2012): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.47946/rnera.v0i16.1367.

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This paper focuses on the struggles being waged by the Narmada Bachao Andolan, a rural social movement opposing displacement due to dams along India’s Narmada River. Building a comparison between two major anti-dam struggles within the Andolan, around the Sardar Sarovar and Maheshwar dams, this study seeks to show that multi-sited social movements pursue a variety of scale and place-based strategies and this multiplicity is key to the possibilities for progressive change that they embody. The paper highlights three aspects of the Andolan. First, the Andolan has successfully combined environmental networks and agricultural identities across the space of its struggle. The Andolan became internationally celebrated when its resistance led to the World Bank withdrawing funding for the Sardar Sarovar dam in 1993. This victory was viewed as a consequence of the Andolan’s successful utilization of transnational environmental networks. However, the Andolan has also intervened in agrarian politics within India and this role of the Andolan emerges when the struggle against the Maheshwar dam is considered. Second, this paper examines the role played by the Andolan in building a national movement against displacement. Given that India’s Supreme Court gave permission for the continued construction of the Sardar Sarovar dam in 2000, the power of the state to push through destructive development projects cannot be underestimated. The national level thus remains an important scale for the Andolan’s struggle leading to the formation of social movement networks and the construction of collective identities around experiences of rural and urban displacement. Third, this paper reflects on how common access to the Narmada river also provides a material basis for the formation of a collective identity, one which can be used to address the class divisions that characterize the Andolan’s membership. Overall, the paper aims to contribute to the study of social movements by showing how attachments to multiple geographies ensure that a movement’s potential futures always exceed the nature of its present forms of resistance.

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Pulla, Venkat, Neelmani Jaysawal, and Sudeshna Saha. "Challenges and Dilemmas of Civil Society movements in India." Asian Social Work and Policy Review 13, no. 2 (June 2019): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aswp.12167.

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Oishi, Takashi. "INDO-JAPAN COOPERATIVE VENTURES IN MATCH MANUFACTURING IN INDIA: MUSLIM MERCHANT NETWORKS IN AND BEYOND THE BENGAL BAY REGION 1900–1930." International Journal of Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (January 2004): 49–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591404000051.

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This paper discusses the role of Indian merchants, especially Muslims, in the match trade between Japan and India, and situates the cooperative ventures set up in the middle of the 1920s between Indian merchants and Japanese manufacturers in the context of the economy of the Bengal Bay region. Their inter-regional networks and partnerships were important not just for trade, but also for manufacturing based on the flow of technology, ideas, information, and natural resources. The paper also shows that such ventures unexpectedly caused conflicts with movements in India to promote domestic industry and with the logic of territorial nationalism that lay behind them.

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Smith, Peter J. "Nation, Civil Society and Social Movements: Essays in Political Sociology, and: Peasant Movements in Post-colonial India (review)." Canadian Journal of Sociology 31, no. 4 (2006): 542–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjs.2006.0075.

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Mandavkar, Dr Pavan. "Indian Dalit Literature Quest for Identity to Social Equality." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 3, no. 2 (March 16, 2016): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2015.321.

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India is one of the fastest growing countries in the world, yet, it is notorious for its rigid caste system. This paper examines the history of suppression, condition of the suppressed and origin of Dalit writings. It includes the study of movement and scope of Dalit literature. It is widely believed that all Dalit literary creations have their roots in the Ambedkarite thoughts. The paper also dissects the stark realities of Dalit and their commendable attempts to upraise socially. This literature shows dramatic accounts of socialpolitical experiences of Dalit community in the caste based society of India.It traces the conditions of the Indian social factors that surround the Dalits and their interactions with Dalits and non-Dalits. It explores how Dalit community struggled for equality and liberty. Due to strong Dalit movements as well as hammering on upper caste society through Dalit literature by writers and thinkers, and also by implementation of welfare schemes by Government, a positive approach toward equality is seen in social life of Dalit community nowadays. Discrimination on the basis of caste and gender are banned by law. This is a journey of oppressed from quest for identity to social equality through their literature.

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Crist, John T., and Paul Routledge. "Terrains of Resistance: Nonviolent Social Movements and the Contestation of Place in India." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 4 (July 1994): 544. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076385.

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Bonner, Philip L. "Migration, Urbanization and Urban Social Movements in Twentieth Century India and South Africa." Studies in History 20, no. 2 (August 2004): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/025764300402000203.

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Khan, Aasim, Sarayu Natarajan, and Sakshi Bhalla. "Climate Strikes in Millennial India: Social Capital and “On-Ground” Networks in Digital-First Movements." Communication, Culture and Critique 14, no. 3 (June 21, 2021): 518–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcab035.

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Abstract In September 2019, young people in India led a series of protest events, taking inspiration from a digital campaign for a series of Climate Strikes. Our article explores these events in the context of “millennial India,” particularly in terms of the networks that emerged in the course of climate action in two different regions. By using evidence from Delhi in the north and Bengaluru in the south, we also develop a comparative sociology of digital-first environmental movements and show how the significance of Twitter can only be understood in relation to the formations of social capital on the ground.

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Braga, Ruy Gomes, and Alexandre Guelerman. "Para além do eurocentrismo: reconstruindo a teoria das greves." Revista Mundos do Trabalho 13 (May 20, 2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1984-9222.2021.e76908.

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Tanabe, Akio. "Genealogies of the “Paika Rebellion”: Heterogeneities and Linkages." International Journal of Asian Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2020): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591420000157.

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AbstractThe “Paika Rebellion” of 1817 in Orissa, India has been depicted by colonial officers as a local disturbance caused by the dissatisfaction of one powerful individual deprived of traditional privileges who instigated the pāikas. The nationalist reconstruction has depicted the event as a popular freedom movement involving various castes and classes of Orissan society. This has culminated in a current move to declare the “Paika Rebellion” the First Indian War of Independence. I would like to suggest a third perspective, which focuses on the heterogeneities and linkages of the Rebellion. It is important to note that the “Paika Rebellion” was a meeting point of plural genealogies: “tribal” revolts to protect autonomy, “peasant” resistance to secure livelihood, restorative attempts by the traditional landed class, and ruling class efforts to defend and expand authority. Appreciating the plural genealogies of the Rebellion leads to more perceptive understandings of the heterogeneous characteristics of popular movements and their aftermaths in modern India. Lastly, in order to go beyond colonial and dominant-caste centred perspectives, I propose that we name it the “Orissa Uprising of 1817”.

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Baviskar, Amita. "Nation’s body, river’s pulse: Narratives of anti-dam politics in India." Thesis Eleven 150, no. 1 (January 17, 2019): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618822417.

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In the 1990s, social movements against large dams in India were celebrated for crafting a powerful challenge to dominant policies of development. These grounded struggles were acclaimed for their critique of capitalist industrialization and their advocacy for an alternative model of socially just and ecologically sustainable development. Twenty years later, as large dams continue to be built, their critics have shifted the battle off the streets to new arenas – to courts and government committees, in particular – and switched to a techno-managerial discourse of maintaining river health. What accounts for this change? This article traces the trajectory of cultural politics around Indian rivers within the larger imagination of the nation, the rise of economic liberalization and Hindu nationalism, and the emergence of environmental bureaucracies. It argues that, alongside being shaped by this context, current anti-dam campaigns also contend with the legacy of earlier social movements, their gains as well as losses. This political field has narrowed the potential for radical critique, large-scale collective mobilization and, ultimately, keeping rivers alive.

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Jagtap, Radhika. "Resistance through Utopia: Reflections on the Niyamgiri Anti-Mining Movement and International Law." Volume 60 · 2017 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 393–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.60.1.393.

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There is some significance attached to the role that local-level collective action plays in reimagining global structures like international law. A theoretical assessment of this idea could be done through a merger between the utopian analysis of international law and critical approaches to the discipline which now identify categories like social movements as contemporary modes of transformation. Social movements like the ‘Save Niyamgiri’ movement in India could be seen as a local level catalyst for rethinking, restructuring, and resisting mainstream international law. The paper intends to place the Dongria peoples’ narratives as a utopia of resistance. This utopia is a collective of epistemologies that emanate from their imagination and spirituality, making critical statements on the global politics that favour dystopian versions of domestic and international law. The paper looks into the way the Dongria peoples’ imagination was received and recognised by institutions including the Supreme Court of India and other civil society actors which led to the successful internationalisation of the movement. It develops a sense of the need for international law to look into the local mobilisations surrounding anti-mining resistance and politics of forest rights and concludes with the contention that a transformation of international law also means the redefining of the human condition.

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McDougal, Topher. "Law of the Landless: The Dalit Bid for Land Redistribution in Gujarat, India." Law and Development Review 4, no. 1 (August 19, 2011): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1943-3867.1127.

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Tenuous land access contributes to food and livelihood insecurity, and fuels conflicts in many rural societies. In such cases, the ability of government legal institutions to structure and ultimately transform the conflict depends not just on the adoption of laws favorable to progressive land redistribution, but also the effective implementation of those laws in the face of elite influence in local government. This paper presents a case study of an identity-based social movement for Outcastes in India (the Navsarjan Trust) struggling to bring about the successful implementation of land redistribution laws in Gujarat, India. I contend the Dalit land movement recognizes outcomes of state policy as products of caste struggles within a nested hierarchy of local government institutions. I argue Navsarjan’s strategy is to modify the strength of links between levels in this hierarchy in order to produce favorable results for the Dalit land rights movement. This strategy explodes the myth of human rights movements as necessarily antagonistic to government function, portraying government rather as a framework that structures social struggle.

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Poruthiyil, Prabhir Vishnu. "Religious Ethics: An Antidote for Religious Nationalism." Business & Society 59, no. 5 (December 12, 2017): 1035–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650317745635.

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Social movements driven by a combination of religious nationalism and economic fundamentalism are globally grabbing the levers of political, economic, and intellectual control. The consequence is a policy climate premised on polarization in which inequality and destruction of the natural environment are condoned. This creates demands on key academic institutions like business schools, with stakeholders who are complicit in the sustenance of these social movements. Scholars in these schools have an opportunity to respond through curricula that facilitate reflection on the ideological preferences of such groups under their influence. However, stakeholders influenced by religious nationalism tend to reject the premises of liberal secular vocabulary as elitist or alien and hence suspicious. This article considers a teaching strategy to instill values of equality and respect for nature among the stakeholders by grounding curriculums in the tenets of the same religion valorized by the social movements. The consequences of such a strategy is discussed through its application to the business curriculums taught in India, where a regressive social movement with totalitarian pretensions— Hindutva—combined with neoliberalism has secured unparalleled power. Elements of this strategy could inform educators in other democratic societies facing similar challenges.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Social movements – India'

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